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東協對歐盟(體)政策之研究 / ASEAN's policy towards EU盧業中, Lu, Yeh-Chung Unknown Date (has links)
東南亞國家自十五世紀以來即置於歐洲列強統治之下。第二次世界大戰結束,同時對東南亞與歐洲之發展造成影響。東南亞各國於二次大戰期間,逐漸經由民族自覺形成區域主義,終於在一九六七年建立「東南亞國家協會」(ASEAN,以下簡稱東協);歐洲各國則基於經濟合作之考量而逐步建立「歐洲共同體」(EC,以下簡稱歐體)。
經由東方歷史薰陶與村莊文化,尤其是馬來文化中協商討論與共識的影響,形成東協於國際組織中特殊之共識決外交政策,並以一致之立場反映於國際間。歐體發展較早且組織亦較東協成熟,惟各國基於本身利益之考量,對於國際議題往往意見相左,使歐體於國際間之團結程度反而不若東協。
一九七二年開始,東協與歐體雙方展開接觸,東協需要來自歐體之經貿優惠、技術轉讓、合作開發與政治支持,歐體則需要來自東協提供之原料與市場,雙方基於實際利益考量而進行合作是相當自然的,彼此於一九七八年正式展開部長級會議並於一九八零年簽訂合作協定。此後,雙方將合作範疇逐步擴大,並針對多項國際議題進行具體合作。
冷戰結束後,國際局勢有新的發展,東協與歐體皆有擴增,歐體進一步發展成「歐洲聯盟」(EU,以下簡稱歐盟),東協亦朝向十國組織邁進,彼此合作更為密切,亦促成兩次「亞歐高峰會」(ASEM)之召開。但雙方亦因緬甸之加入東協與東帝汶等人權議題產生歧見。
整體而言,東協對歐盟之政策係以彼此共識為基礎,以整體立場對歐盟尋求最大利益。展望未來,東協與歐盟之合作關係,將於現今基礎上繼續擴展其他包括安全面向之合作。 / Southeast Asia had been dominated by European Powers since 15thcntury until the second world war. After the second world war, thenewly independent states emerge in the southeast asia region, andASEAN was founded in 1967. ASEAN is famous of its decision-making process, well known as"common decision", every member's opinion must be heared by theothers, and "feelers technique" do help each other on understandingmutually. According to common interests, ASEAN and EC begin dialoguessince 1978, and signed an agreement on cooperation in 1980.
As the Cold War ended in 1990s, ASEAN and EC both expandedthemselves, and under the urges of both sides, the ASEM was held inBangkok and London 1996 and 1998, to get mutual understandings andto promote the common interests for bothsides. The most difference between ASEAN and EC is the human rights issue,especially on Burma and East Timor. Fortunately, ASEAN and EC will intense their cooperativerelationship in the foreseenable future.
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Regional integration processes: Four studies about convergence, growth and monitoring tools / Regionale Integrationsprozesse: Vier Studien zu Konvergenz, Wachstum und Monitoring InstrumentenSperlich, Yvonne 17 June 2010 (has links)
No description available.
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Understanding the East Asian Peace : Informal and formal conflict prevention and peacebuilding in the Taiwan Strait, the Korean Peninsula, and the South China Sea 1990-2008Weissmann, Mikael January 2009 (has links)
The overall purpose of this dissertation is to provide an empirical study of the post-Cold War EastAsian security setting, with the aim of understanding why there is an East Asian peace. The EastAsian peace exists in a region with a history of militarised conflicts, home to many of the world'slongest ongoing militarised problems and a number of unresolved critical flashpoints. Thus, thepost-Cold War East Asian inter-state peace is a paradox. Despite being a region predicted to be ripefor conflict, there have not only been less wars than expected, but the region also shows severalsigns of a development towards a more durable peace. The dominant research paradigm –neorealism – has painted a gloomy picture of post-Cold War East Asia, with perpetual conflictsdominating the predictions. Other mainstream international relations theories, too, fail to accountfully for the relative peace. One of the greatest problems for mainstream theories, is accounting forpeace given East Asia's lack of security organisations or other formalised conflict managementmechanisms. Given this paradox/problem, this dissertation sets out to ask "Why is there a relativepeace in the East Asian security setting despite an absence of security organisations or otherformalised mechanisms to prevent existing conflicts from escalating into violence?" In order to answer this question, the case of East Asian peace is approached by comparingthree embedded case studies within the region: the Taiwan issue, the South China Sea, and theKorean nuclear conflict. It explores the full range of informal and formal processes plus the ConflictPrevention and Peacebuilding Mechanisms (CPPBMs) that have been important for the creation ofa continuing relative peace in East Asia between 1990 and 2008. The study furthermore focuses onChina's role in the three cases, on an empirical basis consisting of interviews conducted with keypersons during more than 1.5 years fieldwork in China. The three cases show that informal processes exist, and that they have furthermore beenimportant for peace, both by preventing conflicts from escalating into war, and by buildingconditions for a stable longer-term peace. Their impact on the persistence of peace has been tracedto a range of different CPPBMs. Returning to the level of the East Asian case, a common feature ofmany of the identified processes is that they can be understood as aspects or manifestations of theEast Asian regionalisation process. Specifically, elite interactions (personal networks, track twodiplomacy), back-channel negotiations, economic interdependence and integration, and functionalcooperation have together with (China's acceptance of) multilateralism and institutionalisation (ofpeaceful relations) been of high importance for the relative peace. Whereas formalised conflictmanagement mechanisms and the U.S. presence have also contributed to peace, this dissertationshows their contribution to be much more limited.
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冷戰後中共周邊外交策略之研究-對東南亞區域戰略佈局之分析 / Research of Communist Party’s neighboring foreign policy and strategy after Cold War Era-Analysis of the strategy layout in the Southeast Asia region.王佩陸, Wang, Pci Lu Unknown Date (has links)
冷戰時期,東南亞區域發展受限於美蘇軍事力量的影響而互有對峙。直至21世紀初,隨著美、蘇兩國在東南亞部署的部分軍事力量移轉,加上中國大陸持續經濟成長與綜合國力的提升,使得在深化與東南亞周邊外交關係發展上,創造出有利條件,中共藉由經濟合作與軍事手段執行其在東南亞地區的睦鄰政策,以符合其在亞太地區周邊外交的戰略作為。
中共對東南亞國家周邊外交,主要係以政治和睦、經濟互利、安全互信等三個面向為基礎目標,試圖建構一個和平穩定的亞太周邊環境。首先在政治上,主要作法是強化與周邊國家政治關係,透過領導人出訪與各領域、各層級工作會議召開以及各國政治協定的簽署,全面提升與東南亞各國雙邊關係;其次在經濟上,主要在雙邊與多邊關係上加強與周邊國家的經濟合作,推動區域經濟一體化,並透過自由貿易區的計畫,次區域合作與經濟援助,強化在東南亞的影響力,藉成立「中國-東協自由貿易區」拉攏東協各國家;再者在安全上,加強解決與周邊國家解決在領土與領海主權上的爭議,與周邊國家建立雙邊軍事互信機制,參與多邊安全機制,如:參與「東協區域論壇」,及《東南亞友好合作條約》的加入等,藉以營造區域內負責任的大國形象。
中共在周邊外交戰略中,在東南亞區域議題是基於國家周邊安全與區域安全的考量,與中美大國關係的建立重要議題。在2009年美國總統歐巴馬上任之後,宣示美國「重返亞洲」企圖,並啟動多項亞太政策,著墨於區域多邊途徑,其政策亦正逐步落實中,美國對亞太區域發展影響力隨之增加。然而因美國在亞太長期的戰略影響力,重新關注東南亞地區,並以東南亞為軍事戰略重點,也使得中共在制訂對東南亞區域戰略過程與考量,須同時考慮美國影響因素的存在性。
同時,在中國大陸本身國家安全戰略考量之下與東南亞各國家合作,將有利於其國家整體發展與國家核心利益的維持,然中共在東南亞區域的整體戰略,同時牽動中共整體的周邊外交戰略。 / During the Cold War Era, the development of Southeast Asia region was limited and caused confrontations because of the influence of military power posed by Soviet-American arm race. Not until the beginning of 21st century, Soviet Union and United States’ transition of parts of military deployment in Southeast Asia region, couple with Chinese Communist Party’s (CCP) continual economic growth and developing overall national strength, have created favorable conditions for CCP in developing and deepening diplomatic relations within Southeast Asia region. Moreover, through economic cooperation and military means, CCP carries out neighborhood policy in accordance to its diplomatic strategy in Southeast Asia region.
CCP’s good neighbor foreign policy in Southeast Asia region mainly focuses on political harmony, economic common benefits as well as security and mutual-trust. All the above are fundamental goals in order to construct a peaceful and stable Asia-Pacific region. First, to start with politics, CCP strengthens political relations with neighboring countries through Key leader engagements, working conferences in all fields and levels as well as signing political agreements to enhance bilateral relationship among Southeast Asia countries. Second, followed by economics, in bilateral or multi-lateral economic cooperation with neighboring states, to promote regional economy integration and strengthen the CCP’s influence in Southeast Asia by plan of free trade area, sub-regional cooperation and assistance of economy. Also, CCP establishes ASEAN–China Free Trade Area (ACFTA) in order to win ASEAN over. Third, in terms of security, CCP endeavors to resolve territory and maritime territory disputes with neighboring countries, sets up a bilateral military mutual trust mechanism, and participates in a multi-lateral security mechanism. For instance, CCP’s participation as a member of ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF) and Treaty of Amity and Cooperation in Southeast Asia (TAC) is able to create an image as a responsible rising power in the region.
In CCP’s strategy of neighboring diplomacy, the issues are based on national and regional security in Southeast Asia region and how to built Sino-American relations. After the inauguration of Barack Obama in 2009, he declared the intention of pivot or rebalancing towards the Asia-Pacific region, and launched several Asia-Pacific policies describing the regional multilateral approach and gradually implementing policies as result of increasing of United States’ influence in Asia-Pacific region. However, the long-term strategic influence of United States of America in Asia, US’s pivot to Southeast Asia region, and military strategy focusing on Southeast Asia force CCP to consider the factors of influence of United States when CCP formulates Southeast Asia region strategies.
In the meantime, under the consideration of CCP’s national security strategy, to cooperate with Southeast Asia countries is beneficial CCP’s overall national development and in maintaining national essential interests. In short, CCP’s overall strategy in Southeast Asia affects its neighboring diplomatic strategies simultaneously.
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A expansão para o Oeste: a Parceria Transpacífica sob a perspectiva dos Estados Unidos / La expansión hacia el Oeste: el Acuerdo Transpacífico desde la perspectiva de los Estados UnidosSilva, Daniel Martins [UNESP] 17 May 2016 (has links)
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Previous issue date: 2016-05-17 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / Entre o fim do governo George W. Bush e o primeiro mandato do governo Barack Obama os Estados Unidos iniciou sua participação na Parceria Transpacífica (PTP). A fim de entender as motivações norte-americanas para este acordo regional de comércio, a dissertação trabalhou com a hipótese de que a evolução do novo regionalismo asiático, a partir dos anos 2000, teve um peso significativo na estratégia estadunidense de comércio. Destacam-se a ASEAN+3 e a ASEAN+6, grupos liderados pelo Japão e China para incrementar a integração econômica do Leste Asiático. Diante da emergência desta configuração, os Estados Unidos estiveram excluídos do processo. Para averiguar esta afirmação utilizamos a plataforma Inside Trade, entrevistas e notícias de jornais relevantes; arquivos da Casa Branca (relatórios dos principais órgãos decisórios e discursos); relatórios anuais e outros documentos do USTR; além de arquivos do Departamento de Estado (em especial do Escritório de Assuntos do Leste Asiático e Pacífico). A análise do material empírico revelou que o receio de exclusão dos Estados Unidos e da predominância da China como ator político no comércio intra-asiático foram questões frequentemente levantadas pelo empresariado e policy-makers da política comercial norte-americana. Além de circunstâncias regionais, o envolvimento dos Estados Unidos no acordo se explica pelo seu interesse em moldar as regras que conformam o regime global de comércio. Demonstramos que expandir a presença política do país na Ásia-Pacífico e constranger a emergência chinesa eram tarefas fundamentais para alcançar este objetivo. / Between the end of George W. Bush’s government and Barack Obama’s first term, the United States began its participation in Transpacific Partnership (TPP). In order to understand american motivation for this regional trade agreement, our hypothesis supported that new asian regionalism dynamics had a weight in US trade policy strategy. We highlitgh ASEAN+3 and ASEAN+6, groups leading for Japan and China to increase economic integration of East Asia. In this configuration, the United States had been excluded. Aiming to check this, we use the “Inside Trade” platform, interviews and news of important newspapers; the White House archives (reports of the main agencies and discourses); annual reports and other documents from USTR; also US Department of State’s archives (especially the Bureau of East Asian and Pacific Affairs). The empirical analysis reveal that fear of United States’ exclusion and the China’s predominance as political actor in intra-asian trade were often raised by business and policy makers of US trade policy. Beyond regional reasons, US envolvement is explained by its interest to shape the rules conforming global trade regime. We demonstrate that raising US political presence and constraining chinese emergence were fundamental tasks to achieve this goal.
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La contribution des techniques contractuelles à la promotion des investissements internationaux au Cambodge : l'exemple du contrat build-operate-transfer (BOT) / The contribution of contractual techniques to promote international investments in Cambodia : the case of build-operate-transfer (BOT) contractSieng, Pikol 19 December 2014 (has links)
Cette thèse propose une étude globale sur les contrats build-operate-transfer (BOT). Ils sont traités dans leurs aspects financiers, juridiques et contractuels. Les investissements dans les infrastructures publiques telles que les transports, l’eau, l’énergie constituent non seulement un outil de développement économique, mais aussi contribuent à l’amélioration des conditions de vie humaine. Mais, pour réaliser ces projets souvent de taille importante, le financement est un des principaux soucis des décideurs publics. En particulier, le Cambodge figure parmi les États à bas revenus. Les contraintes financières sont telles que l’État recourt de plus en plus au secteur privé, notamment par le biais des contrats BOT. Par cette technique, l’État peut cibler ses besoins spécifiques, tout en évitant le déficit budgétaire. En contrepartie, le secteur privé bénéficie d’un droit d’exploiter une infrastructure en cause pour une durée généralement longue pendant laquelle il rentabilise ses investissements.En se basant sur l’association des intérêts publics et privés, la mise en œuvre des contrats BOT nécessite un cadre juridique adéquate, sans lequel les intérêts publics pourraient être menacés, et cela pourrait être dissuasif pour la décision des investisseurs, notamment étrangers. / This thesis suggests a comprehensive study on the build-operate-transfer contracts (BOT). They are analysed in their financial, legal and contractual aspects.Investment in public infrastructure such as transport, water, energy is not only a tool for economic development, but also contributes to the improvement of human life’s conditions. However, to achieve these major projects, funding is a major concern of policy makers. In particular, Cambodia is among the States with low income. Financial constraints are such that the State resorts increasingly to the private sector, including through BOT contracts. By this technique, the State can target their specific needs, while avoiding the budget deficit. In return, the private sector has a right to operate the infrastructure in question for a period generally long during which it recovers its investments.Based on a combination of public and private interests, the implementation of BOT contracts requires a proper legal framework, without which public interests might be threatened, and that could be a deterrent for the decision of investors, especially foreigners.
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Crises régionales et développement institutionnel : le cas de l'ASEANGariépy, Mathieu January 2005 (has links)
Mémoire numérisé par la Direction des bibliothèques de l'Université de Montréal.
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Essays on an ASEAN Optimal Currency AreaWhittaker Huff, Kathryn J 17 December 2011 (has links)
Many regions of the world would like to replicate the financial and monetary integration of the European Monetary Union (EMU). Member countries of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) have shown an interest in such an arrangement. ASEAN is a political, cultural, and economic association that includes Brunei, Cambodia, Indonesia, Laos, Malaysia, Myanmar, the Philippines, Singapore, Thailand, and Vietnam. Many of these nations are experiencing rapid economic development while others are still relatively poor and under developed. As such, they appear to be an unlikely group for currency unification. Older studies suggest that multiple currency union groupings may be possible in the short run that could be unified into a whole at an unspecified time in the future. The issue has been studied for some time and appeared defunct with the onset of the Asian Financial Crisis. More than a decade has passed and another more global financial crisis has ensued leaving many Asian countries in better shape than their highly developed trading partners in the west. This leads to the need for further examination of the possible unification of some or all ASEAN members into a Regional Currency Arrangement.
This dissertation evaluates the readiness of the ASEAN nations for monetary union using data from the post Asian Financial Crisis period. Results of a formal G-PPP test show the area is an optimum currency area. Analysis of other criteria shows incredible diversity across the countries in the region that would make unification a challenge. Coordination of monetary policy would be most difficult given the variety of inflation rates and differences in depth of financial system development as explored in chapter 2. Trade has increased in the region leading to better linkages among economies but the data shows that reaching full integration of all countries by the 2020 deadline without disruptions in some economies may still be difficult.
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A iniciativa de Chiang Mai: alcances e limitações / The Chiang Mai initiative: reaches and limitationsScarano, Paulo Rogério 03 June 2011 (has links)
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Previous issue date: 2011-06-03 / The purpose of this work is to analyze the possibilities and limitations of the regional
financial arrangement called Chiang Mai Initiative (CMI); a agreement among the
Association of Southeast Asian Nations, Japan, China and South Korea (ASEAN+3),
whose aim is to supply temporary funds to any of its members in need, to face an
international context of high volatility of capital flows in which the lacking of proper
mechanisms to provide liquidity could result in crises that could go beyond the
boundaries of a particular nation. This interdisciplinary study, which shares topics with
the areas of International Relations and International Political Economy, is
fundamental to understand the scope and the difficulties involving regional financial
agreements among different countries that frequently compete with each other and
have a history of rivalry and territorial disputes. So the initial hypothesis about the
reaches and limitations of Chiang Mai Initiative is that they are a result of the financial
and economical interdependence, associated with the political differences between
the countries of the ASEAN+3. This work starts with a short review on the International
Monetary and Financial System and its institutions, particularly the role of the
International Monetary Fund (IMF), since the Bretton Woods agreements until the
current international financial architecture. It follows a discussion about how this
architecture may be associated with the Asiatic Crises of 1997-98, basing the analysis
on the vulnerability indicators of the countries affected by the crises and the actions
taken by the IMF. The discontentment concerning the procedures of the international
financial institutions favored the conditions necessary for the progress of the CMI.
Such progress will be approached based on the analysis of the documentation
produced at the ASEAN+3 Finance Ministers Meeting and the associated literature.
After discussed the CMI institutional characteristics, this work explores the degree of
economic integration between the countries of the region, using the data available by
the local governments and the international organizations like the IMF, the World Bank
and the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD). It is also
shown in this work that if in on hand the regional interdependence justifies a regional
financial arrangement like the CMI, on the other hand the absence of a clear regional
hegemony, the regional rivalries and a significant territorial disputes caused difficulties
to establish a regional cooperation environment. The large accumulation of
international reserves as a self protection mechanism among the East Asian nations
illustrates their suspicious regarding a regional collective solution / O objetivo do presente trabalho é analisar as possibilidades e as limitações do arranjo
financeiro regional denominado Iniciativa de Chiang Mai (CMI), acordado entre os
países da Associação das Nações do Sudeste Asiático, o Japão, a China e a Coréia
(ASEAN+3). Trata-se de uma iniciativa regional para fazer frente às necessidades
temporárias de divisas que um país-membro possa enfrentar, em um cenário
internacional de grande volatilidade no fluxo de capitais, em que a ausência de
mecanismos adequados e tempestivos de provisão de liquidez pode resultar em uma
crise com poder para ultrapassar as fronteiras da nação inicialmente atingida. O estudo
do tema, de caráter interdisciplinar entre as áreas de Relações Internacionais e da
Economia Política Internacional, é fundamental para que se possam compreender os
alcances e as dificuldades que envolvem um acordo para fornecimento de divisas entre
países muito diferentes, que frequentemente competem entre si, e que possuem um
histórico de rivalidades e disputas territoriais. Assim, parte-se da hipótese de que os
alcances e as limitações da CMI são dados pela interdependência econômicofinanceira
e pelas diferenças políticas entre os países associados à ASEAN+3. Para
realizar o presente trabalho, parte-se de uma breve revisão da literatura sobre o
Sistema Monetário e Financeiro Internacional e suas instituições, com ênfase no papel
do Fundo Monetário Internacional (FMI), dos acordos de Bretton Woods até a atual
configuração da arquitetura financeira internacional. Em seguida, o trabalho discute
como tal arquitetura pode ser associada à natureza da Crise Asiática de 1997-98,
analisando os indicadores de vulnerabilidade dos países afetados e a atuação do FMI.
Mostra, assim, que o descontentamento com o encaminhamento dado pela
institucionalidade financeira internacional criou o ambiente necessário para o avanço
da CMI. Tal avanço será retratado a partir da análise da documentação produzida nas
Reuniões dos Ministros das Finanças da ASEAN+3 e da literatura subsequente. Exposta
a institucionalidade da CMI, o trabalho parte para uma análise exploratória do grau de
integração econômica entre os países da região, a partir de dados disponibilizados
pelos governos locais e por organizações internacionais como o FMI, o Banco Mundial
e a Conferência das Nações Unidas para o Comércio e o Desenvolvimento (UNCTAD). O
trabalho mostra que, se por um lado o grau de interdependência regional justifica um
arranjo financeiro regional como a CMI, e sua institucionalização é evidência disso, por
outro lado, a inexistência de uma clara hegemonia na região, as rivalidades entre os
países e a existência de disputas territoriais importantes criam dificuldades para a
cooperação regional. O elevado acúmulo de reservas internacionais, como mecanismo
individual de autoproteção generalizado entre os países do Leste Asiático, ilustra sua
desconfiança em uma solução coletiva regional
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A iniciativa de Chiang Mai: alcances e limitações / The Chiang Mai initiative: reaches and limitationsScarano, Paulo Rogério 03 June 2011 (has links)
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Previous issue date: 2011-06-03 / The purpose of this work is to analyze the possibilities and limitations of the regional
financial arrangement called Chiang Mai Initiative (CMI); a agreement among the
Association of Southeast Asian Nations, Japan, China and South Korea (ASEAN+3),
whose aim is to supply temporary funds to any of its members in need, to face an
international context of high volatility of capital flows in which the lacking of proper
mechanisms to provide liquidity could result in crises that could go beyond the
boundaries of a particular nation. This interdisciplinary study, which shares topics with
the areas of International Relations and International Political Economy, is
fundamental to understand the scope and the difficulties involving regional financial
agreements among different countries that frequently compete with each other and
have a history of rivalry and territorial disputes. So the initial hypothesis about the
reaches and limitations of Chiang Mai Initiative is that they are a result of the financial
and economical interdependence, associated with the political differences between
the countries of the ASEAN+3. This work starts with a short review on the International
Monetary and Financial System and its institutions, particularly the role of the
International Monetary Fund (IMF), since the Bretton Woods agreements until the
current international financial architecture. It follows a discussion about how this
architecture may be associated with the Asiatic Crises of 1997-98, basing the analysis
on the vulnerability indicators of the countries affected by the crises and the actions
taken by the IMF. The discontentment concerning the procedures of the international
financial institutions favored the conditions necessary for the progress of the CMI.
Such progress will be approached based on the analysis of the documentation
produced at the ASEAN+3 Finance Ministers Meeting and the associated literature.
After discussed the CMI institutional characteristics, this work explores the degree of
economic integration between the countries of the region, using the data available by
the local governments and the international organizations like the IMF, the World Bank
and the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD). It is also
shown in this work that if in on hand the regional interdependence justifies a regional
financial arrangement like the CMI, on the other hand the absence of a clear regional
hegemony, the regional rivalries and a significant territorial disputes caused difficulties
to establish a regional cooperation environment. The large accumulation of
international reserves as a self protection mechanism among the East Asian nations
illustrates their suspicious regarding a regional collective solution / O objetivo do presente trabalho é analisar as possibilidades e as limitações do arranjo
financeiro regional denominado Iniciativa de Chiang Mai (CMI), acordado entre os
países da Associação das Nações do Sudeste Asiático, o Japão, a China e a Coréia
(ASEAN+3). Trata-se de uma iniciativa regional para fazer frente às necessidades
temporárias de divisas que um país-membro possa enfrentar, em um cenário
internacional de grande volatilidade no fluxo de capitais, em que a ausência de
mecanismos adequados e tempestivos de provisão de liquidez pode resultar em uma
crise com poder para ultrapassar as fronteiras da nação inicialmente atingida. O estudo
do tema, de caráter interdisciplinar entre as áreas de Relações Internacionais e da
Economia Política Internacional, é fundamental para que se possam compreender os
alcances e as dificuldades que envolvem um acordo para fornecimento de divisas entre
países muito diferentes, que frequentemente competem entre si, e que possuem um
histórico de rivalidades e disputas territoriais. Assim, parte-se da hipótese de que os
alcances e as limitações da CMI são dados pela interdependência econômicofinanceira
e pelas diferenças políticas entre os países associados à ASEAN+3. Para
realizar o presente trabalho, parte-se de uma breve revisão da literatura sobre o
Sistema Monetário e Financeiro Internacional e suas instituições, com ênfase no papel
do Fundo Monetário Internacional (FMI), dos acordos de Bretton Woods até a atual
configuração da arquitetura financeira internacional. Em seguida, o trabalho discute
como tal arquitetura pode ser associada à natureza da Crise Asiática de 1997-98,
analisando os indicadores de vulnerabilidade dos países afetados e a atuação do FMI.
Mostra, assim, que o descontentamento com o encaminhamento dado pela
institucionalidade financeira internacional criou o ambiente necessário para o avanço
da CMI. Tal avanço será retratado a partir da análise da documentação produzida nas
Reuniões dos Ministros das Finanças da ASEAN+3 e da literatura subsequente. Exposta
a institucionalidade da CMI, o trabalho parte para uma análise exploratória do grau de
integração econômica entre os países da região, a partir de dados disponibilizados
pelos governos locais e por organizações internacionais como o FMI, o Banco Mundial
e a Conferência das Nações Unidas para o Comércio e o Desenvolvimento (UNCTAD). O
trabalho mostra que, se por um lado o grau de interdependência regional justifica um
arranjo financeiro regional como a CMI, e sua institucionalização é evidência disso, por
outro lado, a inexistência de uma clara hegemonia na região, as rivalidades entre os
países e a existência de disputas territoriais importantes criam dificuldades para a
cooperação regional. O elevado acúmulo de reservas internacionais, como mecanismo
individual de autoproteção generalizado entre os países do Leste Asiático, ilustra sua
desconfiança em uma solução coletiva regional
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