Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:53:04Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Paulo Rogerio Scarano.pdf: 2048190 bytes, checksum: 33a0f06df2db79357f59f0dbab92aed9 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-06-03 / The purpose of this work is to analyze the possibilities and limitations of the regional financial arrangement called Chiang Mai Initiative (CMI); a agreement among the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, Japan, China and South Korea (ASEAN+3), whose aim is to supply temporary funds to any of its members in need, to face an international context of high volatility of capital flows in which the lacking of proper mechanisms to provide liquidity could result in crises that could go beyond the boundaries of a particular nation. This interdisciplinary study, which shares topics with the areas of International Relations and International Political Economy, is fundamental to understand the scope and the difficulties involving regional financial agreements among different countries that frequently compete with each other and have a history of rivalry and territorial disputes. So the initial hypothesis about the reaches and limitations of Chiang Mai Initiative is that they are a result of the financial and economical interdependence, associated with the political differences between the countries of the ASEAN+3. This work starts with a short review on the International Monetary and Financial System and its institutions, particularly the role of the International Monetary Fund (IMF), since the Bretton Woods agreements until the current international financial architecture. It follows a discussion about how this architecture may be associated with the Asiatic Crises of 1997-98, basing the analysis on the vulnerability indicators of the countries affected by the crises and the actions taken by the IMF. The discontentment concerning the procedures of the international financial institutions favored the conditions necessary for the progress of the CMI. Such progress will be approached based on the analysis of the documentation produced at the ASEAN+3 Finance Ministers Meeting and the associated literature. After discussed the CMI institutional characteristics, this work explores the degree of economic integration between the countries of the region, using the data available by the local governments and the international organizations like the IMF, the World Bank and the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD). It is also shown in this work that if in on hand the regional interdependence justifies a regional financial arrangement like the CMI, on the other hand the absence of a clear regional hegemony, the regional rivalries and a significant territorial disputes caused difficulties to establish a regional cooperation environment. The large accumulation of international reserves as a self protection mechanism among the East Asian nations illustrates their suspicious regarding a regional collective solution / O objetivo do presente trabalho é analisar as possibilidades e as limitações do arranjo financeiro regional denominado Iniciativa de Chiang Mai (CMI), acordado entre os países da Associação das Nações do Sudeste Asiático, o Japão, a China e a Coréia (ASEAN+3). Trata-se de uma iniciativa regional para fazer frente às necessidades temporárias de divisas que um país-membro possa enfrentar, em um cenário internacional de grande volatilidade no fluxo de capitais, em que a ausência de mecanismos adequados e tempestivos de provisão de liquidez pode resultar em uma crise com poder para ultrapassar as fronteiras da nação inicialmente atingida. O estudo do tema, de caráter interdisciplinar entre as áreas de Relações Internacionais e da Economia Política Internacional, é fundamental para que se possam compreender os alcances e as dificuldades que envolvem um acordo para fornecimento de divisas entre países muito diferentes, que frequentemente competem entre si, e que possuem um histórico de rivalidades e disputas territoriais. Assim, parte-se da hipótese de que os alcances e as limitações da CMI são dados pela interdependência econômicofinanceira e pelas diferenças políticas entre os países associados à ASEAN+3. Para realizar o presente trabalho, parte-se de uma breve revisão da literatura sobre o Sistema Monetário e Financeiro Internacional e suas instituições, com ênfase no papel do Fundo Monetário Internacional (FMI), dos acordos de Bretton Woods até a atual configuração da arquitetura financeira internacional. Em seguida, o trabalho discute como tal arquitetura pode ser associada à natureza da Crise Asiática de 1997-98, analisando os indicadores de vulnerabilidade dos países afetados e a atuação do FMI. Mostra, assim, que o descontentamento com o encaminhamento dado pela institucionalidade financeira internacional criou o ambiente necessário para o avanço da CMI. Tal avanço será retratado a partir da análise da documentação produzida nas Reuniões dos Ministros das Finanças da ASEAN+3 e da literatura subsequente. Exposta a institucionalidade da CMI, o trabalho parte para uma análise exploratória do grau de integração econômica entre os países da região, a partir de dados disponibilizados pelos governos locais e por organizações internacionais como o FMI, o Banco Mundial e a Conferência das Nações Unidas para o Comércio e o Desenvolvimento (UNCTAD). O trabalho mostra que, se por um lado o grau de interdependência regional justifica um arranjo financeiro regional como a CMI, e sua institucionalização é evidência disso, por outro lado, a inexistência de uma clara hegemonia na região, as rivalidades entre os países e a existência de disputas territoriais importantes criam dificuldades para a cooperação regional. O elevado acúmulo de reservas internacionais, como mecanismo individual de autoproteção generalizado entre os países do Leste Asiático, ilustra sua desconfiança em uma solução coletiva regional

Informed by, and seeking to contribute to, discussions about appropriate methodology (e.g. Holliday, 1994), my study as reported in this thesis was concerned with appropriacy of paradigms in TESOL (Teaching English to Speakers of Other Languages). It explored practitioner perspectives in Thai higher education (HE) in this era when English has become 'the' main international language for intercultural communication (IC). This linkage between English as an international language (EIL) and IC is evident in the strategy of the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) - of which Thailand was a founding member in 1967 - for greater economic, cultural and socio-political integration among its members. For practitioners like me, this regional strategic move in conjunction with Thai policies and curricular documentation raises questions about the appropriacy of the established practices of Teaching English as a Foreign Language (TEFL) in Thailand. My multi-method qualitative case study addressed such questions by exploring the perspectives of three Thai-national teachers of English working in a Thai public university regarding the purposes of, and assumptions underpinning, their teaching of English. As informed by an understanding of their perspectives, I then considered the possible influences which might have shaped these perspectives. The study identified the teachers' main purposes to be short-term, instrumental ones - i.e. for academic study and examination preparation purposes. As such, they tended not to attach much value to the teaching of the cultural dimension (i.e. the target culture of native English speakers [NESs], the students' home cultures and other cultures) or intercultural dimension (i.e. knowledge, skills and mindset needed for engaging people from differing cultural backgrounds). These purposes were underpinned by assumptions they held about the NES linguistic norms as testable norms in TEFL and Teaching English for Academic Purposes (TEAP). The teachers seemed unfamiliar with alternative paradigms - such as Teaching English as an International Language (TEIL) - that might align top-level policy statements and actual classroom practices. This unfamiliarity suggests the inadequacy of the teachers' educational and professional development experiences. The influences from their institution such as exams-oriented and English-medium academic agendas also had repercussions for the teachers' perspectives. Stepping back from the teachers' perspectives, my study suggested discourse inconsistencies across Thai HE regarding paradigms and purposes of TESOL. This situation is unhelpful vis-à-vis the ASEAN foregrounding of EIL for IC, and the consequent need, through TESOL, to prepare Thai students to engage in IC with people within and beyond ASEAN. My study has implications for a direction of change for TESOL in the Thai HE and possibly for similar contexts elsewhere. It offers some suggestions about teacher education that can be supportive of reorienting TESOL towards appropriate and purposeful paradigms.

The presented study is an analysis of the regional integration process of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations ASEAN utilizing theories of international relations and integration. The dissertation studies the factors which contributed to its formation, evolution and transformation and the perspectives of its further development. ASEAN was established by virtue of Bangkok Declaration signed on August 8, 1967 among Indonesia, Malaysia, Philippines, Singapore and Thailand. Subsequently Brunei joined the Association in 1984, Vietnam 1995, Laos and Myanmar 1997 and Cambodia 1999. ASEAN's formation falls within the process of creating of regional organizations after World War II, a period of the biggest development of the institutionalization of the international cooperation. Association was based on relatively free and voluntary cooperation and political declarations. With the end of Cold War and bipolarity, with the defeat of communism and the advent of political and economic reforms in the former socialist bloc ASEAN institutionally strengthened and transformed itself, expanded its membership and the decision to form ASEAN Free Trade Area AFTA in 1992 and the Treaty on the Common Effective Preferential Tariffs shifted Association from the stage of cooperation to integration. ASEAN becomes an international organization (based on international legal agreement with the objectives, principles, internal structure etc.) through the adoption of the Charter in 2008. The Charter is the symbol of the transition process from voluntary cooperation based on political declarations to creation of an intergovernmental organization with international legal personality and legal contractual basis for community building, to strengthen the norms and principles. ASEAN has functioned over 40 years based on personal, very frequent and regular contacts between the key elites (who have significantly contributed to its creation and development), as a grouping of common practice and an emerging common identity. It is a form of intergovernmental cooperation, where member states have exclusive position in the decision process; there are no supranational institutions that would have exclusive powers. ASEAN is the initiator of the development of regionalism in Asia, a considerable number of international structures, inter-and trans-regional contacts, forums and programs. Its activities after the Cold War fall into the framework of the new regionalism The thesis tries to point out possible perspectives for its future path, especially in connection to recently born special cooperation ASEAN+3 (China, Republic of Korea, Japan) and plans for building of East Asian Community (ASEAN+3, Australia, New Zealand, India) and its Free Trade Area. Basic characteristics of ASEAN integration process: it takes place in Southeast Asia, it is a process and a state, it consists of economic, political, security, social and cultural part, the emphasis is on economic affairs, its origin is in the postwar period, the main actors are the states and their elites (from the 90's NGO's, think-tanks and civil society become active creating a broad network of socio-cultural relations and interactions), integration expands by the process of ASEAN +3 and EAS, there is a spillover effect within and outside ASEAN, integration process is gradually evolving from a lower to a higher level. Carried out research has its limitations, since it is impossible to generalize the results and formulate a clear assessment of the large international complex, the information is always limited and the social process is miscellaneous. Well-known is the fact that political elites do not act according to the theories, which they often do not know, but based on their own understanding of reality and interests of individual states, eventually groups of countries. No theory is able to explain fully the evolution of ASEAN, failing to capture reality in its full extent, and thus the prospects for the future are some speculations. From the theoretical examination of ASEAN I elect neofuncionalism, since ASEAN represents a process of empowerment, where elites play a crucial role; they share many values and objectives and contribute to the integration process. The rise of transactions in the regional grouping (trade, communication, exchange of ideas), gradually creates a sense of common identity, elites have closer contacts and their values are complementary. Southeast Asia should occupy an important place in the Czech Republic's foreign policy, taking advantage of traditional contacts with the region. Priority should be given to economic ties and active political involvement in the multilateral framework of ASEM, an important part of political dialogue should be question of human rights.

'Good governance' is an evolving and increasingly influential discursive agenda that introduces new ideas about public policy, specifically targeting managerial behaviour and promoting modern administrative strategies. Most scholars agree that as a notion, good governance combines liberal democratic principles with a 'new public management' (NPM) approach to economic policy-making. What is less clear is who the agenda actually targets. In other words, is the good governance agenda aimed at rulers in particular or the broader population? Implicit in the answer is whether good governance concepts are simply useful tools to help build political credibility, or the agents for better managerial and administrative outcomes. In countries with advanced economies, good governance is invariably used to describe corporate and public administration strategies that invoke ethically grounded 'World's best practice' standards and procedures. However, in developing economies, good governance can take on quite different, and often unintended meanings. This thesis finds that in developing countries good governance is being expressed more as a political tool than as substantive practice and policy reform. This is occurring in an increasingly 'post-Washington consensus' environment that explicitly recognises the importance of the social impact of structural adjustment programs and broader issues of human rights. And importantly as far as this thesis is concerned, during Southeast Asia's current economic recovery, good governance has taken on a whole new relevance. This analysis commences from the assumption that good governance is a discursively created phenomenon that can be understood as a complex notion with both structural and ideational elements. The term is couched in a structure that is both economically technical and socially normative. It has overlapping central tenets driven by regulation and the institutional environment, and should not be viewed as a set of constructs in isolation from the context in which it is being used. And it is based on assumptions about common sense attitudes and shared common good objectives. And as this thesis will demonstrate, good governance functions within an unpredictable and often hostile political environment in which powerful actors are learning to use this new discourse to satisfy political expediencies. Put simply, good governance is nourishing a politics of its own. The thesis uses the ASEAN 4 countries of Southeast Asia: the Philippines, Thailand, Malaysia and Indonesia, as individual and comparative case studies. The studies examine how the concept is shaping the institutional structure of these countries, and includes commentary on the role of good governance in the 2004 round of election campaigning. A genealogy of good governance will be developed in these local contexts, and more generally. This will assist in mapping the concept's evolution in relation to development trajectories and local politics. The hypothesis under examination is - that the good governance agendas in the ASEAN 4 states primarily focus on improving representative rule rather than encouraging self-regulation. Two questions in particular are asked in each of the case studies dor the purpose of testing this hypothesis. What defining features of good governance discourse have been instrumental in the emergence of the politics that surrounds the agenda, and how is the discourse used to expand or limit the democratic possibilities theoretically inherent in good governance strategies and processes? These questions are important because they're designed to bring clarity to the intent of government and the role that the governed play in states where good governance is an increasingly important political issue. Good governance is more than merely a set of prescribed policies and practices. It is an agenda that reflects a specific set of 'neoliberal' ideas, predicated upon generally unarticulated assumptions about the universality of modern administrative practices supported by normative behavioural change. And it appears to privilege specific interests with potentially unjust implications for wider social formations. This assertion pivots on the finding that in various ways good governance discourages the advancement of open politics beyond nominal democratic procedures because it is theoretically grounded on governance principles that are not easily transferred to developing countries with diverging political, cultural and historical experience. Nevertheless, the attempt is underway. Ostensibly it is taking a form that is schooling targeted populations in what is 'good' and 'bad' in the economic interest of the nation. However, these efforts don't appear to be succeeding, at least not in the way the international architects of good governance intended. This thesis finds that this 'mentality' transformation project is clearly informed by Western experience. And this informs the theoretical approach of the thesis. Specifically, a 'governmentality' framework is used, largely because it has been developed out of analyses of rationalities of government in advanced liberal societies, in which the objectives of good governance are firmly grounded. And as this expanding research program has seldom been used to study government in developing countries, this thesis also puts a case for using governmentality tools beyond the boundaries of its modern Western foundations.

諸多原因使東協成為區域主義成功典型的範例，但無疑的其中最大因素當歸功於柬埔寨問題造成的結果，柬埔寨的衝突使東協各國之間建立緊密的凝具力，為東協帶來區域主義的基礎，本文研究目的即運用歷史與文獻分析法，探討東協是如何群策群力，建立共識，首先予柬埔寨問題對東協之不利影響層面減免至最小，最後並化此危機為轉機，促使其得以早日解決，東協此等靈活婉轉的外交手腕，是在何種背景下孕育運用達成的，也是引起吾人興趣，撰寫本論文之動機所在。 　　緣於柬埔寨問題係歷經冷戰與後冷戰兩段時期，在不同國際環境，東協有著不同的因應對策，因此，本人遂大膽將東協對柬埔寨問題之政策區分為三個主要階段，第一階段為柬埔寨問題事起的一九七九年至一九八二年，此時期適逢美、蘇重新展開冷戰對立，配合此種情勢，東協尋求西方國家和中共的援助與越南從事強硬的外交對抗。第二階段為東協對柬政策的持續與轉變時期，從一九八三年至一九八五年止，此階段雙方仍呈現僵持敵對的局面，唯在對峙的背後，雙方出現若干彈性的作法。第三階段為一九八五年至一九九一年，柬埔寨問題邁向全面政治解決的僵局突破時期。據此分期架構，全文計分六章十八節，茲摘述如下： 　　第一章：緒論，概述本論文之研究動機、目的、範圍、方法及限制。 　　第二章：歸納凝具東協對共識之根源，分三節述之，為維護東協傳統之安全構想，地緣政治與骨牌效應之考量，及難民問題之嚴重衝擊等。 　　第三章：論述東協對柬問題之強硬政策，分析東協在何種國際背景下，展開外交出擊，其次說明東協外交運用實例與獲致之成果，再則剖析東協對柬政策之制約因素。 　　第四章：敘述東協對柬政策之第二階段持續與轉變時期。 　　第五章：柬僵局突破時期，為因應國際環境之劇變，東協於柬問題中扮演之角色與功能亦有變遷，本章即歸納影響東協角色變遷之因素，並回顧角色轉變後之政策作為。 　　第六章：結論與展望，將東協對柬政策作一評估，並由東協對柬政策的經驗中，展望東協於冷戰後時期如何因應與調整其安全政策。

本論文之結論如下： 1.台灣廠商在東協五國偏好採合資、獨資的策略型 態，而較不偏好採 國外銷售子公司、技術授權的型態。 (1) 台灣廠商 在東協五國的國際化過程與歐美學者所提出的國際化過程不同，歐美學者 所提出的國際化過程為漸近式之市場涉入過程，即出口→技術授權→國外 銷售子公司→國外生產子公司，但台灣廠商的國際化過程中卻以「出口→ 合資生產」、「出口→獨資生產」為多，即有”跳躍”之情形。 (2) 台 灣廠商在東協五國之市場進入策略不變遷者：對「出口」、 「國外銷 售子公司」、「合資生產」而言，不變遷之主要原因 為改變進入策略 的時機尚未成熟與對目前的營運狀況滿意，共 同理由為地主國基本設 施、供應商、銷售通路等狀況不佳。 (3) 台灣企業在東協五國進入策略 的變遷上，多由出口開始，而後 即採市場涉入程度相當大的合資與獨 資的型態。 2.東協五國市場進入策略的變遷與三項廠商特性： (1) 國際 經驗的移轉使廠商改採市場涉入程度大的策略型態。 (2) 公司規模越大 ，越會使廠商改採市場涉入程度大的策略型態。 (3) 公司國外收入比例 越高，越會使廠商改採市場涉入程度大的策略型態。 3.若一開始在地主 國之進入策略即為涉入程度大的「合資」與「獨資」的型態，則傾向的是 在地主國生產，再外銷到其他市場的考慮。 4.公司在地主國有計劃的從 事規劃與研究，評估投資機會，可使其跳 過漸近式國際化過程的某些階 段。

二次世界大戰結束後，以美國為首的民主國家採取長期的對蘇聯的社會主義國家圍堵不接觸的「冷戰」作為，此種兩極體系發展產生一種軍備競賽方式取代戰爭模式，1991年蘇聯共產體制瓦解，原已經於一九八九年宣告結束的東西「冷戰」正式結束，冷戰結束後，世界軍事格局脫離了兩極對峙，1978年鄧小平掌權後，判斷世界新形勢，修正社會主義路線，經濟上遂行改革開放政策，帶動了中共國力崛起。 崛起的中共在軍事上不斷現代化，威脅著南海爭議相關國家，同時也代表美國在亞洲的利益受到挑戰，中共近期將南海島礁主權列為國家重大利益，軍力部署轉向海洋及東南方，也使中國威脅論升高，導致東協部份國家紛紛加強軍備，增加亞太地區的不穩定性，促使東協國家引進美國力量介入。 美國持續在東亞地區透過雙邊同盟或軍事關係，維持美國的國家利益，美國第44任總統歐巴馬也以重返亞洲為國務外交重大政策，因此美國與中共兩國在亞洲地區的合作或競爭作為，未來將左右南海爭議走向，這也是南海問題複雜的原因。 南海領土主權爭議是二戰結束後，亞洲國家戰後紛紛掙脫殖民國控制，先後完成各種制度的國家獨立開始，另外1952年國際海洋法公佈領海及鄰接區公約，也喚起世界各海洋國家的重視，然而國際法著重現實主義立場，使得南海周邊各國莫不以島礁「先佔」（Occupation）的行為爭取國家利益。 本文以南海地區的情勢發展為基礎，探究中共與美國對南海的國家戰略，首先從國際海洋法論南海主權問題，接續再由政治外交、經濟貿易、軍事等戰略面向分析，最後比較兩個大國的戰略互動行為，以求更進一步認識南海問題。 / Since the end of WWII, the democratic countries which led by U.S. have been adopting a policy with isolating and encircling measures to against former USSR and its follower communist countries for more than 3 decades which known “Cold War”, instead of traditional warfare, the pattern of these two poles of the political bodies gradually developed another situation of armament competition, in 1991, the communist body of the Soviet has collapsed, it was also a formal declaration of the end of West-East confrontation which we called Cold War. Ever since the Cold War, the pattern of the military strategy has been changed, in 1978, under Deng, Xiao-Ping’ ruling, he re-aligned its original socialist route by judging reality of world environment and adopted open policies on the aspect of economy, this movement has caused China’s power rising. China’s rising continuously keeping PLA modernized militarily, that also caused significant threats to countries who involve the dispute of South China Sea issues, mean while, it represent that the U.S. interests in Asia have been challenged as well, China has claimed the sovereignty of isled of South China Sea as critical interests of PRC recently, the deployment of forces has been moved to south east of China and its coastal areas, this move has elevated the possibility which known as “theory of China’s threat” and relatively increased Pac-Asia regions unstable and caused armaments enforcement themselves, it also welcome US power involve by ASEAN. The US continuously intent to maintain it’ interests in South Asia through bi-lateral allies and military relations cooperation, the President Obama has announced that return to South Asia will be a significant policy for US, thus the competition between US and China in the area will affects the dispute among the countries and makes it more complex. The dispute of South China Sea sovereignty had started after WWII and countries which out of colonial controlled and had all their policies established, on the other hand, in 1952, the United Nations Convention on the Law of Sea (UNCLOS) issued has reminds and abstracts oceanic countries attention, however, international laws tend to reality, so that there is no country around the South China Sea without struggling for its own interests which by measure of pre-occupying isled on that. The context is base on the development of South China Sea as fundamentals so as to explore the strategies both US and PRC whom involved South China Sea disputes, first will start to discuss the problems of sovereignty base on international ocean laws, and then to discuss on analysis of various aspects such as political diplomacy, economic trade and military and will be wrapped up by the comparison of US-PRC on strategic interaction so as to make readers gain more understanding on the issues of South China Sea.

Ce travail a pour objectif d'analyser la réalité institutionnelle et économique de l'ASEAN+3, afin de qualifier le processus régional en cours et de déterminer s'il peut être considéré comme le regroupement référent de l'intégration régionale en Asie Orientale sur la période 1997-2007. La démarche adoptée est celle de la "complémentarité" entre les concepts de l'Economie Politique Internationale et les outils statistiques et économétriques de l'Economie Internationale. La crise asiatique est, dès lors, interprétée comme le révélateur d'un besoin de production d'un bien public régional : la stabilité monétaire et financière. La faillite du système international à satisfaire ce besoin pousse les pays de l'ASEAN+3 à en organiser la production sur une base régionale et sous la forme d'un régime régional. Se pose alors immanquablement la question de la distribution du pouvoir au sein de ce régime. Le concept de leader ainsi que les critères d'évaluation de ce statut montrent que ce régime repose sur un leadership bicéphale constitué de la Chine et du Japon. Les outils statistiques et économétriques de l'Economie Internationale (part du commerce intra-régional, indices d'intensité relative, taux de croissance et modèle de gravité) mettent en évidence la validité analytique de l'ASEAN+3 comme périmètre de régionalisation en Asie Orientale. Ces outils révèlent ainsi que la réalité institutionnelle en cours au sein de l'ASEAN+3 repose bien sur un processus de régionalisation. Ce travail permet donc de conclure que l'ASEAN+3 est désormais sur la voie d'une intégration régionale en profondeur. Il est donc le périmètre régional à retenir en Asie Orientale, sur la période 1997-2007.

With China¡¦s renaissance the most important factor for its good neighborhood policy is to shape multilateral regime. In this thesis the author is attempted to use the approach of neoliberal institutionalism examining how China uses regime to carry out its national interest. Furthermore, the cooperation between China and ASEAN on regional trade agreements, confidence building measures, nontraditional security area, as well as building of East Asian Community will be discussed. In parallel with this context how China and ASEAN use regime to maintain their own interest and to prevent each other going beyond the proportional profit will be analysed.

冷戰時期，蘇聯對印度支那半島政策的變化，是東南亞地區穩定的重要變數之一。蘇聯解體後，俄羅斯聯邦獨立，並且繼承原蘇聯所有的國際義務與權力。問題在於，在當代東南亞多元權力互動的格局中，俄羅斯在其間扮演何種角色？普丁政府在面臨國內外局勢變化之下，能否恢復俄羅斯（前蘇聯）在東南亞的國際政治利益？ 本文試圖透過地緣經濟分析途徑，來觀察冷戰後俄羅斯在普丁時期對東南亞政策之形成背景、主要內涵，以及互動關係。本文認為，隨著冷戰終結和亞太國際局勢之變化，亞太地區主要政治力量都在調整自身的政治、經濟、外交和安全戰略。為了保障區域安全、和平與穩定，東南亞國家加速東協整合及擴大的腳步，期望在政經及安全問題方面達成共識，並力求獲得區域事務的主導權和影響力。俄羅斯與東南亞諸國發展關係在於保障國家經濟利益的實現，進而追求在亞太地區中取得優勢地位，最終完成大國地位的目標。 首先，本文探討自蘇聯解體後俄羅斯獨立以來，俄羅斯外交思想、地緣戰略思想之演變與俄羅斯亞太政策的關係。同時，回顧蘇聯最後一任領導人戈巴契夫、俄羅斯前任總統葉爾欽及現任總統普丁亞太政策的變遷重點，旨在檢視俄羅斯對東南亞政策的歷史脈絡時，有比較清晰的政策變動觀點以供分析。 其次，本文討論俄羅斯（包括前蘇聯）與東南亞主要國家的雙邊關係，而以政治、經濟、軍事及文化等面向為分析層次，依次觀察和分析雙邊關係所呈現的特色和問題。研究分成俄羅斯與傳統邦交國和俄羅斯與美國盟國兩部份，分析雙邊關係合作的原因、過程、變動和影響。 最後，藉由回顧前蘇聯與東協關係的發展歷程，探討俄羅斯與東協國家之多邊政治對話、經貿及軍事關係，主要目的在瞭解普丁政府對東南亞地區各國間多邊關係之態度、立場及政策。 / During the cold war, Soviet involvement in Indochina Peninsula was one of the crucial factors which affected the political stability in Southeast Asia. After the disintegration of the Soviet Union, the Russian Federation gained independence and inherited all the privileges and obligations of the former Soviet Union in the international arena, but the situation in Indochina and Southeast Asia has changed a great deal. What role does Russia play in this important geopolitical region? Given the new domestic and international realities, will the Putin government regain the political interests and influence which the former Soviet Union once possessed in this region? Through geo-economic analysis, this thesis tries to explore the main contents of the Putin government's policy toward Southeast Asia, its formation background and the establishment of multi-lateral relationship with the major countries in this area. We observe that, with the end of the Cold War, and facing a different international situation, all the major political entities in SE Asia are making adjustments on the political and economic fronts, as well as in foreign and security policies. For the sake of regional security and stability, SE Asia countries have accelerated the expansion and integration of the ASEAN organization to secure its leadership in the regional affairs. From the Russian point of view, economy is no doubt a major factor which influences it policy formation in recent years. Starting from the pursuit of national economic interests, Russia also hopes to regain the status of a major player in this region, as the former Soviet Union once had. To start with, we study the evolution of Russian foreign policy and geopolitical thoughts and its relation to Russia's Asian Pacific policy. Also, we review the changes in the Asian pacific policies during the years of Gorbachov, Yeltsin, and Putin. The aim is to gain a clearer view of the factors which affected the making of the policies. Secondly, we discuss the bilateral relationships between the major countries of SE Asia and Russia (and also the former Soviet Union), which include political, economic, military, and cultural aspects. We try to extract the special features and problems in these bilateral relationships. This studies is divided into two parts, one includes countries which were traditional allies of the former Soviet Union, while the other includes countries which belonged to the opposite camp - aligned with the USA. We study the major driving factors and the historical steps which resulted in the establishment of full bilateral cooperation between Russia and various SE Asian countries. Finally, after a review of the relationship between the former Soviet Union and ASEAN, we investigate Russia's establishment of multi-lateral dialogue with ASEAN countries on political, economic, and military fronts. The aim is to understand the motive and policy of the Putin government in the area of multi-national cooperation in SE Asia.