Resumo não disponível

Resumo não disponível

Resumo não disponível

L’histoire de la pensée des signes se caractérise par une oscillation entre définition large et étroite de son objet. Le XVIIe siècle constitue par rapport à cette histoire une période charnière, marquée par la tendance à une conception particularisante du signe, qui exclut en particulier que les idées puissent être considérées sous cette notion. Mais ce retour ne se fait pas de façon homogène. C’est en effet à cette époque qu’apparaît, au sein de la scolastique tardive, un débat majeur autour de la définition du signe, qui se formalise par l’introduction, au sein des traditionnelles taxinomies, de la division entre ‘signum formale’, qui fait écho à la tendance médiévale à inclure les concepts sous le terme de ‘signes’, et ‘signum instrumentale’, qui correspond à une définition qui remonte à Augustin, et selon laquelle le signe est exclusivement sensible, et strictement différent de la chose signifiée. Cette thèse retrace les termes de ce débat scolastique tardif à partir du commentaire au Peri Hermeneias de Sebastião do Couto, afin de montrer que le XVIIe siècle se caractérise globalement par un retour à une conception strictement instrumentale du signe, qui se libère toutefois de la référence augustinienne qui lui avait donné lieu. Se démarquant de la voie qui avait fait de la Logique de Port-Royal le texte paradigmatique de la pensée sémiotique de l’Age classique, on montrera ainsi que celle-ci se définit par une translatio, visible surtout chez Bayle, Gassendi, et Hobbes, d’un modèle linguistico-psychologique à une sémiotique régie par le paradigme du signe naturel, emblématique d’une mutation de la logique désormais ordonnée au modèle de la physique. / All along its history, semiotic has oscillated between a large and a narrow definition of its object. The 17th century is, in this regard, a pivotal period, with a trend towards a narrower construal of the term ‘sign’, which, for most authors of that time,does not apply anymore to concepts and ideas. This move however is not an homogeneous one. The first half of the century witnesses, among late scholasticism, to an important debate about the definition of ‘sign’, stirred by the introduction, among traditional taxonomies, of the division between ‘signum formale’ and ‘signum instrumentale’. The former echoed the medieval inclusion of concepts under the category of ‘signs’. The latter matches the definition of Augustine, according to which the sign is exclusively sensible and strictly different from the thing signified. The reconstruction of the terms of this late scholastic debate, which originates in Sebastião do Couto’s commentary on Peri Hermeneias, shows that the 17th century authors have tended to return to a strictly instrumental conception of signs, but one from which the traditionnal Augustinian reference is absent. In contrast with the rather common interpretation according to which the definition of signs to be found in the Port-Royal’s Logic offered the new paradigm for representation, this works argues that the semiotic thought of this period is better defined as a translatio, especially visible among Bayle, Gassendi and Hobbes, from a linguistico-pschychological model to a natural semiotics, emblematic of a new logic that has been submitted to physical science.

Qu’est-ce que la liberté de conscience ? Après avoir examiné deux grandes traditions théologiques issue de la Réforme, celle de Castellion au XVIe siècle puis celle de Bayle au XVIIe siècle, qui font chacune de la liberté de conscience le nom d’un nouveau rapport entre l’individu et Dieu questionnant l’importance de l’institution religieuse, la présente thèse considère l’apport politique de cette notion qui reparaît en France lors de la Révolution française pour souligner les enjeux religieux de l’avènement de la République. Le concept de liberté de conscience permet de dévoiler cette réflexion qui s’étend tout au long du XIXe siècle sur la nature des fondements moraux de la République, réputés universels et indépendants des religions particulières, que l’institution scolaire est chargée de diffuser. À partir de quatre moments clés de la construction de l’école républicaine française au XIXe siècle (le moment Guizot sous la monarchie de Juillet ; la Révolution de 1848 avec le plan Carnot et le Manuel républicain de Renouvier ; la pensée du républicain Edgar Quinet en exil sous le Second Empire ; l’apport de Ferdinand Buisson dans l’institutionnalisation de la laïcité sous la Troisième République), nous cherchons à mettre en évidence la proximité entre cette quête d’un universel moral, qui prendra le nom de « laïcité », et une réflexion théologique menée par plusieurs républicains autour de l’institutionnalisation d’une religion respectueuse de la liberté de conscience qui accompagnerait la construction de la République française. / What is freedom of conscience? After analyzing two great theological traditions coming from the Reformation, the ones of Castellion in the 16th century and Bayle in the 17th century, which both make freedom of conscience the name of a new relationship between the individual and God, questioning the importance of the religious institution; this thesis considers the political contribution of this concept which reappears in France during the French Revolution to emphasize religious issues coming from the advent of the Republic. The idea of freedom of conscience reveals a reflection process, spreading over the 19th century, about the nature of the Republic’s moral foundations, considered as universal and independent from any particular religion, which the academic institution has to transmit.

In the seventeenth century, many refugees saw the United Provinces of the Netherlands as a promised land—a gathering ark, or in French, arche. In fact, Pierre Bayle called it, "la grande arche des fugitifs." This thesis shows the reception of one particular group of Protestant refugees, the Huguenots, who migrated to the Netherlands because of Catholic confessionalization in France, especially after the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes in 1685. The thesis offers two case studies—one of the acceptance of Huguenot clergymen and one of the mixed reception of refugee radical and philosopher Pierre Bayle—in order to add nuance to existing knowledge and understanding of the Huguenot diaspora, and of the nature of tolerance in the Dutch Republic, especially in regard to the Dutch Reformed Church. Dutch society, and especially the Reformed Church, welcomed the Huguenot refugees because of their similar religious beliefs and the economic and cultural benefits they brought with them. Particularly following the 1685 Revocation, refugees fleeing France settled securely in the Republic amongst the Walloons, descendants of refugees already settled there, and worshiped in prosperity and peace within the Walloon Church, a French-speaking arm of the Dutch Reformed Church. Using synodal records, this thesis examines the relationships between refugee pastors and the established Walloon leaders and finds that there was a bond of acceptance between the two groups of clergy, motivated by the desire for orthodoxy in religious belief, or in other words, by a Reformed desire for confessionalization"”more Reformed adherents also made Dutch society more Reformed. Huguenots were also able to maintain a measure of French identity while still being integrated into Dutch society. The second chapter shows the limits of Dutch tolerance by examining the Netherlandish experience of Pierre Bayle, a Huguenot refugee and philosopher. His experience was typical for a controversial philosopher and refugee in the Netherlands because he endured intolerance from certain religious authorities, but also received protection from other moderate religious officials and university and civic authorities. Bayle expressed sentiments that the Netherlands was a safe haven, or ark, for refugees, even though he endured censure from church officials. Their aims were to make the community's religious convictions more uniform, and some leaders of the Dutch Reformed Church saw Bayle's ideas as threats to that—to confessionalization. In the same vein as Benjamin Kaplan's Divided By Faith, this thesis shows that tolerance certainly existed in the Republic, but was more complicated than Bayle and others suggested. Indeed, efforts that thwarted confessionalization were met with intolerance by the Dutch Reformed Church. This thesis also contributes to Huguenot studies by discussing the relationships of refugees to their host community in the Dutch Republic.

En 1685, sous le règne de Louis XIV, au moment où la monarchie française voulut extirper l'altérité protestante en révoquant l'édit de Nantes (1598), trois contemporains, Jacques-Bénigne Bossuet (1627-1704), Pierre Jurieu (1637-1713) et Pierre Bayle (1647-1706) élaborèrent des utopies dans lesquelles ils nous font connaître leur vision d'une France idéale. Ces trois utopies, nous voulons les restituer au cours de ce mémoire de maîtrise et souligner quelles sont leurs propositions respectives en matière de gouvernement et de relations interreligieuses. Nous aborderons leurs positions quant aux conséquences politico-religieuses de la Révocation. Et enfin nous dirons quel est le traitement que ces trois auteurs réservent dans leurs textes à la question de la tolérance étatique. / In 1685, during the reign of Louis XIV, the French monarchy tried to extirpate the Calvinist alterity from the kingdom by revoking the Edict of Nantes (1598). At that time three contemporaries, Jacques-Bénigne Bossuet (1627-1704), Pierre Jurieu (1637-1713) and Pierre Bayle (1647-1706), the first Catholic, the others Protestants, conceived utopias in which they introduce us to their vision of an ideal France. The general aim of this master's thesis is to analyze these three utopias and show their proposals in matters of government and interfaith relationship. More precisely, we will study the authors' positions about the politico-religious consequences of the Revocation. We will also see in their writings how they understand the tolerance issue.

The Anglo-Dutch philosopher Bernard Mandeville (1670-1733) was among the most controversial figures writing in English in the eighteenth century. His satirical exploration of the nature of human sociability and economic prosperity infuriated his contemporary critics and deeply influenced the ideas of later Enlightenment philosophes. One of the most persistent questions about Mandeville's work concerns the sincerity of his declarations of Christian piety. Mandeville is commonly identified as a deist. This thesis explores the possibility that he was an atheist. The question is examined through an analysis of Mandeville’s major influences, most notably French Jansenism, Epicureanism, Scepticism, erudite libertinism, and Dutch republicanism. Key figures that Mandeville engaged with in his writings include Pierre Bayle, René Descartes, Shaftesbury, Thomas Hobbes, Pierre Nicole, and Pierre Gassendi. In the process of discussing Mandeville’s putative atheism, the methodological problem of researching and identifying atheism in early-modern Europe is explored. / Graduate

No description available.

En la segunda mitad del siglo XVII, el clérigo ilicitano Ginés Campillo de Bayle (Elx, ca. 1640 — id., 19 de abril de 1711), desarrolló su labor literaria en el campo de la poesía, el teatro y la narrativa, al mismo tiempo que desempeñaba sus funciones eclesiásticas. Durante más de tres siglos, tanto el autor como su obra han permanecido casi ignorados, a pesar de encontrar referencias a ambos en numerosas publicaciones. Ginés Campillo de Bayle es el reflejo y ejemplo de una época de la literatura catalana en lengua castellana, que debe ser recuperada y tenida en cuenta dentro de un contexto determinado. El valor y riqueza literaria de estas aportaciones queda en la actualidad fuera de cualquier duda o prejuicio. Este trabajo intenta, por un lado, estudiar la figura y la obra de Ginés Campillo de Bayle y, especialmente, su novela más conocida, Gustos y disgustos del Lentiscar de Cartagena (Valencia, 1689), de la que se realiza, también su primera edición crítica. Contextualizada en una época concreta, en la que Ginés Campillo de Bayle forma parte de una extensa nómina de escritores con características semejantes, se recupera la obra para realizar un análisis profundo que refleja una recepción e influencias procedentes de uno de los períodos más destacados y significativos de las literaturas hispánicas: el Siglo de Oro castellano. A través de la obra de Ginés Campillo de Bayle no solo es posible asistir a un ejemplo y modelo de características y estilos previos definidos, sino a un completo paseo por un amplio abanico de influencias, tamizados a través de su particular filtro y su peculiar óptica, que hacen de esta obra un buen ejemplo de la literatura cortesana de las tierras hispánicas en el siglo XVII.