Notre étude s’interroge sur la construction de l’acteur « ennemi » dans l’institution sociale totale du camp de concentration à travers la comparaison de deux formes ; ceci dans des contextes sociaux, nationaux, idéologiques et étatiques différents – le camp de Rivesaltes et l’État Français et le camp de Béléné et la République Populaire de Bulgarie. Ces deux institutions sont traitées à partir de l’hypothèse de « différence de degré », qui se décline dans les notions de « singularité » et « pluralité », permettant de les saisir aussi bien au niveau politique qu’au niveau de l’institution concrète. Cette étude concerne la construction de la figure de l’acteur « ennemi » en partant du niveau social et politique pour arriver à la vie quotidienne au sein des deux formes concentrationnaires. Nous avons analysé la figure de l’ennemi, tout d’abord comme un produit d’une dynamique tournée vers la transformation sociale fondamentale. Nous avons également voulu comprendre les raisons d’apparition des formes concentrationnaires comme partie intégrante de ce « projet de société », et puis nous les avons analysées à travers la vie quotidienne qui s’établit en leur sein. L’institution concentrationnaire a assuré en soi une certaine stabilité qui lui a permis de bien remplir sa fonction dans la dynamique de transformation de la société. Cette stabilité est assurée par l’insertion de l’individu dans une série de cercles, sa soumission à une forme spécifique de pouvoir qui le transforme dans son essence de personne et d’être humain, mais aussi le posant comme un acteur dans un univers interactionnel particulier. Alors, quelle est la place de l’acteur « ennemi » dans la vie concentrationnaire et quelles interactions s’établissent-elles entre les différents acteurs au sein des camps ? / The present sociological study examines the construction of the "enemy" within the concentration camp, an absolute social institution, through the comparison of two forms, taken in their different social, national, ideological and state context – on one hand, the camp of Rivesaltes and the French government and, on the other hand, the camp of Belene and the People's Republic of Bulgaria. Both institutions are analyzed with the assumption of "difference of degree," developed by the concept of "singularity " and " plurality " which allows to identify them in their political dimension as well as on the concrete institutional level.This study deals with the construction of the specific figure the "enemy" as a social actor starting from the social and political level and getting to the everyday life in both concentration camp forms. We analyzed the enemy figure, at first as a product of a dynamic facing a fundamental social transformation. We also took into account the main reasons of concentration forms occurrence as an integral part of this " social project ", and then we have analyzed the aforementioned reasons through everyday life.The camp institution has assured itself a degree of stability that has allowed it to fulfill its function in the dynamic transformation of society. This stability is ensured by the involvement of the individual in a series of circles, his submission to a specific form of power which transforms soundly his personal character and adjoin to his human being condition, but also defines him as an actor in a particular interactional universe. Finally, what is the role of the actor "enemy" in concentration camp life and what interactions different actors in the camps establish between themselves?

This study is on the political and ethical aspects of recent advances in genetics. Its aim is to explicate the scientific and technological premises of genetics along historical, philosophical and political axes by employing the critical perspectives of Jonas, Heidegger and Foucault. Starting the discussion from a brief account of scientific and technological revolutions initiated in the 16th and 17th centuries, I defend the thesis that the idea of control and manipulation of life is not a novelty introduced by genetics, but a historical orientation underlying modern man&rsquo / s metaphysical reasoning. That is to say, &lsquo / the idea of control and manipulation of life&rsquo / is not an unintended technological excess of genetic practices, and hence a transgression of our moral principles. Rather, this endeavour is a scientific and technological &lsquo / project&rsquo / which has been at the very core of modern man&rsquo / s rational political agenda. Therefore, any attempts to understand genetics from a na&iuml / ve Baconian utilitarianism and optimism fails to grasp its complicated political nature. For the ethical concerns to become more comprehensive, three genetic cases (prenatal screening tests, cloning, and genetic engineering) are examined in the light of the philosophical reflections of Jonas and Heidegger. Besides, following Foucault&rsquo / s critical assessments of medicine and bio-power, a &lsquo / fourth spatialization of disease&rsquo / is proposed at the end of the study in order to evaluate the transformations with the introduction of genetics into medicine. Consequently, it is argued that geneticized medicine might sign a new regime of bio-power &ndash / a reconfiguration of knowledge, power and subjectivity.

&ldquo / Information-Based Economy&rdquo / , which is today&rsquo / s economy that is a proof and indicator of development level for the countries now on, comes on the scene with its new organizing model on the infrastructure of its own, which is called &ldquo / Information Society&rdquo / . The phenomenon of administration introduces to &ldquo / e-Government&rdquo / for reinforcing the roots of &ldquo / Information-Based Economy&rdquo / now. The objective of this study is to research the transformation of state, authoritarian and dominant power, that &ldquo / Information-Based Economy&rdquo / gives direction in the environment of &ldquo / Information Society&rdquo / and to determine the locus and focus of &ldquo / e-government&rdquo / as a new organizing model especially in the dilemma between administration and management, and in the dilemma between politics and administration by using the theories of public administration, keeping the variance of culture in mind. In addition, to have a systematic knowledge of the relation between &ldquo / Information-Based Economy&rdquo / , &ldquo / Information Society&rdquo / and &ldquo / e-Government&rdquo / as a whole composes of the theme of this thesis. For this purpose, questionnaire has been conducted in the Ministry of National Education, which is responsible for forming the society of the future, to understand whether there is a systematic knowledge on the relation between &ldquo / Information-Based Economy&rdquo / , &ldquo / Information Society&rdquo / and &ldquo / e-Government&rdquo / as a whole. Moreover, it has been aimed to discover what the mental formulations of participants are. Questionnaire results reveal that there is no systematic knowledge on the relation between &ldquo / Information-Based Economy&rdquo / , Information Society&rdquo / and &ldquo / e-Government&rdquo / as a whole in the Ministry of National Education, and that the participants are apt to perceive &ldquo / e-Government&rdquo / within the context in which they are in terms of professions, status and backgrounds. Questionnaire results also show that the responses given by the participants concerning &ldquo / e-Government&rdquo / are more or less the same due to the hierarchical organization of knowledge and official knowledge in particular.

This thesis provides an ethnography and critical phenomenology of undocumentedness in the Swedish context. By attending to the forces and processes that circumscribe the life-worlds of undocumented persons, as well as the phenomenology and essential experiences of their condition, a complex and multi-layered illustration of what undocumentedness is and means is successively presented. Employing a dual conceptualization of the state, as a juridico-political construct as well as a practiced and embodied set of institutions, the undocumented position emerges as a legal category defined only through omission, produced and reproduced through administrative routine and practice. The health care sector provides empirical examples of state-undocumented interaction where the physical and corporeal presence of the officially absent becomes irrefutable. This research suggests that the Swedish welfare state – universalistic, comprehensive and with digitized administrative routines – becomes a particularly austere environment in which to be undocumented. Drawing on interviews with regional and local health care administrators, NGO-clinics’ representatives and health professionals, as well as extensive participatory observation and interviews with undocumented persons, I argue that the undocumented condition is characterized by simultaneous absence and presence, and a correspondingly paradoxical spatiality. I suggest that the official absence and deportability of undocumented persons deprives them of the capacity to define space and, in an Arendtian sense, appear as themselves to others. There are, however, some opportunities for embodied political protest and dissensus. The paradoxical qualities of the absent-present condition manipulate the undocumented mode of being-in-the-world and I argue that alienation and disorientation are essential experiences of the undocumented situation.

This thesis provides an ethnography and critical phenomenology of undocumentedness in the Swedish context. By attending to the forces and processes that circumscribe the life-worlds of undocumented persons, as well as the phenomenology and essential experiences of their condition, a complex and multi-layered illustration of what undocumentedness is and means is successively presented. Employing a dual conceptualization of the state, as a juridico-political construct as well as a practiced and embodied set of institutions, the undocumented position emerges as a legal category defined only through omission, produced and reproduced through administrative routine and practice. The health care sector provides empirical examples of state-undocumented interaction where the physical and corporeal presence of the officially absent becomes irrefutable. This research suggests that the Swedish welfare state – universalistic, comprehensive and with digitized administrative routines – becomes a particularly austere environment in which to be undocumented. Drawing on interviews with regional and local health care administrators, NGO-clinics’ representatives and health professionals, as well as extensive participatory observation and interviews with undocumented persons, I argue that the undocumented condition is characterized by simultaneous absence and presence, and a correspondingly paradoxical spatiality. I suggest that the official absence and deportability of undocumented persons deprives them of the capacity to define space and, in an Arendtian sense, appear as themselves to others. There are, however, some opportunities for embodied political protest and dissensus. The paradoxical qualities of the absent-present condition manipulate the undocumented mode of being-in-the-world and I argue that alienation and disorientation are essential experiences of the undocumented situation.

Background: Diabetes is a global health issue on the rise. Besides genetics as a cause of diabetes, diet, weight and lifestyle are amongst the main factors. Due to the modernized society, new technology and risks, there has been a shift in responsibility of safety and health. As a part of a health promoting policy development during the last few decades there has also been a natural de-authorization of health knowledge and expertise. Governmental expertise has been decentralized to the society and so has the responsibilities. Traces of this new health paradigm can be seen in the media discourse. It has been seen in studies of the reporting of diabetes in North American press, that societal factors – such as labor market, health care and infrastructure – often get veiled by individuals’ responsibility and guilt due to lifestyle and life choices. This affects how individuals feel about their life situation and how the public perceive them.     Method and material: A quantitative content analysis was performed on 112 articles from six Swedish broadsheet and tabloid newspapers. The articles were coded with variables measuring article theme, dominant framing of diabetes´ causes and whose responsibility, what arguments are used and what agents with dignity can be seen. Excerpts from the articles were also analyzed with qualitative tools as modality and argumentation analysis. Results: Similarities between the Swedish and the North American newspapers were discovered. Societal factors and structures as causes and means of responsibilities were not as prominent as those aiming for the individual. The responsibility of the society was also reported to a much greater extent than society as a factor contributing to cause diabetes. This can be considered a sign of the health promoting strategy and the individualism that is rooted in modernization, industrialization and economic liberalization. Doctors and scientists were given dignity as often as celebrities and private citizens, which indicates the de-authorization of health knowledge and the further use of scientists and doctors as a truth repository in media. Several of the articles concern the critique of the diabetes unawareness and predominant individual responsibility that was the outset of this study. Celebrities and private citizens were frequently given dignity in these cases. In their criticizing, high modality contributed to a strong authority in their knowledge. / Grund för forskningsfrågan: Diabetes av olika slag drabbar ett växande antal människor världen över. Sjukdomen tros främst bero på genetik och omgivande faktorer så som livsstil, vilken påverkas av den omgivande miljön. Det har visat sig i studier av rapportering kring sjukdomen i bland annat nordamerikansk press att samhälleliga faktorer ofta hamnar i skymundan och att skulden och ansvaret för sjukdomen framstår ligga hos individen och dess egenvalda livsstil. Detta kan bero på en hälsofrämjande strategi som setts växa fram under de senaste decennierna, som en reaktion på effekterna av teknisk utveckling, modernisering och marknadskrafter. Strategin har inneburit en naturlig av-auktorisering av hälsokunskapen och individualisering av ansvaret. Detta hälsoparadigm återspeglas i medierna.   Studien: Denna studie undersöker rapporteringen av diabetes i svensk press, genom en kvantitativ innehållsanalys av 112 artiklar från sex svenska dags- och kvällstidningar. Materialet kodades med variabler för bland annat artikeltema, dominant gestaltning av orsak samt ansvar för diabetes, vilka argument som förekommer och vilka aktörer som tillskrivs dignitet i sammanhanget. Detta kompletterades med en kvalitativ analys av några textutdrag från materialet, med verktyg och begrepp från och argumentationsanalys samt det lingvistiska begreppet modalitet.   Resultat: Det framträder stora likheter mellan de svenska tidningarna och de nordamerikanska. Samhällsstrukturer som orsak till och ansvar för diabetes framgår inte i samma utsträckning som individens roll. Samhällets ansvar för sjukdomen framgår dock i större utsträckning än dess skuld, vilket går i linje med individualiseringen av hälsoansvaret. Läkare och professorer tillsammans förekommer med dignitet i ungefär lika många artiklar som privatpersoner och kändisar tillsammans, vilket indikerar avauktoriseringen av hälsokunskapen, och den fortsatta användningen av läkare och professorer som ett slags ”sanningsvittnen”. I flera artiklar framträder just den kritik mot okunskap kring sjukdomen och hur individerna själva måste arbeta för att förändra läget, en utgångspunkt för denna studie. Kändisar och privatpersoner fick i dessa fall dignitet. I deras kritiserande av andra uttalanden de inte höll med i, agerade hög modalitet en faktor som gav dem auktoritet i sina uttalanden.