Den afrikanska kontinenten beräknas att drabbas mer än någon annan region av klimat-förändringarnas direkta effekter. Samtidigt är anpassningsmöjligheterna här begränsade och ekonomin särskilt beroende av klimatrelaterade sektorer. Samband mellan ekonomisk svaghet och sårbarhet är relativt kartlagda i det internationella klimatarbetet. Dessa kopplingar belyser inte minst kvinnors utsatta position i utvecklingsregioner, eftersom kvinnor utgör majoriteten av världens fattiga befolkningar. Sårbarhet inför ett förändrat klimat grundas dock inte enbart på ekonomiska och finansiella tillgångar. Traditionella, könsdifferentierade levnadssätt ålägger kvinnor ett särskilt ansvar över hem och familj, medan fördomar om kvinnors olämplighet begränsar deras politiska inflytande. Denna uppsats understryker de implikationer som kön och könsroller ger upphov till, i fråga om anpassningsmöjligheter till försämrade klimatförhållanden och minskad vatten- och mattillgång. / The African continent is reckoned to be the region most affected by direct impacts of climate change. At the same time, here, adaptation possibilities are scarce and the economy particularly dependent on climate-related sectors. International climate research has identified connections between economic weakness and vulnerability. These relations shed light – not the least – on the exposed position of women in developing regions, since women constitute the majority of the world’s poorest populations. Nevertheless, vulnerability due to climate change is not only founded on economic and financial assets. Traditional, gender differentiated ways of living impose certain responsibilities on women for household duties and family life, while prejudices about women’s unsuitability limit their political authority. This essay underlines the implications of gender and gender roles, regarding adaptation possibilities to deteriorated climatic conditions and reduced access to water and food.

The emergence and importance of human rights are rarely discussed without the discussion in some way also touching on the impact that various popular movements or social resistance have had on the manifestation of rights claims. This thesis focus in particular on the development in recent times in Afghanistan since the Taliban's takeover of power in August 2021. For the women and girls in Afghanistan the Taliban’s new power meant a return from 20 years of developed opportunities and recognized human rights, which can be directly derived to the rights and non-discrimination of women declared in the UN Women's Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW). This thesis will primarily deal with Amnesty International's report Death in Slow Motion: Women and girls under Taliban rule, which consists of a 100-page report, including testimonies, that describes the situation of women and girls in Afghanistan one year after the Taliban took gained power in August 2021. The analytical discussion of this thesis is based on a critical theoretical framework built on the concepts of performative practice, weapons of the weak, translation and ontological disturbance. The operationalization of the theoretical framework of this thesis is done with the help of a critical discourse analysis (CDA). The analytical discussion and conclusions of this thesis establish that Afghan women's and girls' current, every day or small-scale acts of resistance in order to assert their rights, demands for belonging, equality and freedom take varying forms and that these approaches move dynamically between the public and private spheres of society. In many ways, the resistance takes place beyond the Taliban's supervision and despite the risks that the acts of resistance entail, the actions of the Afghan women and girls contribute to manifesting and strengthening their rights claims and highlighting their capacity for agency and freedom of action. This thesis mainly highlights how these acts of resistance and agents can open up conditions for women and girls in Afghanistan to form communities and solidarity belonging within a social and political arena that has come to place them on the periphery.

RESUMÉ IN ENGLISH ENGLISH TITLE OF THE THESIS: OPTIONAL PROTOCOL TO THE CONVENTION ON ELIMINATION OF ALL FORMS OF DISCRIMINATION AGAINST WOMEN The thesis is concerned with the Optional Protocol to the Convention on Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (adopted in 1999 and entered into force on December 22nd, 2000). This international treaty offers women two significant mechanisms to protect their rights - the possibility to submit an individual communication to the Committee on Elimination of Discrimination against Women against a State Party to both the Convention and the Protocol and the competence of the Committee to carry out investigations into grave and systematic violations of rights set out in the Convention. The first chapter focuses on the context of and reasons for the adoption of the Protocol. Firstly, the CEDAW, its origins and implementation mechanisms are introduced. The need for an optional protocol clearly arose from the insufficiency of the protection mechanisms enshrined in CEDAW itself in the quest of protection of women in their everyday encounters with discrimination. The chapter describes the new implementation mechanisms introduced by the Protocol. Furthermore, the second and third chapters compare the protection mechanisms laid down in the Protocol and similar...

En 1979, l'Assemblée Générale des Nations Unies adopte la Convention sur l'Elimination de toutes les Formes de Discrimination à l'Egard des Femmes (CEDAW), qui engagent les Etats signataires à mettre en place et appliquer des mesures légales visant l'égalité homme-femme et l'élimination de la discrimination de genre. Les Etats d'Amérique Latine ont tous ratifié la CEDAW, convention qu'ils ont intégrée à leur droit interne. Des mesures ont été adoptées, des lois ont été votées, des institutions ont été créées dans la région. Mais des discriminations normatives persistent, et l'égalité de droit des femmes est en constant décalage avec leur égalité de fait. Des facteurs idéologiques et pragmatiques, tels que les stéréotypes culturels, la vulnérabilité féminine, conditionnent toujours la situation des femmes latino-américaines. En ratifiant la CEDAW, et plus tard les Programmes d'Action du Caire et de Beijing, la Bolivie reconnaît les droits humains des femmes dans les différentes sphères sociales et politiques, et notamment leurs droits reproductifs et sexuels. Le pays note alors d'importantes avancées politiques et symboliques en matière de genre, de reproduction et de sexualité féminines. Mais la répercussion et la réappropriation des droits humains en général, des droits reproductifs et sexuels en particulier, par les femmes boliviennes, pacéniennes et alténiennes notamment, rencontrent toute une série de barrières politique, sociale, culturelle et médicale. L'influence catholique et machiste, les patrons socioculturels, la pénalisation de l'avortement, l'ignorance des droits et le faible ‘empowerment' des femmes leur confèrent peu d'autonomie dans leurs décisions reproductives et sexuelles ; une autonomie qui serait cependant la clé de l'émancipation féminine en Bolivie.

The multiple components of Sexual and Reproductive Health and Rights (SRHR), promotes women’s wellbeing and rights to a life free from discrimination and violence. Gender-based violence (GBV) is a matter closely related to SRHR and affects women globally on daily basis. South Africa is estimated to score one of the highest rates of GBV in the world. This thesis aims to gain an understanding of how civil society organisations (CSOs) working with SRHR-related issues, approach South African state institutions with regard to strengthen strategies against GBV. A qualitative content analysis is adopted to analyse the CSO’s documents that frame their advocacy work against GBV and how they approach state institutions in South Africa. The results from the analysed documents are thereby examined through theoretical approaches, mainly targeting CSOs ability to translate universal human rights into local contexts, and contributions to social justice. The analysed documents reveal that the selected CSOs mobilise their advocacy against GBV through different media platforms. Moreover, the CSO’s advocacy is presented through evidence-based research, policy briefs, articles and campaigns. Through their approaches to state institutions, the CSOs demand the state to recognise that inequality and patriarchal structures cause GBV and negatively affect women’s wellbeing. Furthermore, the selected CSOs demand fair distribution of resources that ensures women’s safety in the public sphere. In addition, the CSOs demand implementation of educational programmes with gender perspectives in all aspects of society. Finally, the CSOs demand South African state institutions to include all sectors of society in decision-making processes of strategies against GBV. Thus, state institutions can unsure proper implementation of preventative methods against GBV.

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ABSTRACT Female genital mutilation and circumcision (FGM/C) is an expression that describes social and traditional actions performed for the removal of the clitoris and inner lips; labia minora as well as part of the outer lips; labia majora. The research has addressed the effects of this action on women in Ejagham community of the Southwest region of Cameroon. The study focuses on effects revealed during the research, including voices of the women who had undergone FGM/C, excisors recount, violence against women physical, psychological, social, and sexual effects.  In traditional African societies, cultural values should be upheld with dignity to humankind. Our traditional practices too, need to give honour to our bodies. Therefore, opinions from different groups within the Ejagham community are revealed in the discussion. More so, the study also found out that FGM/C was a practice performed on the girls and women on the cultural and traditional beliefs that the process signifies a rite of passage from girl to womanhood.  The process caused pain and violated the right of the young girls. The findings revealed that there are divided opinions on FGM/C within the community. Custodians of the Ejagham tradition that are in favour of the practice are conflicting with those who are against the practice on medical and human right justifications.  These different platforms play a prominent role in the various perceptions held by the people. A significant segment of the Ejagham community, together with some representatives of the international community, NGOs and the government of Cameroon are involved in efforts to bring about change in the community by eliminating the tradition through community-based awareness programs. These programs that are accessible by everybody has empowered people in the community with knowledge on the subject and provided the necessary resources that will help in eliminating the practice. The efforts have initiated a changing climate in the community; however, this does not yet mean that the tradition has been abolished. The paper shall also discuss the traditional and cultural reasons for the practice of FGM in Cameroon. The author will state International instruments, Conventions, the National laws, Action plan that is to eliminate or lead to the abandonment of FGM practices in Cameroon.  The paper will conclude with suitable suggestions to eradicate the practice of FGM/C, which is against Human Rights. Keywords: Female Genital Mutilation/Cutting, Human Rights, Ejagham, Community, Cameroon / <p>Comments from the Examiner have been included in the thesis</p> / Master in Peace and Development WorkABSTRACT Female genital mutilation and circumcision (FGM/C) is an expression that describes social and traditional actions performed for the removal of the clitoris and inner lips; labia minora as well as part of the outer lips; labia majora. The research has addressed the effects of this action on women in Ejagham community of the Southwest region of Cameroon. The study focuses on effects revealed during the research, including voices of the women who had undergone FGM/C, excisors recount, violence against women physical, psychological, social, and sexual effects. In traditional African societies, cultural values should be upheld with dignity to humankind. Our traditional practices too, need to give honour to our bodies. Therefore, opinions from different groups within the Ejagham community are revealed in the discussion. More so, the study also found out that FGM/C was a practice performed on the girls and women on the cultural and traditional beliefs that the process signifies a rite of passage from girl to womanhood. The process caused pain and violated the right of the young girls. The findings revealed that there are divided opinions on FGM/C within the community. Custodians of the Ejagham tradition that are in favour of the practice are conflicting with those who are against the practice on medical and human right justifications. These different platforms play a prominent role in the various perceptions held by the people. A significant segment of the Ejagham community, together with some representatives of the international community, NGOs and the government of Cameroon are involved in efforts to bring about change in the community by eliminating the tradition through community-based awareness programs. These programs that are accessible by everybody has empowered people in the community with knowledge on the subject and provided the necessary resources that will help in eliminating the practice. The efforts have initiated a changing climate in the community; however, this does not yet mean that the tradition has been abolished. The paper shall also discuss the traditional and cultural reasons for the practice of FGM in Cameroon. The author will state International instruments, Conventions, the National laws, Action plan that is to eliminate or lead to the abandonment of FGM practices in Cameroon. The paper will conclude with suitable suggestions to eradicate the practice of FGM/C, which is against Human Rights. Keywords: Female Genital Mutilation/Cutting, Human Rights, Ejagham, Community, Cameroon

Varje dag gifts 33 000 barn bort globalt, sammanlagt beräknas 650 miljoner av världens kvinnor ha gifts bort innan de uppnått myndighetsålder. År 1981 undertecknade Sverige konventionen om avskaffandet av all slags diskriminering av kvinnor (CEDAW) och konventionen började gälla samma år. CEDAW fastställer rätten att själv få välja med vem man vill ingå äktenskap samt att parterna ska vara minst 18 år vid tiden för giftermålet. Den 1 januari år 2020 inkorporerades barnkonventionen i svensk lag som ett steg i att stärka barns rättigheter. Barnkonventionen fastslår att konventionsstaterna är skyldiga att avskaffa skadliga sedvänjor, dit barnäktenskap hör. Som ett steg i att utöka skyddet för barn som riskerar bli bortgifta i utlandet infördes den 1 juli år 2020 ett utreseförbud i 31 a-i §§ (1990:52) med särskilda bestämmelser om vård av unga (LVU). Uppsatsen utreder vilken skyddsnivå Sverige, utifrån sina människorättsliga åtaganden, ska ge barn som riskerar att bli bortgifta i utlandet samt hur skyddsmekanismerna är utformade. Vidare utreds processen för att tillämpa utreseförbudet och vilka utmaningar som följer. För att skapa förståelse för det eventuella förtryck ett barn kan uppleva i samband med tillämpningen av utreseförbudet tillämpas Iris Marion Youngs teori om förtryckets fem ansikten i analysen.  Sverige ska enligt barnkonventionen och CEDAW till sin yttersta förmåga skydda barn från skadliga sedvänjor såsom barnäktenskap. För att vidareutveckla skyddet har bland annat ett utreseförbud införts i LVU. Resultatet visar att Sverige förvisso arbetar aktivt för att minska antalet barnäktenskap men att undantag gjorts för vilka resor som omfattas av förbudet. Frivilliga utlandsresor, där båda parter är minderåriga, omfattas inte vilket riskerar reducera barnens rättsliga skydd. Analys av förvaltningsrättens domar i mål rörande utreseförbud påvisar att barn som riskerar bli bortgifta i utlandet kan uppleva flera olika typer av förtryck, både från sin hemmiljö och staten. När staten fattar beslut som inskränker ett barns fri- och rättigheter för att skydda denne från att utsättas för skadliga sedvänjor är det av vikt att utreda hur det påverkar barnet. / Every day, 33,000 children are married off globally. In addition, a total of 650 million of the world's women are estimated to have been married off before reaching the age of majority. In 1981, Sweden signed the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) and the convention came into force the same year. CEDAW establishes the right to choose with whom you want to marry and that the parties must be 18 years or older at the time of the marriage. In 2020, the Convention on the Rights of the Child was incorporated into Swedish law as a step in strengthening children's rights. It states that States Parties are obliged to abolish harmful practices to which child marriage belongs. As a step in increasing the protection for children who are at risk of being married off abroad, a travel ban was also introduced in 2020 in 31 a-i §§ The Care of Young Persons (Special Provisions) Act. According to the Convention on the Rights of the Child and CEDAW, Sweden must do its utmost to protect children from harmful practices such as child marriage. This thesis investigates what level of protection Sweden should provide children who are at risk of being married off abroad and how the protection mechanisms are designed. Furthermore, the process for applying the travel ban and the challenges that follow are investigated. To create an understanding of the possible oppression a child may experience in connection with the application of the travel ban, Iris Marion Young's theory of the five faces of oppression is applied in the thesis' analysis.  The results show that Sweden certainly works actively to reduce the number of child marriages, but that exceptions have been made for which trips are covered by the ban. Voluntary trips abroad, where both parties are minors, are not covered, which risks reducing the children's legal protection. Analysis of the Administrative Court's rulings in cases concerning travel bans shows that children who are at risk of being married off abroad can experience several different types of oppression, both from their home environment and the state. When the state makes decisions that restrict a child's freedoms and rights to protect him or her from being exposed to harmful practices, it's important to investigate how it affects the child.

By taking the recognition of persons as rights-holders in the framework of international human rights into account, this study directs its attention to women in protracted refugee situations, restricted to stay in camps also when their human rights are at risk due to various forms of violence. The question in focus is the following: To what extent may there be a risk that women in a refugee camp context, distinguished by a protracted refugee situation, do not become visible as rights-holders and entrusted to act with regard to international human rights and the problem of violence against women, especially domestic violence? The research process has taken the form of a continuous dialogue with the material for the study, a dialogue directing attention to material from an established international human rights system on one hand and material dealing with a local refugee camp context on the other. The study finds its entry-point primarily in the context of the international human rights treaty the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), including the work of the CEDAW Committee as a treaty body, and also the international mandate of the Special Rapporteur on Violence against Women, its causes and consequences. Due to the presence of a variety of justice mechanisms in the camps, certain aspects of a local customary law tradition are also addressed. The existence of an unlocked legal door for women to take actions in family law matters, or in cases of gender-based violence is something not to take for granted. The hindrances could lie deep in the legal system practiced. It could be an issue of not being entrusted by the structure of the system to act in person, as woman, with a legal capacity and by own right before the law. The study underlines the importance of sharpened awareness and analysis of the presence of a complex legal context and a variety of customary law traditions in the camps. It appears from the study that for women in a refugee camp to be able to act as rights-holders and claim human rights as laid down in human rights conventions, the issue of visibility is not only a matter of training in presenting facts on the ground in front of local authorities. To be visible in addressing the problem of gender-based violence and gaps in protection of human rights in a refugee camp context is first and foremost an issue for women to be recognized the right to act in legal matters. It is an issue of having the freedom of expression and to be recognized the social and legal status to act in their own capacity in front of the local legal structures, including the local customary law context, and to address international human rights monitoring mechanisms, such as the CEDAW Committee or the Special Rapporteur.

<p>This thesis is about issues concerning the implementation of women's human rights in Sri Lanka.</p><p>Sri Lanka has had a conflict between the Government and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Ealam, LTTE for two decades. Since 2002 there has been a ceasefire agreement in place, which is being violated by both parties. Before being abandoned in 2003, one woman was present during the peace talks that were held.</p><p>In this paper I present the results of my field research conducted in Sri Lanka in November and December of 2005. The aim was to find out how women were active in the peace process since it is stipulated in international conventions that they have a right to participation. During the interviews with women activists it became evident that women were not involved in the official peace process. Therefore the thesis is about women’s human rights in Sri Lanka and the obstacles for their implementation.</p><p>Two main reasons for the lack of implementation of women’s human rights in Sri Lanka are identified. Firstly, for reasons of culture and patriarchal structures, there is a general lack of implementation internationally of women’s human rights. Secondly, the unresolved conflict situation in Sri Lanka, which reflects the unequal power relations between men and women that existed prior to the conflict. The lack of implementation of women’s human rights in Sri Lanka results in women not being present in the political life and they are therefore not part of the official peace process.</p><p>International conventions such as the Convention on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women, CEDAW and the UN Security Council Resolution 1325 on peace and security are addressed in the thesis in order to examine women’s human rights and their right to participation in politics and peace building.</p><p>Finally, I conclude that in order to include women in the official peace negotiations women need to actively participate in politics. The method presented to ensure such participation is that of affirmative action. It is a measure that falls under the category of temporary measures, which is suggested in CEDAW article 4.1.</p>