Submitted by LUIZA TEIXEIRA (luizareisteixeira@gmail.com) on 2016-10-31T15:01:00Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Tese_VDeposito2_311016.pdf: 2709499 bytes, checksum: 349661b125c8859150dc06d114c55425 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Maria Tereza Fernandes Conselmo (maria.conselmo@fgv.br) on 2016-10-31T18:30:16Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Tese_VDeposito2_311016.pdf: 2709499 bytes, checksum: 349661b125c8859150dc06d114c55425 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-11-01T11:05:38Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Tese_VDeposito2_311016.pdf: 2709499 bytes, checksum: 349661b125c8859150dc06d114c55425 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-09-30 / The present research work presents a theoretical-empirical reflection about the relation between political representation and social participation within the contemporary theory of Democracy. The main issue addressed here relates to the participant mechanisms and institutions that emerged in the recent Brazilian democratic context shaped in the form of deliberative spaces influencing decision-making processes. We have adopted, thus, a concept of the political representation theory that conceives representation dynamically, based on communication relating governmental agents and institutions and society. Therefore, on the theoretical level, the relation between the existing political representation and social participation is discussed. The objective of this research consists in analyzing how social participation mechanisms function in Brazil, particularly in the Legislative Power, on the local level, by means of examining their participative potential within the context of the Legislature Houses of the cities of São Paulo and Salvador. For this, we have parted from Vera’s (2012) data analysis methodological proposal, which focuses on the architecture of participation, grounded on the description of experiences from a structural language frame. The analytical framework is developed in three different levels of abstraction: macro, intermediate and micro, to which we dedicated three analytical statements. The macro level presents participant institutions from a historical perspective, the institutional architecture of Councils and Conferences, and proposes a model to represent them. The intermediate analytical level deals with the functioning of participative mechanisms in the Legislative Power, from a comparative perspective with Executive Power mechanisms, pointing some conclusions on participation in municipal legislatures in Brazil. The micro level analyses the operation of participative mechanisms in two different contexts: The Municipal Houses of the cities of São Paulo and Salvador. Finally, based in the empirical findings, we present an analysis of representation and participation theories. Final results highlight the need for a more comprehensive articulation of representation and participation theories, as a way of thinking over the existing institutions. Presently, whereas Executive Power has a well-structured participative institutional architecture, with several different institutions, in Legislature Power, these mechanisms function in isolated form, and are not reproduced in different federation spheres. Internal factors – as administrative structure and political interest, as well as external factors – as pressures from civil society organized sectors interfere in the participative potential of participant mechanisms in the two houses analyzed. / A pesquisa desenvolvida nesta tese apresenta uma reflexão teórico-empírica acerca da relação entre representação política e participação social, no contexto da Teoria Democrática contemporânea. A principal questão que buscamos responder está relacionada ao fato de mecanismos e instituições participativas, surgidas no contexto democrático brasileiro recente, estarem configuradas como espaços de deliberação com influência no processo de tomada de decisão. Adotamos, portanto, um conceito de teoria da representação política que concebe a representação dinamicamente, baseado na comunicação entre agentes e instituições governamentais e a sociedade. Assim, no plano teórico, discutimos a relação existente entre representação política e participação social, e no plano empírico, analisamos mecanismos de participação social. O objetivo da pesquisa consiste em analisar o funcionamento dos mecanismos de participação social no Brasil, mais especificamente no Poder Legislativo, em nível local, verificando o potencial participativo destes, no contexto das Câmaras Municipais de São Paulo e Salvador. Para tanto, adotou-se a metodologia de análise de dados proposta por Vera (2012), voltada para análise da arquitetura da participação, que é pensada por meio da descrição de experiências, a partir de uma linguagem estrutural. A proposta de análise é desenvolvida em três níveis de abstração, macro, intermediário e micro, aos quais dedicamos três capítulos analíticos. O nível macro apresenta as instituições participativas, em uma perspectiva histórica; as arquiteturas institucionais dos Conselhos e das Conferências; e, propõe um modelo para representar estas estruturas. O nível analítico intermediário discorre sobre o funcionamento dos mecanismos de participação no Poder Legislativo, em uma perspectiva comparada aos mecanismos do Poder Executivo, apontando algumas conclusões sobre a participação em legislativos municipais no Brasil. O nível micro analisa o funcionamento de mecanismos de participação em dois contextos diferentes: as Câmaras Municipais de São Paulo e de Salvador. Por fim, a partir dos achados empíricos, apresentamos uma análise entre as teorias da representação e da participação. Os resultados finais apontam para necessidade de uma articulação maior entre teorias de representação e participação, de forma a refletir sobre as instituições existentes. Atualmente, enquanto o Poder Executivo possui uma arquitetura institucional da participação bem estruturada e com diversas instituições diferentes, no Poder Legislativo, estes mecanismos funcionam de forma isolada, e não se reproduzem nas diferentes esferas da federação. Fatores internos - como a estrutura administrativa e o interesse político, e externos - como a pressão exercida por setores organizados da sociedade civil interferem no potencial participativo dos mecanismos de participação das duas câmaras analisadas

This qualitative study is done with the purpose of creating understanding for the theoretical democratic content in educational materials for Civic Education courses 1a1 and 1b during GY-11, so teachers create an intentional approach when using educational materials in their democratic education. This was motivated as important considering the reduction in obligatory Civic Education for the vocational programs. The study was conducted using a hermeneutic qualitative reading method where the educational materials, more specifically two series with one book for each course, was read with purpose of creating understanding for the democratic content according to ideal democratic models: deliberative democracy, participatory democracy and electoral democracy. A text voice analysis was also conducted using Bakhtins theory of dialogic and monologue text that contributed to the general result concerning the democratic content. The results show that the electoral democracy ideal is dominant in all educational materials, there is hence no striking difference between the democratic content in 1a1 and 1b educational materials. Though the study shows intention in the 1a1 educational materials towards a more participatory democracy ideal, the electoral ideal are still clearly dominant. / Denna kvalitativa studie är genomförd med syftet att skapa förståelse för det demokratiteoretiska innehåll som finns i läromedel för Samhällskunskap 1a1 och 1b under GY11, så att lärare kan skapa ett medvetet förhållningsätt till läromedel i deras demokratiundervisning. Detta upplevdes som väldigt aktuellt med tanke på nedskärningen av den obligatoriska Samhällskunskapen på yrkesförberedande program. I studien användes kvalitativ hermeneutisk läs metod där läromedlen, närmare bestämt två serier av böcker med en bok för respektive kurs, lästes med syftet att skapa förståelse för det demokratiska innehållet enligt de demokratiteoretiska ideal modellerna: deliberativ demokrati, deltagardemokrati och valdemokrati. En text röst analys genomfördes också där Bakthins teori om dialogiska och monologiska texter användes och detta bidrog till det generella resultatet rörande demokratiteoretiskt innehåll. Resultatet visar att det valdemokratiska idealet är dominerande i samtliga läromedel, det finns alltså ingen slående skillnad mellan det demokratiteoretiska innehållet i läromedel för 1a1 och 1b. Dock visar studien intentioner i läromedlen för 1a1 om en ansats mot mer deltagardemokratiska ideal, trots detta är det valdemokratiska idealet klart dominant också där.

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Democracy has been encountering an increasing number of critics. Whether it comes from a sympathy for autocrats, free-markets, or the more knowledgeable, this increasing democratic scepticism often takes an epistemic form. Democracy's critics argue that democratic procedures and institutions are unlikely to make good decisions or produce good outcomes in terms of justice or the common good, and should, therefore, be restricted if not completely rejected in favour of its more able alternatives. In the face of such scepticism, this thesis develops an epistemic theory of deliberative democracy. This theory has two principal aims. The first is to analyse and define the epistemic properties of deliberative democracy, and the second is to clarify the possible role epistemic values can play in a wider justification of democratic rule. In accordance with the first, the thesis analyses the ability of deliberative democratic institutions to make good or correct decisions in comparison to a broad range of prominent alternatives. These include traditional rivals such as autocracy and aristocracy, but also more modern and less considered alternatives such as free-markets, limited epistocracy and forms of technical calculation. Through these comparisons, it is argued that we have no good or clear epistemic reason to reject democracy. Deliberative democracy is found to be epistemically superior to many of its alternatives and epistemically equivalent to even its best competitors. The thesis, therefore, mounts a strong reply to democracy's epistemic sceptics. The analysis, however, also helps clarify which form of deliberative democracy is epistemically most valuable, pointing to the value systems approaches which give a prominent role to direct citizen deliberation. The epistemic theory of deliberative democracy also aims to clarify what role epistemic values can play in a wider justification of democratic rule. The thesis argues that deliberative democracy is epistemically superior to many of its rivals and no worse epistemically than even its best alternatives. This suggests that although epistemic values cannot mount a stand-alone defence of democracy, democrats would only be required to defend very weak non-epistemic values to produce a mixed justification. Far from being 'rule by the incompetent many' and therefore highly reliant on procedural values, the thesis will demonstrate that epistemic values can carry significant weight in an argument for democratic rule.

This study primarily investigates the conceptions of democracy held by young Swedes: What conceptions can be found? How are these conceptions similar to and different from each other? My main intention is to present nuanced pictures of different ways of viewing and of arguing for and against democracy. Some attention is also paid to possible differences between different youth groups, in terms of age, gender, and socioeconomic background. In addition, I will relate the investigation to research concerning school and the socialisation that is supposed to take place there. What concepts of democracy do Swedish schools seem to inculcate in students? Theoretical discussions of democracy serve as the framework of the study, and throughout the work democracy is regarded as an ambiguous concept. I have designed an analytical tool by depicting the discussions of democratic theory from three perspectives. The first concerns what democracy is and how the rule of the people should be designed. The second deals with the justifications for democracy, and why it is or is not to be preferred. The third perspective focuses on some crucial matters in discussions of democracy. The empirical material analyzed consists of ten focus group interviews with students in two age categories: 14–15 and 18–19 years old. The groups were composed so that the members would include both genders and a range of socio-economic backgrounds. The main idea of focus group interviews is to take advantage of group-interaction dynamics. Opinions are often formed in interaction with other people, and since consideration and reflection are central concerns of this thesis, focus group interviews are thus very suitable. The findings indicate that there is a dominant understanding of democracy. The young people interviewed emphasize that democracy means that everybody has a right to participate in decision making, that, for example, universal suffrage and freedom of speech are necessary features and that democracy in practice connotes an elite/electoral democracy (at the national level) with politicians as the real power holders. Although some features of Sweden’s existing democracy are widely criticized, democracy as a fundamental concept is celebrated. The main justification for this support is that democracy includes everybody. A view of everybody’s equal value is implicit. The critical matters highlighted concern human nature in relation to democratic requirements, how to handle extremist political movements, and the limited possibilities and unequal opportunities for people to participate in the existing democracy. Within this overall picture, somewhat different conceptions can also be detected. Two themes are particularly prominent in the discussions. Without overtly mentioning the word, the young people interviewed strongly emphasize the concept of equality. One line of discussion concerns the participants’ own experiences of being subordinate to adults, another the concept that equality presupposes equal opportunities to influence society. Democracy is also considered to be a human matter. Notably,when speaking of equality and freedom, the interviewees rarely mention these words directly. Mention of political institutions is also lacking from the discussions. Some of the findings can be regarded as reflecting the conceptions of democracy manifested in and passed on by schools. The study may also provide some guidance concerning how to approach social and political issues in the school.

“Liberal Democracy” is a common term in political theory, and it is used as if it had a commonly accepted referent, with both normative and descriptive content. This is certainly the case in democratic theory, where it on the one hand seems to refer to a normative democratic model; on the other hand it is used descriptively, to refer to real-life democracies. The deliberative democratic sub-field is not an exception; on the contrary, the term is frequently used albeit rarely defined; yet the concept it refers to is supposedly developed enough to allow detailed propositions about its citizens’s political behaviour. This essay is an attempt to analyze how Liberal Democracy is used by three deliberative democrats (Jürgen Habermas, John Dryzek and Stephen Elstub), in order to understand the democratic model (or models), whether normative or descriptive, they refer to. It is an analysis of how the term is used in some of the authors’ texts, what it denotes and connotes. This is done against the backdrop of their respective deliberative theories; Habermas, Dryzek and Elstub were chosen qua Deliberative Democratic theorists, not just democratic theorists. Habermas’s usage of Liberal Democracy is inconsistent. On the one hand it is a rather “open” democracy (i.e., more Dahl than Madison) dependent on active citizens in the public sphere; on the other hand it is a rights-based society where the market forum serves as an imperative, where isolated individuals make political choices as if they where choices at the market forum and even the social interactions are market-structured. My conclusion is that the latter model takes precedence. The following chapter analyzes John Dryzek’s usage of the term. The democratic model Dryzek calls Liberal Democracy shares some similarities with Habermas’s model – the market forum serves as a model for the citizens’ political behaviour. Following Horkheimer and Adorno, Dryzek connects Liberal Democracy to an instrumental rationality considered to be repressive. The instrumental rationality (and the behaviour it creates) leads to a political strait jacket – the citizens’ preferences get reduced to their interests, and politics is nothing but a battle of the interests. Dryzek’s usage of the term is more consistent than Habermas’s. For Stephen Elstub, upholding autonomy is the telos of democracy, irrespective of model. In his discussions of liberal democracy he equates liberal theory (J.S. Mill and John Locke) with liberal democratic theory, and sees the real-life democracies as realizations of the theory. Elstub's discussions of liberal democracy focus primarily on the demos, citizens with endogenous preferences. Contra Habermas and Dryzek, Elstub’s model lacks the behavioural model based on the market forum. An important inconsistency in Elstub’s model is the State’s capacity for institutional changes; the “representative structures” are incapable of the changes necessary to deal with social pluralism, but at the same time the Liberal Democratic system is flexible enough to accommodate his dualist model of democracy. The last chapter sums up the results and places the liberal democratic model in a taxonomy of democratic theories. I argue that in spite of the differences of the authors’ models, they are basically one and the same, normatively and descriptively. It is not primarily a model of democratic institutions – more than anything it is a conception of demos. The demos consist of citizens focused on their self-interest as a basis for their political actions. The democratic taxonomy used in the essay is fairly inclusive, but I conclude that Liberal Democracy does not fit in; it is not so much a theory of institutionalised democracy as a psychological theory.

This dissertation argues that the major theories of global justice (specifically within the cosmopolitan tradition) have missed an important aspect of capitalism in their attempts to deal with the most pernicious effects of the global economic system. This is not merely a left critique of cosmopolitanism (though it is certainly that as well), but its fundamental contribution is that it applies the insights of Frankfurt School Critical Theorist Theodor Adorno’s negative dialectics to offer an internal critique of cosmopolitanism. As it stands, much of the global justice and cosmopolitanism literature takes global capitalism as an unsurpassable and a foundationally unproblematic system, often ignoring completely the relationship between the psycho-socially conditioned ideological aspects of capitalism and the horizon of achievable politics and social development. Using the philosophies and social theories of Adorno and Erich Fromm, I argue that there is a crucial psycho-social dimension to capitalism, or capitalistic mentality—represented in and functionally reproduced by transnational capitalism—that undermines the political aspirations of normative theories of cosmopolitanism, on their own terms. The project concludes with an exploration of Marxist, neo-Marxist, and post-Marxist theories as a potential source of alternatives to address the flaws within cosmopolitanism with respect to its general acceptance and under-theorizing of capitalism. The conclusion reached here is that even these radical approaches fail to take into account the near-pervasive influence of capitalism on the minds of radicals and activists working for progressive change or simply reject the potentials contained in existing avenues for global political and economic change (something which the cosmopolitan theories explored in earlier chapters do not do). Based again on the work of Adorno and Fromm, this dissertation argues that the best path forward, practically and theoretically, is by engaging cosmopolitanism and neo-/post-Marxism productively around this concept of the capitalistic mentality, building towards a praxeological theory of postcapitalist cosmopolitanism framed by a negative dialectical resuscitation of the concepts of class struggle and unlimited democracy. This postcapitalist cosmopolitanism emphasizes non-exploitative economic and political relations, cooperation, compassion, sustainability, and a participatory-democratic civic culture.

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