Данное исследование посвящено изучению экологической политики США при администрациях Джорджа Буша-мл. (2001–2009), Барака Обамы (2009–2017) и Дональда Трампа (2017–2021), анализу стратегий реализации внутриполитической экологической повестки в рамках Организации Объединенных Наций, поиску партийной корреляции и оценке степени преемственности экологических курсов администраций. / This study examines US environmental policy during the George W. Bush (2001–2009), Barack Obama (2009–2017) and Donald Trump (2017–2021) administrations, analyze the strategies for implementing the domestic political environmental agenda at the United Nations, search for party correlation and assess the degree of continuity of environmental policies of the administrations.

No description available.

No description available.

No description available.

No description available.

No description available.

This dissertation draws upon Western literature in critical theory, aesthetics, art theory, and art history to explore how lying can foster aesthetic experience and the sociopolitical effects of this experience. It nominates the idea of pseudology—lying as an art—and outlines its distinguishing features from the dawn of postmodernism to contemporary practices. This study demonstrates an analysis of lying premised on an understanding of aesthetics as caught up in the wider issues of public pedagogy and everyday politics. Taking as case studies specific works of Marcel Duchamp, Robert Rauschenberg, VALIE EXPORT, and Carol Duncan, this dissertation argues for the narrative framing of artwork as paramount for its reception. As well, by examining the artistic mystifications of Mierle Laderman Ukeles, Guillermo Gómez-Peña, Coco Fusco, Joshua Schwebel, and Iris Häussler, this dissertation analyzes the use of pseudology in institutional critique. The study finds that perfidious practices can point to the importance of the relational boundary between what is real/unreal, highlight the social construction of this boundary’s aesthetic aspects, and reveal the ways in which each of us are active in the construction of a shared reality. Ultimately, our active framing of everyday life and the affective nature of our construction of a shared reality has been problematized by a contemporary prevalence of lying in the realms of public culture and politics. Pseudology reveals the power of narrative framing. The pseudological artworks discussed here expose, as models for the political aesthetic of lying, the need to debate the very tenets of reality constantly and continually—an essential civic action in the ethical, communal relationships of a democracy. / Thesis / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) / An analysis of the use of lying as an artistic technique.

This study explores the evolution of discourse surrounding Donald Trump as depicted in The Washington Post, and examines potential biases in the newspaper's articles across two distinct periods: 2015-2017, from when Trump announced his candidacy for the 2016 presidential election until his inauguration, and 2022-2024, from when he announced his candidacy for the 2024 election until the data collection date. Using corpus-assisted discourse analysis, the study investigates keywords and their collocating adjectival modifiers within the two corpora to reveal patterns in the discourse and potential bias around Trump. The results show that during the 2015-2017 period, the discourse predominantly centered on Trump's rivalry with Hillary Clinton, characterized by personal attacks and recurring themes of corruption, authoritarianism, and widespread protests against his presidency. In contrast, the 2022-2024 period's discourse focused more on Trump's legal challenges, particularly regarding the mishandling of classified information and doubts about electoral integrity, indicating a shift in discourse. The findings do not explicitly demonstrate bias towards Trump. However, the discussion highlights the potential for bias to subtly manifest itself through language choices, issue framing, and narrative selection.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-28T20:39:22Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 PCL - Denise Procopio.pdf: 645504 bytes, checksum: b475715ddd6d1dffee1043b018b70346 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006-10-11 / Woman who took revenge of the husband by killing her own children. The feature of the character envisaged here is the overmuch dependence that this woman cherishes towards man. In the second place, the analysis of a clinical case of a 40- years old woman who called herself a Medea of life when she looked for therapy. Finally, Winnicott`s Theory of Human Maturation as a theoretic approach useful to understand the case in question. As a result, the articulation of these points points out to the importance of winnicottian clinic as an alternative care to patients with flaws in primitive development, i.e., in preedipic stage, when is at stake the continuity of the being, not sexuality / O presente trabalho parte de três pontos principais. Em primeiro lugar, o mito de Medéia a mulher que mata os filhos para se vingar do marido. O aspecto enfocado na figura da personagem é a excessiva dependência que essa mulher nutre em relação ao homem. Em segundo, a análise de uma mulher de 40 anos que se autodenominou "uma Medéia da vida" ao procurar terapia, utilizando para isso o método clínico. E, finalmente, a Teoria do Amadurecimento Humano de D. W. Winnicott como abordagem teórica para compreender o caso em questão. O resultado da articulação desses pontos aponta para a importância da clínica winnicottiana como uma alternativa para cuidados com pacientes com falhas no desenvolvimento primitivo, ou seja, na fase pré-edípica, quando o que está em jogo é a continuidade do ser e não a sexualidade

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-29T13:48:39Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Bernardo Wahl Goncalves de Araujo Jorge.pdf: 1473998 bytes, checksum: 8cefb96903764170d80df6eb0969cfa8 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-03-23 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The initial reaction of the George W. Bush administration to the violent acts of september 11, 2001 was to attack the Taliban government in Afghanistan, aiming to bring down the Mullah Omar regime and to set up bases that would serve to the hunting of al- Qaida, organization which had that country as its sanctuary to plan its actions. The capital Cabul, as well as another regions in the countryside, were quickly conquered, theoretically because the american military plan, based on Special Operations Forces, air power and in the use of a local allie: the Northern Alliance. The supposed success of the United States would be the result, according to the official speech, of the military transformation that was being encouraged by the Defense secretary Donald Rumsfeld. The afghan model was considered a new american way of war and the Special Operations Forces, inside the context of global war on terror , went on to the center of the american strategic conception. However, after seven years of the invasion, the afghan situation is not good, so it is possible to question the validity and the apparent inovation of that american military actions / A reação inicial da administração de George W. Bush aos atentados de onze de setembro de 2001 foi atacar o governo Talebã no Afeganistão, visando a derrubar o regime do pregador religioso Omar do poder e a estabelecer bases que serviriam para a caçada à al- Qaeda, que tinha naquele país um santuário para planejar suas ações. A capital Cabul, assim como outras regiões no interior afegão, foram conquistadas rapidamente, isto teoricamente em função do plano militar estadunidense, baseado no emprego de Forças de Operações Especiais, poderio aéreo e na utilização de um parceiro local: a Aliança do Norte. O suposto sucesso dos Estados Unidos seria decorrente, conforme o discurso oficial norte-americano, da transformação militar que estava sendo promovida pelo secretário de Defesa Donald Rumsfeld. O chamado modelo afegão foi considerado um novo modo de guerra americano e, a partir de então, dentro do contexto de guerra ao terror , as Forças de Operações Especiais passaram a ocupar, como nunca antes na história dos EUA, um lugar por demais proeminente dentro da concepção estratégica de Washington. Todavia, passados cerca de sete anos dos movimentos iniciais de invasão, a situação afegã não é das melhores, o que leva ao questionamento da validade e aparente inovação daquelas ações militares americanas