The aim of this thesis is to analyse sustainable development as a political challenge at the local level of governance. It explores how local organisation for sustainable development (LA21, a short form of local Agenda 21) is influenced by economic conditions in contemporary society, as well as the specific conditions in the local context. The empirical focus is activity relating to LA21 in four Swedish municipalities (Kungsör, Sala, Trollhättan and Örebro). In analysing the challenge of sustainable development, the economic development model of contemporary society is used as a theoretical starting-point. It is argued that the promotion of economic growth is crucial in determining the parameters of environmental policy; indeed, environmental policy can be described as a result of a dialectic contradiction between economic and ecological concerns. As theoretical tools, I define three perspectives on how to deal with ecological problems. Economism represents the ideological foundation of the present growth economy, and sees environmental problems as something secondary to the goal of creating economic growth. Ecomodemism represents an effort to implement sustainable development through reforming the growth economy. Social ecology promotes the substitution of the growth economy with another economic model in realising sustainable development. The analysis shows that LA21 has in a number of ways raised the profile of environmental concerns in the four municipalities examined. Their LA21 action programmes express a radical (social ecological) political agenda for sustainable development. The municipal strategies have also gradually widened their scope to, for example, include more complex and controversial issues. However, most of the participating actors consider LA21 as a reform strategy for sustainable development, rather than an ideological challenge to the present economic growth model. The political leaderships tend to be influenced by ecomodernist ideas, and usually also consider LA21 as an economic development project. When in conflict with environmental concerns, economic growth policies tend to be prioritised. Conflicts over growth-related projects also tend to reduce the legitimacy of LA21 among citizens. In the four studied municipalities, LA21 gradually reaches a critical point at which further deepening (corresponding to the goals of action programmes) is unlikely unless local actors change their perceptions of ecological problem-solving. / <p>ISBN 91-7305-041-5 (ogiltigt nummer) finns angiven i tryckt bok.</p> / digitalisering@umu

FÉLIX, Antônio Ferreira. O caráter pedagógico da atividade sindical e os limites do economicismo. 2013. 158f. – Dissertação (Mestrado) – Universidade Federal do Ceará, Programa de Pós-graduação em Educação Brasileira, Fortaleza (CE), 2013. / Submitted by Márcia Araújo (marcia_m_bezerra@yahoo.com.br) on 2013-10-03T13:37:04Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2013-DIS-AFFELIX.pdf: 1014458 bytes, checksum: f1c6201aa91df44e77ef0666221fe9a4 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Márcia Araújo(marcia_m_bezerra@yahoo.com.br) on 2013-10-03T14:23:56Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2013-DIS-AFFELIX.pdf: 1014458 bytes, checksum: f1c6201aa91df44e77ef0666221fe9a4 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2013-10-03T14:23:56Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2013-DIS-AFFELIX.pdf: 1014458 bytes, checksum: f1c6201aa91df44e77ef0666221fe9a4 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013 / O presente trabalho tem como principal propósito demonstrar o papel pedagógico das organizações sindicais na educação dos trabalhadores no contexto da sociabilidade do capital em crise e colocar a importância dessas organizações para a luta dos trabalhadores, que mesmo muitas vezes servindo à classe dominante, para conformá-los à exploração, podem, em certas circunstâncias, converter-se em um dos instrumentos na educação/organização e mobilização com o objetivo de transformar a sociedade rumo a uma sociabilidade emancipada. Para tal intento fizemos um intercurso histórico por dentro do modo de produção capitalista, primeiro observando o surgimento das organizações dos trabalhadores, desde as primeiras formas de resistência, que, no início, eram reações individuais (como roubos e assassinatos, destruição das mercadorias estrangeiras), depois destruição das máquinas (não esquecendo as organizações secretas) e, finalmente, as formas mais evoluídas de organizações, como os sindicatos e os partidos operários. Posteriormente, buscamos a definição do que é educação, partindo da atividade prática dos homens, da práxis material, para compreender a relação de determinação, dependência e autonomia entre teoria e prática, existência e consciência. Enfim, buscamos entender onde se situa a educação, especificamente na moderna sociedade produtora de mercadorias, da propriedade privada dos meios de produção, do trabalho assalariado e, sobretudo, da contradição cada vez mais aguda entre as forças produtivas e as relações de produção, no seio da luta de classes. Nesse contexto, as organizações sindicais são levadas, normalmente, a pautar seu combate na imediaticidade, no economicismo, ficando, portanto, nos limites da luta contra os efeitos, não combatendo as causas da real exploração à qual é submetida a classe trabalhadora. Contudo, os sindicatos podem estar ou a serviço da classe dominante, quando levam a cabo a conciliação de classes, ou na defesa da classe dominada, quando educam, organizam e mobilizam a classe trabalhadora para a ação direta, levando-a a confiar na sua organização, na sua força e na defesa dos seus interesses. Para o alcance do nosso objetivo de investigação, examinamos as produções teóricas sobre sindicatos, a partir da revisão dos escritos de Marx (2008; 2009), Engels (2009; 2010), Lênin (1979; 2005; 2010), Trotsky (1978; 1979; 2008), Rosa Luxemburgo (1990), Arcary (1995; 2005), Gramsci (1978), Lora (1989) e outros que pesquisam o tema. Para isso, tentaremos demonstrar, por um lado, o processo de burocratização dos sindicatos, atrelado aos governos e aos patrões; por outro, a resistência dos trabalhadores na busca de se organizar, forjando organizações independentes, classistas e que têm como horizonte estratégico a luta pelo socialismo.

<p>The aim of this essay is trying to understand the ideological changing process over the last decades and the ideological meaning of the relatively new conception lifelong learning as well, and how it comes that the opportunities offered the individual pre-school child and the individual compulsory-school pupil to assimilate the so important learning, differs so dramatically all though the expressed ambition to offer each and every one equal opportunities. What are the ideological structures that are, and have been in function, that carries and have carried the perceptions of the use and value of fostering and education?</p><p>In a time with the welfare ideology in a hegemonic position, it was seen important that the state took major responsibility for the education of the citizens. In our time, it appears, an economist ideology has taken the hegemonic position, and education is becoming an increasingly economic issue, and equality is decreasing along with, as in general society, the increasing of segregation within the educational system.</p>

The aim of this essay is trying to understand the ideological changing process over the last decades and the ideological meaning of the relatively new conception lifelong learning as well, and how it comes that the opportunities offered the individual pre-school child and the individual compulsory-school pupil to assimilate the so important learning, differs so dramatically all though the expressed ambition to offer each and every one equal opportunities. What are the ideological structures that are, and have been in function, that carries and have carried the perceptions of the use and value of fostering and education? In a time with the welfare ideology in a hegemonic position, it was seen important that the state took major responsibility for the education of the citizens. In our time, it appears, an economist ideology has taken the hegemonic position, and education is becoming an increasingly economic issue, and equality is decreasing along with, as in general society, the increasing of segregation within the educational system.

nÃo hà / O presente trabalho tem como principal propÃsito demonstrar o papel pedagÃgico das organizaÃÃes sindicais na educaÃÃo dos trabalhadores no contexto da sociabilidade do capital em crise e colocar a importÃncia dessas organizaÃÃes para a luta dos trabalhadores, que mesmo muitas vezes servindo à classe dominante, para conformÃ-los à exploraÃÃo, podem, em certas circunstÃncias, converter-se em um dos instrumentos na educaÃÃo/organizaÃÃo e mobilizaÃÃo com o objetivo de transformar a sociedade rumo a uma sociabilidade emancipada. Para tal intento fizemos um intercurso histÃrico por dentro do modo de produÃÃo capitalista, primeiro observando o surgimento das organizaÃÃes dos trabalhadores, desde as primeiras formas de resistÃncia, que, no inÃcio, eram reaÃÃes individuais (como roubos e assassinatos, destruiÃÃo das mercadorias estrangeiras), depois destruiÃÃo das mÃquinas (nÃo esquecendo as organizaÃÃes secretas) e, finalmente, as formas mais evoluÃdas de organizaÃÃes, como os sindicatos e os partidos operÃrios. Posteriormente, buscamos a definiÃÃo do que à educaÃÃo, partindo da atividade prÃtica dos homens, da prÃxis material, para compreender a relaÃÃo de determinaÃÃo, dependÃncia e autonomia entre teoria e prÃtica, existÃncia e consciÃncia. Enfim, buscamos entender onde se situa a educaÃÃo, especificamente na moderna sociedade produtora de mercadorias, da propriedade privada dos meios de produÃÃo, do trabalho assalariado e, sobretudo, da contradiÃÃo cada vez mais aguda entre as forÃas produtivas e as relaÃÃes de produÃÃo, no seio da luta de classes. Nesse contexto, as organizaÃÃes sindicais sÃo levadas, normalmente, a pautar seu combate na imediaticidade, no economicismo, ficando, portanto, nos limites da luta contra os efeitos, nÃo combatendo as causas da real exploraÃÃo à qual à submetida a classe trabalhadora. Contudo, os sindicatos podem estar ou a serviÃo da classe dominante, quando levam a cabo a conciliaÃÃo de classes, ou na defesa da classe dominada, quando educam, organizam e mobilizam a classe trabalhadora para a aÃÃo direta, levando-a a confiar na sua organizaÃÃo, na sua forÃa e na defesa dos seus interesses. Para o alcance do nosso objetivo de investigaÃÃo, examinamos as produÃÃes teÃricas sobre sindicatos, a partir da revisÃo dos escritos de Marx (2008; 2009), Engels (2009; 2010), LÃnin (1979; 2005; 2010), Trotsky (1978; 1979; 2008), Rosa Luxemburgo (1990), Arcary (1995; 2005), Gramsci (1978), Lora (1989) e outros que pesquisam o tema. Para isso, tentaremos demonstrar, por um lado, o processo de burocratizaÃÃo dos sindicatos, atrelado aos governos e aos patrÃes; por outro, a resistÃncia dos trabalhadores na busca de se organizar, forjando organizaÃÃes independentes, classistas e que tÃm como horizonte estratÃgico a luta pelo socialismo.

This thesis researches the phenomenon of (mostly human) power from the point of view, from which human accepts it and believes in it. At first, it deals with the phenomenon of power in the work of Machiavelli (The Ruler) and it points out the possible danger of its absolutisation. For insight into thinking of Machiavelli, it deals with the analysis of Ľubomír Belás and also with the viewpoint of Anna Hogenová, Jan Patočka, Ernst Jünger, Václav Bělohradský and other authors. The thesis also shows the Comenius' criticism of Machiavelli. There comes a sort of revelation of the principle of power which disregards other values and the thesis warns against it. In the next step, the thesis researches the conception of Václav Klaus (Blue, not a Green Planet) and with the help of Jan Keller's statements and some scientifical opinions in ecological issues (Ravi Kumar Kooparapu) the thesis finds it closed in a certain way of economical thinking, guestioning-suppressive and thus somewhat power-based. Further, this thesis researches the form of strong distortion of the picture of the world which appears in the work of ideologist Alexander Dugin (The Great War of Continents). It shows dangerous power - demagogic features in his work and compares it with the similarities in the orations of Rudolf Goebbels. The...

This thesis aims to critically explore the concept of “place branding” and “place marketing” in the context of public organizations. By employing Theo van Leeuwens model for discourseanalysis the study looks to find out how selected public organizations legitimize the branding and marketing of the place that they represent. Based primarily on Lennart Lundquists theoretical understanding of economism and the values of public administration, the study means to shine a light on the problematic relationship of public marketing and democratic values. The results are further analyzed with the help of neo-institutional theory with the goal of finding overarching ways to explain the nature of this relationship. The key findings indicate that, as predicted the discourse of branding and marketing is infused with neoliberal values that according to Lundquist are in many ways incompatible with the values of political democracy. These values are also intertwined with a discourse based on the values of democracy, welfare, and communication. The neo-institutional reading of this relationship points to the studied organizations search for legitimacy based on two, partially incompatible sets of values. This in turn could be interpreted as the decoupling of legitimizing structures and everyday work.

In post-colonial Africa, conceptions of the nature and purposes of development as well as the theories and strategies for achieving them have remained a territory traversed predominantly by non-African social scientists. In this context, social scientists studying Africa's development proclaimed, at the dawn of the 1990s, a "paradigmatic crisis" and embarked on a quest for new paradigms . In advancing this quest, a number of "homegrown" development strategies have emerged. This work argues that these are mere adaptations and reconstructions of dominant Eurocentic paradigms that exaggerate the value of economic goods and wealth creation founded on a competitive marketplace by making them immutable features of development. Yet the ethic of competition theoretically condones a trajectory of killing in the quest for wealth accumulation. In this way, internalist epistemologies perpetuate epistemicide and valuecide in Africa's strides towards development. The stranglehold of internalist epistemologies has resulted in the impasse of rationality. By this we mean that Reason, apotheosized since the Enlightenment, has advanced humanity out of barbarism to "civilization" but has now placed humanity on the brink of unredeemable barbarism. Reason, through its manifestations in the philosophy of Mutual Assured Destruction and global warming, has condemned humanity to willful but avoidable suicide. Since the subjects and objects of development must be one and the same, development is necessarily culture-derived and culture-driven, with the preservation and improvement of human dignity and welfare as its ultimate aims. Accordingly, we defend the thesis that it is necessary for a framework meant for Africa's development to be founded on indigenous knowledge and values, if it is to succeed. And at this moment of impasse reached by Reason, an African ethics-based development paradigm, predicated on humaneness and "life is mutual aid", can restore Reason to sober rationality and liberate Africa's development efforts from the intoxicating prison of profit making. Hence the institutions and frameworks devoted to Africa's development, such as the Constitution and Strategic Plan of the African Union as well as NEPAD, must incorporate salient features of the philosophic ethic emanating from the knowledge and ontological systems of indigenous Africa into visions of the African future. / Philosophy / D. Phil. (Philosophy)

In post-colonial Africa, conceptions of the nature and purposes of development as well as the theories and strategies for achieving them have remained a territory traversed predominantly by non-African social scientists. In this context, social scientists studying Africa's development proclaimed, at the dawn of the 1990s, a "paradigmatic crisis" and embarked on a quest for new paradigms . In advancing this quest, a number of "homegrown" development strategies have emerged. This work argues that these are mere adaptations and reconstructions of dominant Eurocentic paradigms that exaggerate the value of economic goods and wealth creation founded on a competitive marketplace by making them immutable features of development. Yet the ethic of competition theoretically condones a trajectory of killing in the quest for wealth accumulation. In this way, internalist epistemologies perpetuate epistemicide and valuecide in Africa's strides towards development. The stranglehold of internalist epistemologies has resulted in the impasse of rationality. By this we mean that Reason, apotheosized since the Enlightenment, has advanced humanity out of barbarism to "civilization" but has now placed humanity on the brink of unredeemable barbarism. Reason, through its manifestations in the philosophy of Mutual Assured Destruction and global warming, has condemned humanity to willful but avoidable suicide. Since the subjects and objects of development must be one and the same, development is necessarily culture-derived and culture-driven, with the preservation and improvement of human dignity and welfare as its ultimate aims. Accordingly, we defend the thesis that it is necessary for a framework meant for Africa's development to be founded on indigenous knowledge and values, if it is to succeed. And at this moment of impasse reached by Reason, an African ethics-based development paradigm, predicated on humaneness and "life is mutual aid", can restore Reason to sober rationality and liberate Africa's development efforts from the intoxicating prison of profit making. Hence the institutions and frameworks devoted to Africa's development, such as the Constitution and Strategic Plan of the African Union as well as NEPAD, must incorporate salient features of the philosophic ethic emanating from the knowledge and ontological systems of indigenous Africa into visions of the African future. / Philosophy, Practical and Systematic Theology / D. Phil. (Philosophy)

This research, has relevance in the wake of dwindling aid channelled to the third world rural poor. This study has explored ways of breaking away from benevolence and economism. The research explores four objectives that are focussed on scanning the boundary, in terms of challenges and possible solutions. This provides some in-depth understanding of challenges that face the process of establishing self-sustaining institutions of development. In the last two objectives, the research explores some programming alternatives that would enhance the establishment of democratic and participatory organisations that maximise social capital and grassroots democratisation. A list of guidelines specific to institutions has been drawn. The results of the survey reveal that sustainability cannot be predicted due to the uncertainties and ambiguities associated with project success. The hypothesis that participation and grassroots democratisation facilitates project success has been validated and there was greater project success in participatory organisations, given the baseline context. / Development Studies / M.A. (Development Studies)