The same historical documentation that provides evidence for the reasons why the Puquina language disappeared, also provides linguistic information which, in combination with archaeological studies, allows us to interpret its history in the period prior to the Inca conquest of Collasuyu, as well as during the time under Incas domination. Using the method of regressive history, and making use of various disciplines (history, archaeology, linguistics), this paper proposes an interpretation of the history of the last Puquina-speakers. / La documentación histórica proporciona datos que permiten entender los motivos de la desaparición del idioma puquina a la vez que facilita información lingüística que, junto con los estudios arqueológicos, brindan una interpretación de su historia en la época que precede a la conquista inca del Collasuyu, así como de la etapa de su dominio en este territorio. Sobre la base del método de historia regresiva y mediante el empleo de varias disciplinas, como la historia, la arqueología y la lingüística, el presente artículo propone una interpretación de la historia de los últimos puquinahablantes.

No description available.

O objetivo desta tese é contribuir para o aperfeiçoamento dos modelos sobre a história das populações Tupi através da análise da bibliografia e de algumas coleções de vasilhas cerâmicas. A pesquisa permitiu a aquisição de inúmeras informações sobre sítios e cronologias; e a análise componencial das coleções de vasilhas cerâmicas permitiu a realização de uma amostragem das especificidades regionais. O resultado possibilitou maior clareza sobre a espacialização das diferenças, divididas em cinco conjuntos cerâmicos cujas características reforçam as hipóteses de deriva e apontam para trocas de elementos com outros povos. Com relação aos modelos foi possível validar pontos importantes, complementando-os com novos dados empíricos onde antes havia apenas suposições, assim como também permitiu refutar algumas hipóteses não compatíveis com o estado da arte. Coadunar os resultados das pesquisas arqueológicas, linguísticas e etnoistóricas tornou possível a construção de um quadro sintético que apresenta tanto as complexidades quanto as possibilidades de desvelar os processos históricos que levaram à formação dos povos Tupi tal como os conhecemos. / With this thesis I hope to contribute to the improvement of models on the history of Tupi populations through the analysis of literature and collections of ceramic vessels. The development of the research allowed the acquisition of a large amount of information on sites and chronologies; moreover, the collections analyzed showed great sample potential regarding the regional characteristics of the ceramic sets. The obtained result was a clearer view of the differences in spatialization among the five ceramic sets whose features reinforce the drift assumptions and point to exchange of elements with other peoples. Regarding the models, important points were validated providing empirical data where had been only assumptions, as well as, refuting some assumptions that are incompatible with the current knowledge. Pooling the results of archaeological, linguistic and ethnohistorical research made possible to build a synthetic framework that presents both the complexities and possibilities of revealing the historical processes that led to formation of Tupi as we know them.

The small, above-ground masonry structures of northwestern New Mexico called "pueblitos" first came to the attention of anthropologists in over a century ago. In 1920, the noted archaeologist A.V. Kidder hypothesized that these masonry structures might have been built by Puebloan refugees fleeing Spanish reprisals in the wake of the Spanish reconquest of New Mexico after the Pueblo Revolt, and he proposed that this hypothesis be tested. Over the next several decades, however, the hypothesis remained untested, but it became both accepted as established fact and the basis for most anthropological, archaeological, and historical reconstructions of Navajo history and cultural development.

L’espace et le quotidien des personnes autochtones vivant dans les communautés au Québec – et plus largement au Canada – sont fortement marqués par la présence des chiens qui s’y promènent librement, pouvant laisser croire qu’ils sont systématiquement errants lorsqu’ils sont observés d’un point de vue extérieur. Ainsi, la cohabitation humain-chien est parfois décrite comme étant problématique et soulève des enjeux de santé et de sécurité publique pour les vétérinaires ou les médias. Bien que plusieurs recherches précédentes aient eu pour objectif de régler les « problèmes de chiens » dans les communautés autochtones, peu d’entre elles ont cherché à comprendre l’émergence de ce phénomène. Ce mémoire tente d’éclairer cet angle mort de la recherche en présentant les résultats d’un terrain ethnographique effectué dans les communautés innues d’Ekuanitshit-Mingan, sur la Côte-Nord du Québec, et – plus brièvement – de Natuashish, au Labrador, à l’été 2022. Ancrée dans une perspective anthropologique, cette étude propose une lecture différente des « problèmes de chiens » en valorisant le point de vue interne des Innus par rapport à l’émergence de ce phénomène dans leur société. En combinant les approches ethnohistorique et ethnoéthologique, cette recherche de nature ethnozoologique propose de parcourir l’histoire de ce groupe autochtone et de comprendre les continuités et les transformations des rapports entre les Innus et leurs chiens entre le nomadisme et la sédentarisation. Les conclusions de ce mémoire permettent de comprendre que les « problèmes de chiens » en contexte innu sont une conséquence indirecte de la colonisation et constituent donc un problème colonial. / The space and daily life of indigenous people living in communities in Quebec – and more broadly in Canada – are strongly marked by the presence of dogs, which roam freely, giving the impression that they are systematically strays when observed from the outside. As a result, human-dog cohabitation is sometimes described as problematic, raising public health and safety issues for veterinarians and the media. While much previous research has focused on resolving “dog problems” in aboriginal communities, little of it has sought to understand the emergence of this phenomenon. This dissertation attempts to shed light on this research blind spot by presenting the results of an ethnographic fieldwork conducted in the Innu communities of Ekuanitshit-Mingan, on Quebec's Côte-Nord, and – more briefly – of Natuashish, in Labrador, during the summer of 2022. Rooted in an anthropological perspective, this study proposes a different reading of “dog problems” by valuing the Innu's own perspective on the emergence of this phenomenon in their society. By combining ethnohistorical and ethnoethological approaches, this ethnozoological research proposes to explore the history of this indigenous group and to understand the continuities and transformations in the relationship between the Innu and their dogs between nomadism and sedentarization. The conclusions of this dissertation allow us to understand that “dog problems” in the Innu context are an indirect consequence of colonization, and therefore constitute a colonial problem.

Ce travail se propose d’étudier l’histoire de l’ethnie des Indiens de Copiapo, groupe situé au Chili, dans la vallée de Copiapo, aux marges méridionales du désert d’Atacama. C’est ainsi que la période abordée (1544-1806) répond au développement-même de ce groupe durant la période coloniale, depuis sa création en tant que groupe d’encomienda jusqu’à sa disparition. En effet, ce groupe apparaît lorsque le gouverneur du Royaume du Chili don Pedro de Valdivia décide d’octroyer en encomienda l’ensemble des habitants de la vallée, qui constituaient jusqu’alors une ethnie, les transformant en tributaires et Indiens de service, et étant emmenés à vivre sous la tutelle politique et économique de leur encomendero, déracinés de la majorité de leur territoire ancestral. Ce système juridique et son application au Chili d’une manière générale, et à Copiapo d’une façon plus spécifique, provoqua toute une série de ruptures au niveau même des structures sociales de ce groupe : déclin démographique rapide, perte des terres communautaires, changement des formes politiques, perte de la langue et de la religion. A travers l’étude du développement de ces différents processus, nous montrons comment cette ethnie disparut, car perdant l’ensemble des caractéristiques de leur identité et des moyens qui leur auraient permis de se reformuler en tant que communauté. / The purpose of this work is to study the history of Copiapo Indians ethnic group, situated in Chile, specifically in the valley of Copiapo, in the southern borders of the Atacama Desert. Thus the treaty period (1544-1806) follows the development of this group during the Colony, from its birth as an encomienda to its disappearance. Indeed, this group appears on the time that the governor of the Kingdom of Chile, Don Pedro de Valdivia decided to entrust all the inhabitants of the valley on a single encomienda, which were previously an ethnic group, transforming them into fiscal persons and servant Indians, and taken to live under the political and economic tutelage of their encomenderos, uprooted from the majority of their ancestral territory. This legal system and its application in Chile in general, and specifically in Copiapo, triggered a series of ruptures at the level of the social structures of this group: rapid population decline, loss of community lands, changing political forms, loss of language and religion. Through the study of the development of these various processes, we show how this ethnic group disappeared, having lost the feature set of its identity and the means that would have allowed them to rebuild as a community.Keywords : / El objetivo de este trabajo es estudiar la historia de la etnia de los Indios de Copiapó, grupo situado en Chile, específicamente en el valle de Copiapó, en los márgenes meridionales del desierto de Atacama. Es así que el periodo tratado (1544-1806) responde al desarrollo mismo de este grupo durante la Colonia, desde su nacimiento como grupo encomendado hasta su desaparición. En efecto, esta grupo aparece en el momento en el que el gobernador del Reino de Chile don Pedro de Valdivia decide encomendar a todos los habitantes del valle, que hasta entonces conformaban una etnia, transformándolos en tributarios e indios de servicio, y llevados a vivir bajo la tutela política y económica de su encomendero, desarraigados de gran parte de su territorio ancestral. Este sistema jurídico y su aplicación en Chile de forma general, y en Copiapó específicamente, provocó una serie de rupturas a nivel de las estructuras sociales de este grupo: veloz descenso demográfico, pérdida de las tierras comunitarias, cambio de las formas políticas, pérdida de la lengua y de la religión. A través del estudio del desarrollo de estos diferentes procesos, mostramos cómo esta etnia desapareció, al haber perdido el conjunto de características de su identidad y de los medios que les habrían permitido reconstruirse como comunidad.

Cette enquête d’ethnologie traite des rapports de pouvoir entre les Aïnous, la société et l’État japonais, et cherche plus particulièrement à décentrer le point de vue de la majorité concernant les Aborigènes et la conquête coloniale, en étudiant les transformations socioculturelles des Aïnous à travers la lente appropriation de l’île par le Japon. Elle privilégie, en étudiant les archives de l’histoire combinées aux données d’une ethnologie de terrain, ce que les Aïnous disent d’eux-mêmes et d’un passé marqué par le traumatisme de leur incorporation au corps national japonais après un long processus d’acculturation les ayant relégués au rang de minorité ethnoculturelle au statut encore précaire. Les historiographies japonaises et occidentales concernant la colonisation de l’ancienne île d’Ezo, se basant essentiellement sur le point de vue des conquérants, occultent par principe celui de ce peuple qu’elles qualifient parfois de disparu, et dont la subordination matérielle forcée avait déjà commencé bien avant, malgré la création d’un réseau de négoce exceptionnel. Nous pensons que ces archives et les données d’un long travail ethnographique peuvent nous aider à mieux comprendre cette communauté et les événements ayant façonné les épisodes de son histoire et de celle du Japon, longues séquences de transformations de leurs organisations socioculturelles et politiques respectives. Depuis l’annexion d’Ezo, et la longue préparation qui la précéda, l’étude de cet ensemble de données nous éclaire sur les modes opératoires des deux temps de la gouvernementalité d’un pouvoir ayant cherché à les manipuler à des fins politiques, après les avoir réifiés. Cet essai d’ethnohistoire, s’inscrivant dans le champ plus spécifique de l’anthropologie de la violence en situation coloniale et postcoloniale (symbolique lorsqu’elle prend les traits ponctuels de la discrimination raciale ou du déni d’existence, ethnique durant la période de la loi de l’indigénat de 1899 et des expérimentations de l’anthropologie physique), cherche à prendre en compte l’historicité de sources bibliographiques et ethnographiques jusque-là peu étudiées tout en se basant sur un long travail de terrain auprès des Aïnous, afin de nuancer la production d’une histoire du pouvoir exclusivement basée sur les discours de l’État, tendant à minimiser le fait aïnou au point de le rendre anecdotique, voire absent de l’histoire du pays. Il nous semble que les Aïnous sont les créateurs et les détenteurs d’une historicité que l’on a longtemps voulu leur nier pour mieux les déposséder. Loin d’être restée passive face à ces bouleversements, la communauté aïnoue se caractériserait plutôt par une valorisation de la combativité et une forte capacité de résistance à travers certaines figures héroïques (chefs de guerre d’antan, artistes, écrivains et militants d’aujourd’hui), malgré les tentatives d’acculturation à répétition auxquelles elle a dû faire face. De plus, la création d’un statut concernant l’indigénat aïnou dans une nation se pensant monoethnique nous semble annoncer une volonté de conceptualiser des structures coloniales, bientôt appliquées et modifiées dans les autres territoires annexés. Enfin, à travers son exploitation académique en tant que sujets de l’anthropologie physique japonaise à ses débuts, elle semble avoir joué un rôle important dans la constitution des nouveaux savoirs du Japon moderne importés de l’Occident. Ces analyses cherchent à apporter un éclairage nouveau sur leur pensée et ces stratégies en phase avec leur temps et d’une grande contemporanéité que les Aïnous sont parvenus à élaborer malgré un contexte défavorable, pour répondre et réagir aux transformations socioculturelles qui les ont traversés jusqu’à ce jour. / This research of ethnology studies the relationships of power between the Ainu, Japanese society and the Japanese State, and more specifically tries to shift the point of view of the majority concerning Aborigines and colonial conquest by studying the sociocultural transformations of the Ainu across the slow acquisition of Ezo by Japan. By studying historical archives combined with the data of ethnological fieldwork, it focuses on what the Ainu say about themselves and a past marked by the trauma of their incorporation into the Japanese national body after a long process of acculturation, which has relegated them to a precarious rank as an ethno-cultural minority. Both Japanese and Western historiographies concerning the colonization of the former island of Ezo, rely heavily on the conquerors’ perspective. These unilateral views obscure the existence of the Ainu’s own historiography, mostly silenced because of their forced material subordination. This allowed the colonial power to describe them as a vanished primitive people despite the fact that they created an exceptional international trading network in the past and possess a long history of resistance to domination. These archives and data from extended ethnographic fieldwork can help us to better understand this community and the events that shaped its history and that of Japan, and the long sequences of transformations of their respective socio-cultural and political organizations. Considering both the annexation of Ezo, as well as the long preparation that preceded it, the study of this set of data sheds light on the patterns of the colonial and postcolonial power’s governmentality, and efforts to manipulate the Ainu for political purposes, after having dehumanized and objectified them. This ethno-historical essay, in accordance with the more specific field of anthropology of violence in colonial and postcolonial contexts (violence can be symbolic when it takes on the occasional traits of racial discrimination and denial of existence, or ethnic, such as during the period of physical anthropology experiments or the long period following the Former Aborigines Act in 1899), seeks to take into account the historicity of previously little studied bibliographic and ethnographic sources. It also relies on long-term fieldwork with the Ainu. The result is a reinterpretation of the production of a history of power based exclusively on the State’s views and thoughts that aimed to minimize the Ainu’s existence to the point of relegating it to mere anecdote or possibly even rendering it invisible in the country’s history. Besides this critical situation, it appears that the Ainu are the creators and the holders of a historicity that has been denied for too long in order to better dispossess them. The Ainu, through academic exploitation as subjects of physical anthropology, appear to have been used in order to assess the practical application of Western colonial ideals and to support the modernization and creation of a Japanese colonial empire. Struggling desperately to free themselves from the shackles of the Former Aborigines Act of 1899 and from socio-cultural and academic violence by reversing stereotypes of ethnicity, the Ainu have patiently managed to integrate into the international network of indigenous activism, developing a vast cultural reinvention program focused on the main principles of autochthony. These analyses seek to shed new light on the Ainu’s way of thinking, the contemporary strategies to obtain the concrete application of their indigenous rights which they have managed to develop despite an unfavorable context, and to respond and react to the socio-cultural transformations they have been facing up to the present. / 本民族学調査は、アイヌと日本の国家並び社会とのあいだに生じる権力関係を対象とし、日本による漸進的なアイヌモシリ（北海道）占有の過程における、アイヌの社会文化的変容の考察を通じて、先住民と植民地主義的征服に関する多数派の観点を相対化することが目指される。本調査では、歴史資料に加え、現地での民族学調査に基づくデータを扱うが、それは、アイヌが自身とその過去について行う証言を重視するためである。アイヌによって語られる過去は、長きにわたる異文化受容の過程の後に、日本の国体に吸収され、文化民族的少数者という不安定な地位に追いやられたことに起因する外傷の痕跡を色濃く残している。一方、蝦夷ヶ島の植民に関する日本と西洋の史書は、基本的に征服者の視点に基づいており、それによれば、アイヌは並外れた交易のネットワークを築いていたにも関わらず、その強制的な物質的従属ははるか以前に遡るとみなされたり、また時にアイヌは既に消滅したものとみなされたりもする。つまりこれらの史書では、アイヌ自身の視点は端から隠蔽されているのである。従って、アイヌの共同体について、また、アイヌの歴史と日本の歴史における挿話を生み出してきた諸事件について、さらには、アイヌと日本双方の社会文化的・政治的な組織の変容の論理的筋道についてよりよく理解するためには、歴史資料のみならず、長年に渡る民族誌学的調査のデータを検討することが必要となるであろう。そして、こうしたデータの総体を検討することにより、蝦夷地の併合以降、並びに、それに先行する長い準備期間という、統治性に関わる二つの期間において、まずはアイヌを物化し、次いで政治的な目的で利用するための権力が、どのように形成されたのかが明らかとなるであろう。より厳密にいうのであれば、本民族誌学的試論は、コロニアル、ポストコロニアル的な状況下における暴力についての人類学という特殊領域に属し（その暴力は、人種差別や存在の否認といった限定的表現をとるときには象徴的なものとなり、形質人類学的実験や先住民に関する法律が施行されていた時期には民族的なものとなる）、アイヌのもとでの長年のフィールドワークに基礎をおきながら、これまであまり研究されてこなかった文献や民族誌学的情報の歴史性を重視し、そうすることで、アイヌの偉業を瑣末事とみなし、時に国史から抹消するまでに過小評価してきた、国家の言説に基づく権力の歴史の産物を相対化することを目指している。強権的な歴史観においては、アイヌからの収奪を促進するため、アイヌの歴史性は否定されてきたが、実際にはアイヌは、歴史性の創造者でありまたその保持者であるというのが本調査での見解である。自らを襲う幾多の変動に対し、アイヌは決して受動的であったわけではない。アイヌの共同体はむしろ、度重なる異文化受容の試練に対して発揮された、闘争性と強靭な抵抗力とによって特徴付けられるのであり、それは、数々の英雄的人物（往年の戦争指導者、芸術家、作家そして今日の活動家）の行動が示すとおりである。また、単一民族を自称する国家の内部で、アイヌに対する行政法的な地位（「北海道旧土人」）が設けられたという事実からは、この後、他の併合地域にも適応され、修正されていくこととなる、植民地支配のための機構を理論化しようとする国家の意志を読み取ることが可能である。さらにアイヌは、西洋から輸入された現代日本の新たな学識の形成のために重要な役割を果たしたと考えられるが、それは、黎明期にあった日本の形質人類学の研究対象として、学術的に利用されることによってなのである。これらの法的な拘束や、社会文化的・学究的な暴力の束縛からの解放を求めて激しく抵抗するなかで、アイヌは、自然と融合した未開人といった固定観念の価値を自らに有利なように逆転すると共に、粘り強い活動の結果、積極行動主義をとる先住民たちの国際的なネットワークに連なることにも成功し、先住民性に関する諸原則に則りながら、文化を再発明するためのプログラムを練り上げている。2008年の国会決議によって、日本の先住民として認定された後も、アイヌはナショナリズムや内向的姿勢に陥ることなく、他の多くの先住民たちに倣いながら、人新世（anthropocène）という危機的な時代の最中、利潤追求の結果抑制が効かなくなったまま、地球規模で推し進められる経済的発展に脅かされた環境の守護者として、その地位を確立している。本調査における分析により、自身が置かれた不利な状況にも関わらず、今日も依然として強い影響を残す社会文化的な変容に対応し、対処していくため、これまでアイヌが練り上げてきた、今日の状況にも適う、極めて現代的な性格を有する彼らの思考とその戦略について、新たな理解がもたらされるであろう。

This thesis contributes to the literature on the history of the transition from colonial to post-colonial in the Pacific. It explores the contribution of an individual to this transition, Rev. Dr. Alan Richard Tippett, as a focus for illuminating the struggles in the transitions and the development of post-colonial theory for mission. Alan Richard Tippet sailed to Fiji as an ordained Methodist missionary in 1941. He was a product of a Methodist parsonage and heir to the evangelical and revival tendencies of the Cornish Methodism of his family. He began his missionary career steeped in the colonial visions of the mission enterprise fostered by the Board of Missions of his church. He was eager to study anthropology but was given no chance to do so before he left Australia. He pursued his study of anthropology and history in Fiji and began to question the paternalism of colonial theory. Early in his time in Fiji he made the decision to join with those who sought change and the death of colonial mission. In his work as a circuit minister, theological educator, writer and administrator he worked to this end. He developed his talent for writing and research, encouraging the Fijian church to take pride in its past achievements. He became alienated from the administrators of the Australasian Methodist Board of Missions and could find no place in the Australian church. In 1961 he left Fiji and began a course of study at the newly formed Institute of Church Growth in Eugene, Oregon. This led him into the orbit of Donald McGavran and the newly emerging church growth theory of Christian mission. Although his desire was to enhance the study of post-colonial mission in Australia he could not find a position to support him even after he gained a PhD in anthropology from the University of Oregon. After research in the Solomon Islands he returned to the USA to assist Donald McGavran in the formation of the now famous School of World Mission at Fuller Theological Seminary, Pasadena. While at Fuller he exercised considerable influence in the development of missiological theory and especially the application of anthropological studies in post-colonial mission. Although he contributed to both the ecumenical and evangelical debates on mission, he found himself caught up in the bitter debates of the 1960s and 1970s between them and, despite all efforts to maintain links, lost contact with the ecumenical wing. Retiring to Australia in 1977 he found that his world reputation was not recognised in his native land. He continued his work apace, although he was deeply saddened by the ignorance he found in Australia and by his continued rejection. He finally donated his library to St. Mark???s National Theological Centre. He died in 1988 in Canberra.

本文以「彝族的源流史詩」做為研究對象，透過這個研究，然後更進一步重新省視「彝族」能否歸類為一個「民族」的民族理論上的根本概念。 一、Approche: 文獻大彙整與地圖套疊 源流史詩，內容著重在神話、英雄、族源、遷徙、祭祀等等，其內容非娛樂性質，更因演唱的場域（年節祭祀、喪禮）而有其莊嚴性，也能得到群體的認同。本論文選用源流史詩文本來觀察與解釋彝族，就是基於相同民族應該會有共同的文本，產生共同的感受，包括「創世」的哲學觀、「族源」的歷史認同、「祭祀」的宗教經驗。 首先，從零散文獻裡整理出108篇的文本，並加以體系化。這種體系化，對於目前的民族學/人類學的田野觀察，或文學史/民族史的整體敘述，都是更為宏觀的整合。其次，本論文共繪製21張地圖，並歸納三種套疊形式，讓史詩文本的呈現，多了一項「空間」的概念，製造與彝族的「語言」和「支系」相遇的「空間」，讓我們有機會可以在空間中尋找三者關係的意義，這是前人研究上未能釐清的概念。 三個物件套疊圖：分別是「彝族支系VS六語別VS創世史詩分佈圖」、「彝族支系VS六語別VS創世史詩三大敘事系統分佈圖」、「彝族族源史詩VS六語別VS六祖分支分佈圖」。我們可以看到北部彝語、東部彝語的作品、語言、支系三者可以重疊，但在雲南這三者套疊後，顯得凌亂無法重疊。造成三張圖無法套疊，支系的複雜應該是主因，反映出作品、語言的歸屬問題，而這個問題其實就是本論文想探討的彝族究竟是「一個民族有多個支系」，還是「一個民族集團有多個民族」？ 二、源流史詩的價值與意義 源流史詩包括創世史詩、族源史詩、祭祀史詩三種。它們都反映出彝族祖靈崇拜的宗教根底，也跟民族史緊扣相連。本論文依據108篇的源流史詩作品，做全面性體系化的整理。 （一）創世史詩分成三大敘事系統 本文以自創「情節板塊」的單位來分析39篇創世史詩文本，據此，劃分三個具有特色的敘事的傳統：四川的勒俄特衣系統、貴州的宇宙生成變化系統、雲南的換人種系統。在彝族的多元敘事裡，看到許多不一樣的風格與特色，對一個民族而言，要同時具備所有的特色，誠屬困難。創世史詩的三種敘事系統，可以推論，彝族至少可以再區分三個不同的民族。 （二）族源史詩是以家族史為中心 彝族族源史詩是建立在彝族因父子連名制度而形成的譜系基礎上，由畢摩編纂記錄而產生的作品。整理確定的21篇的族源史詩，集中分佈在貴州畢節與雲南武定。族源史詩以六祖分支故事為核心，在雲南可能受到傳播的影響，故事不夠完整而呈現凌亂的狀況。從集中發展的角度來看，篤慕與六祖分支的故事，是東部彝語區獨有的文本。本文以當代7本彝族史著作來檢驗，可以看出「篤慕與六祖」已經脫離「傳說」而蛻變成「歷史」的一部份。 （三）祭祀長詩充分展現祖靈信仰 彝族宗教類的典籍文獻的重心是在祭經，祭經的內容以祭祀為主，祭祀長詩即是祭經的內容。全面整理後，確定有64篇的祭祀長詩，其中「指路經」文本佔多數，共有36篇。本文試圖從「祖靈觀」、「喪禮葬儀」、「祭祀」三個面向來看各語別彝族之間的差異性？筆者認為，靈魂不滅的觀念是全族所共有的，返祖意識北部彝語區最明顯，東部彝語區只有部分地方有，其他彝語區的返祖意識幾乎沒有，但是從部分儀式內容來看，還保留返祖意識的痕跡。 三、「彝族」傾向為由「多民族」組成的一個「民族集團」 創世史詩的三套疊地圖，證明彝族的支系與語言的關係混亂，因此作品是無法和支系對應。其中最複雜的地區在雲南，北部彝語的四川與東部彝語的貴州，還能產生對應的關係。 族源史詩的三套疊地圖的案例，卻是作品與支系與語言可以三者對應。檢驗結果，可以對應的關係是在東部彝語區的諾蘇、納蘇支系的彝族，其他語別區並沒有族源史詩作品，進而提出該支系已發展為彝族的主體支系，其家族史也成為彝族民族史的主要依據。 祭祀長詩則是在時間的觀念中去釐清彝族的歷史認同記憶，透過「父子連名」與「指路經」的連結，以及祖靈信仰的宗教觀，藉由畢摩的穿針引線，彝族的支系們似乎又可以在「宗教」的影響下，連結在一起。 源流史詩展現民族的歷史觀，足以反映及代表民族的思維，因此源流史詩可以說是文學史與民族史交集下的結晶。因此，筆者將「源流史詩」做為檢驗「彝族」的一種標準。經過這麼多層的討論後，證據是傾向「彝族」是「由多民族組成的一個民族集團」而非「擁有眾多支系的一個民族」。這一個結論，可以讓我們重新拿來檢驗現有的關於「彝族」的「民族史」與「文學史」，同時可以用來檢驗「彝族民族識別」之後的「彝族認同」過程。 / The focus of the thesis is on the “epics of Yi’s origin” By studying them, we may have a closer examination of whether the Yi can be categorized as one “ethnos.” A. The approach: Compiling documents and putting maps together The contents of an ethnos’ epics of origin are mainly legends, heroes, ethnic origin, immigration and ancestor veneration, which are not entertaining. The occasions to chant the epics, such as seasonal worshiping and funerals, make the epics solemn. That lets a group of people identify themselves with their own epics. The thesis observes and explains Yi via its epics of origin since people of a same ethnos are supposed to have the same texts which make them feel the same. The texts include the philosophy view of “creation,” identification with the history of one’s “ethnic origin,” and religious experience of “ancestor veneration.” First, I reorganized 108 epics out of scattered documents and systemize them. Both for ethnological or anthropologic field observations and for the overall description of an ethnos’ history of literature or ethnohistory, the systemization is of broader consolidation. Second, the thesis produces 21 maps and puts them together in three map overlay modes. That adds the concept of “space” to the presentation of the epics and creates the “space” in which Yi’s “language varieties” and “branches” can meet, letting us able to search for the meanings of the relationships among the three – epics, language varieties, and branches – in the space. These are what the forerunners on the study haven’t given any definition for. The three map overlay modes are “Yi’s branches vs six language varieties vs distribution of Yi’s epics of creation,” “Yi’s branches vs six language varieties vs distribution of three main narrative systems of Yi’s epics of creation,” and “Yi’s epics of ethnic origin vs six language varieties vs distribution of the branches from the six forefathers.” We can see the distributions of the epics, language varieties and branches of Northern Yi and Eastern Yi match. But in Yunnan, the result of map overlay appears in a state of disarray. The main cause may be Yi’s branches in Yunnan are complicated, which underlines the belonging issues in the epics and language varieties. Actually, these issues are something the thesis wants to explore to find out if Yi is “an ethnos with many branches” or “an ethnic group made up of several ethnos.” B. The values of the epics of Yi’s origin and history: The epics of Yi’s origin and history can be categorized into epics of creation, epics of ethnic origin, and epics for ancestor veneration. All of them reflect Yi’s religion based on worshiping ancestral spirits and also connect closely with the history of Yi. The thesis tries to study 108 epics of Yi’s origin systematically. (a) Yi’s epics of creation can be divided into three narrative systems. With the self-made “scenario plates” units, I analyze 39 epics of creation and categorize them into three narrative systems – the Lewo Teyi System in Sichuan, the System of the Birth and Changes of the Universe in Guezhou, and the System of Changing Human Races in Yunnan. In Yi’s multi narrative systems, we can see many different styles and features. It’s very rare for an ethnos to have all of the characteristics. Thus, we can conclude that Yi can at least be divided into three different ethnos. (b) Yi’s epics of ethnic origin are centered on family histories. Yi’s epics of ethnic origin which are based on Yi’s family pedigrees built on the patronymic linkage naming system are recorded and edited by bimos. There are 21 well-organized epics of ethnic origin which mainly distribute in Bijie, Guezhou and Wuding, Yunnan. The core of the epics is the branching story of the six ancestries. In Yunnan, the story is not complete and also in a state of disarray. It might be caused by the communication factor. In terms of centralized development, the story of Dumu and the branching of the six ancestries is exclusive in the Eastern Yi region. The thesis explores seven contemporary works on Yi’s history and finds out that “Dumu and Yi’s six forefathers” has departed from Yi’s “legendry” and transformed into part of Yi’s “history.” (c) Long poetry for ancestor veneration sufficiently presents Yi’s beliefs of ancestral spirits. A big chunk of Yi’s ancient religious books are those for remembering the dead whose contents are mainly expressing veneration in the form of long poetry. After reorganization, there are 64 long poems for expressing veneration and most of them (36 in total) are the chi lu ching, scripture of leading the road. The thesis tries to find the differences among the groups of Yi’s language varieties in the aspects of the “concept of ancestral spirits,” “funerary and burial customs,” and “ancestor veneration.” I think that the concept of the immortal soul is prevailing among the Yi. The idea of returning to the ancestry is particularly obvious in the Northern Yi region and can be found in part of the Eastern Yi region. The idea is hardly found in other Yi regions but the traces of the idea are left in part of the rites there. C. Yi is more like an “ethnic group” made up of “several ethnos.” The three sets of overlaid maps of Yi’s epics of creation prove the relationships among Yi’s branches and language varieties are in a state of disarray, causing the epics not really match with the branches. The most complicated area is Yunnan. On the other hand, the epics and branches have some sort of correlation in Sichuan of Northern Yi and Guezhou of Eastern Yi. As for Yi’s epics of ethnic origin, the three sets of overlaid maps show that the epics, branches, and language varieties are related. The situation can be seen in Nori and Nasu groups of Eastern Yi. However, there isn’t any epic of ethnic origin in other language variety regions. Thus I assume Nori and Nasu groups have become main groups of Yi and their family histories have thus become important parts of Yi’s ethnohistory. Long poetry for ancestor veneration aims to clarify the common historical memories of the Yi in terms of the concept of time. Via the linking of the patronymic linkage naming system and the chi lu ching, based on the religious concept of ancestral spirits, and with the help of bimos, Yi’s branches seem to connect together under the influence of “religion.” An ethnos’ epics of origin demonstrate the historical view of the ethnos and represent the thoughts of the ethnos. Therefore, epics of origin of an ethnos can be regarded as something bred by the ethnos’ history of literature and its ethnohistory. Thus, I use “epics of ethnic origin and history” as a criterion to explore “Yi.” Through multi analyses, it is obvious that Yi is “an ethnic group made up of several ethnos” rather than “an ethnos with many branches.” This conclusion can be used to re-examine the existing issues on Yi’s ethnohistory and its history of literature and to review the ethnic identification process of the Yi after Yi was certified as an ethnos.

This dissertation constructs a cultural history of women's performances in Boston from 1762-1823, using materialist feminism and ethnohistory. I look at how "woman" was historically understood at that time, and how women used those discourses to their advantage when constructing performances that allowed them to intervene in political culture. I examine a broad range of performance activities from white, black, and Native American women of all classes. Chapter two discusses three of Boston's elite female intellectuals: Mercy Otis Warren, Judith Sargent Murray, and Sarah Wentworth Apthorp Morton. Though each woman's writings have been examined individually, I examine them as a community. With the connections and public recognition they built, they helped found the Federal Street Theatre where they could have a ventrioloquized embodied performance for their ideas on women's rights, abolition, and political parties. Chapter three looks at the construction of three solo performances: Phillis Wheatley performing her poetry in 1772; the 1802 theatre tour of Deborah Sampson Gannett, who fought as a man in the revolution; and the monologues and wax effigy creations of Patience Lovell Wright circa 1772. These women depended on their performances for sustenance, and in Wheatley's case, to secure her freedom from bondage. I look at the way these women created a mythology about themselves and crafted a marketable image, both on and off the stage. In particular, I examine the ways each grappled with a charged discourse surrounding their bodies. In chapter four I look at fashion as performance. I explore homespun dresses as political propaganda, Native American and black women's use of clothing to express cultural pride that white Anglo society had attempted to erase, and the way that women used mourning costumes to perform and create nationalism at the mock funerals held for Washington after he died in 1799. In my conclusion I contrast the 2008 miniseries John Adams with a solo performance of Phillis Wheatley. I briefly trace the trajectory of the history of women during this time. I argue that focusing on performance identifies and legitimizes other sources of evidence and locates examples of women's agency in shaping popular culture. / text