Abstract – From de facto to de jure: A comparative study between three post-Soviet territories path towards diplomatic recognition The purpose of this essay has been to study how well three post-Soviet de facto states live up to the definition of the concepts of state and sovereignty. Basically, the focus has been to, with the help of an analysis scheme constructed specifically for this study, analyse the situation the three de facto states are currently in and then compare their situations to one another. With the study I want to show that the history of the de facto states, as well as their current legal status, carry with them differences and similarities that play a major role in their future. By analysing a number of scientific articles and other research material within the social science sphere, I have been able to compile a table that shows how well the case studies live up to the seven criteria of the state outlined by Martin Glassner in Political Geography (2004). The main result of the study has been that various historical and demographic circumstances in the three de facto states have distinguished them from one another during the more than three decades that have passed since the fall of the Soviet Union. However, this is in stark contrast to the strong ties they all have to a patron state, which in all cases is crucial to the legal state of limbo they are all currently residing in.

Denna uppsats ämnar att undersöka hur mänskliga rättigheter efterlevs i Transnistrien, Västsahara och Kashmir, tre omstridda områden och hur teoretiska ramverk ser på och förstår mänskliga rättigheter i dessa områden. Uppsatsen börjar med att undersöka de två teoretiska ramverken; liberalism och realism för att sedan operonalisera dom på empiriska fall med omstridda områden. Uppsatsen undersöker hur rättighetssituationen ser ut i omstridda områden genom att undersöka rapporteringar från NGO: er och andra internationella aktörer samt om det skett något agerande från andra aktörer för mänskliga rättigheter i området. Uppsatsen kommer fram till att mänskliga rättigheter inte efterlevs till fullo i de tre undersökta områdena. Men uppsatsen visar även att det finns ett regionalt och internationellt engagemang för mänskliga rättigheter i områdena. Uppsatsens slutsats är att även om de mänskliga rättigheterna är begränsade och inte efterlevs till fullo i de undersöka områdena finns det både ett regionalt och internationellt intresse för mänskliga rättigheter i området. Resultatet uppsatsen kommer fram till är att den liberala utgångspunkten är den empiriskt närmsta. / This thesis aims to examine how human rights are complied with in Transnistria, Western Sahara and Kashmir, three disputed areas and how theoretical frameworks view and understand human rights in these areas. This thesis begins with examining the two theoretical frameworks; liberalism and realism to then use them on empirical cases with disputed areas. The thesis examines what the human rights situation looks like in disputed areas by examining reports from non-governmental organizations and other international actors, and if there has been any action from other human rights actors in the area. The thesis concludes that human rights are not fully complied with in the three areas studied. It also shows that regional and international actors are committed to the human rights situation in these areas. The thesis concludes that even though human rights are limited and not fully complied with in the areas studied, there is both a regional and international interest in human rights in the area. The result concludes is that the liberal theory is the closest to the empirical situation.

Whilst studies on capital punishment in Japan have been conducted by various scholars from various perspectives, empirical research on the de facto moratorium period is largely unavailable. This thesis aims to investigate how consistently the Japanese government justified capital punishment during the execution-free period from 1989 to 1993. Its primary goal is to throw light on the elite-driven nature of the capital punishment system where important decisions are made within the closed institutional dynamic, often irrespective of domestic or international factors. It will also highlight that capital punishment policy has been dealt with by the Japanese government as an issue of law and order, which does not necessarily invite criticism from human rights perspectives. The thesis then proceeds to empirically examine the governmental discourse on capital punishment from 1980 to 2002. It will contend that investigations from an appropriate approach can make clear the elite-driven nature of capital punishment policy in Japan. Finally, it will suggest implications for the international and domestic anti-death-penalty advocates regarding their campaigns over Japan, and reflect on how this thesis can help tackle future research.

Denna studie undersöker olika användningar av begreppet "de facto statslöshet" och vilka djupare implikationer begreppsanvändningen har. Med avseende på centrala dimensioner av begreppet där olika tolkningar förekommer (vem som är de facto statslös, hur de facto statslöshet tar sig uttryck och vad som orsakar de facto statslöshet) redovisas variationerna i begreppsanvändningen. Slutligen diskuteras vilka följder det får att benämna en grupp "de facto statslös" och vilka lösningar och åtgärder på gruppens utsatthet som därigenom blir aktuell. Detta illustreras med ett konkret fall: asylsökande palestinier från Gaza i Sverige. Det undersöks i vilken mån dessa kan anses de facto statslösa, och hur deras problem uppfattas annorlunda i ljuset av olika tolkingar av begreppet, för att utvärdera de olika begreppsförståelserna. Jag når slutsatsen att det mest fruktbara är ett snävt begrepp, som betecknar ett mer fundamentalt utanförskap än bristen på skydd av olika praktiska rättigheter. Begreppet tappar sin analytiska och politiska udd om det görs för inklusivt, och de politiska implikationerna av att teoretiskt separera en utsatt individ från staten hon tillhör ska inte underskattas.

The drive that initiated this doctoral thesis was the absence of a resource that investigated social trauma’s effect on business ethics; therefore this thesis investigates the relationship between social trauma and business ethics practices aiming to make the first contribution on an academically untouched topic. As in the case of individual psychology, social psychology also examines matters on a case-tocase basis for a clear understanding of the underlying phenomena and complex processes. Hence, considering the past and the current characteristics of Cypriot Turks of North Cyprus, they were chosen as the case study society. In order to explore social trauma’s impact on business ethics, different disciplines were uniquely synthesized through particular lenses; large group psychology, business-government-society relationship and individual ethical decision-making. The absence of previous work in this area suggested exploratory, qualitative research to be the optimum approach. Rich primary and secondary data were collected through interviews, observations, photographs and documents. The resulting data analysis and findings contribute to the current body of research on business ethics, social trauma and business-government-society relationship at the empirical and conceptual levels. The key contribution of this research is to substantiate the link between social trauma and business ethics, and the way social trauma causes unethical behaviour through its effect on the institutions and individual-social interaction. Furthermore, a model of social trauma and business ethics relationship was developed which also provides a framework for potential future research in other social contexts. Even after decades, social trauma can impact on the conduct of business and can interfere with the individual ethical decision-making process in multiple ways; the causes and consequences of this are discussed in depth. The way this impact occurs and its particulars may differ from one large group to another, and this should be noted before the framework is applied to any other society.

A criação de grupos societários é, nos dias de hoje, provavelmente uma das técnicas mais utilizadas para a organização da atividade empresarial. As eficiências deles decorrentes, muitas vezes, não podem ser alcançadas pelo emprego de outras formas societárias. Dentre as possíveis alternativas para a estruturação de grupos societários, os grupos de fato são maioria no cenário econômico brasileiro. Inspirados no modelo societário alemão, estes grupos caracterizam-se pela união de sociedades em relações de controle e coligação, nos quais uma sociedade de comando exerce direção unitária sobre as demais sociedades integrantes do grupo, conferindo-lhes unidade econômica. A legislação societária brasileira, contudo, contém algumas falhas no que diz respeito à regulamentação dos grupos de sociedade. Mesmo no direito comparado, há críticas aos modelos de regulamentação existentes. No caso brasileiro, o principal elemento caracterizador dos grupos societários a direção unitária não é previsto na legislação. Além disso, a sistemática da lei é deficiente ao definir mecanismos de proteção aos interesses de acionistas minoritários e credores. Em vista disso, a jurisprudência tem empregado a desconsideração da personalidade jurídica das sociedades integradas em grupos para tutelar estes interesses. Em que pese a válida tentativa da jurisprudência de evitar que a ausência de um regramento adequado, para os grupos societários, prejudique interesses de credores e acionistas minoritários, a utilização da técnica da desconsideração para tanto não observa os princípios determinados para a sua aplicação e gera grande insegurança jurídica. Esta é a análise proposta neste trabalho. / The creation of corporate groups is, nowadays, probably one of the most used techniques for organizing the enterprise. Efficiencies resulting from them very often cannot be reached by using other corporate forms. Among the possible alternatives for structuring groups of companies, de facto groups are the majority in Brazilian economic scenario. Inspired in the German corporate model, these groups are characterized by the union of companies in control and affiliation relations, where a parent company exercises unitary direction over the other companies integrating the group, granting them economic unit. Brazilian corporations law, however, has some flaws as regards the rules applicable to corporate groups. Even in comparative law, there is criticism to the existing regulating models. In Brazil, the main element that characterizes the group of companies the unitary direction is not set forth in law. Besides that, the laws systematic is deficient in defining mechanisms for the protection of the interests of minority shareholders and creditors. In view of that, courts have been using disregard of the legal entity of companies integrated in corporate groups to protect such interests. Despite of the valid attempt of the courts to avoid that the lack of proper rules for groups of companies jeopardize interests of creditors and minority shareholders, the use of the disregard technique for this purpose does not observe the principles for its use and results in great legal insecurity. This is the analysis proposed herein.

<p>The aim of this political scientist paper is to describe and analyze the quasi state Iraqi Kurdistan 1992-2006 using the theory of Kolstö about how and why quasi states develops and the theory of Pegg regarding how the international society deal with quasi states. A qualitative case method is used. In the study the two theories are combined. Iraqi Kurdistan is used as a case to study to confirm Kolstö’s and Pegg’s theories. It’s an interesting case as it’s included in one of the most sensitive geo political areas in the world. The Kuwait war 1990 and the Second Gulf war 1991 were the incentive to Iraqi Kurdistan as a quasi state and the US invasion of Iraq 2003 was the incentive to the end of it. In conclusion the case verify the theories and the theories promote the understanding of Iraqi Kurdistan’s period as a quasi state. The goal of the quasi state Iraqi Kurdistan was to become a federal state in a federal Iraq and it succeeded.</p>

Thesis (D. Jur.)--York University, 2001. / Typescript. "Graduate Programme in Law, Osgoode Hall Law School, York University." Includes bibliographical references (leaves 351-371). Also available on the Internet. MODE OF ACCESS via web browser by entering the following URL: http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/yorku/fullcit?pNQ67941.

The following comparative case study of Iraqi Kurdistan and Democratic Federation of Northern Syria-Rojava seeks to fill a gap in literature on the viability of democracy in cases of de facto statehood. There is yet to be an assessment of the potential influence of support from patron states on the degree to which democratization in de facto states is possible. This research expands upon on the argument that the decision to recognize de facto states is at least partially dependent upon the national interests of influential third party states. Syria Rojava has relied heavily on the strength of its internal sovereignty for survival where Iraqi Kurdistan received significant external support in vital phases of the state building process and was not reliant entirely on the strength of its internal unity. Where Kurdistan received essential major power support from permanent UN Security Council members early in the state-building process, as well as afterwards in constructing a divided system of governance, Syria Rojava has received little external support and faces an international community that denies its existence. It is estimated that in the following research the support of Major Powers early in the state-building process fundamentally changes the nature of internal sovereignty. More specifically the strength and weakness of conditions of internal sovereignty influence the type of governance that is practiced in the cases under analysis. Where the conditions of internal sovereignty are strong, the viability for democratization decreases; where the conditions of internal sovereignty are weak, the viability for democratization increases. In the case of Iraqi Kurdistan, the relatively weak conditions of internal sovereignty, while resulting in conditions that are more conducive to democratization, subjects the region to increased dependence on external powers for survival. Whereas in Syria Rojava, the relatively strong conditions of internal sovereignty while resulting in conditions that are less conducive to democratization, subjects the region to less dependence on external powers for survival. Theories that seek to affirm the possibility of democratization in de facto states have so far eschewed consideration of the military and diplomatic support of patron states in the early de facto state building process. There is a need for research that takes into consideration the specific events that lead to the creation of de facto states so as not to overlook the possibility that external actors play a role in shaping conditions of internal sovereignty.

Submitted by MANOELLA DE GUIMARÃES NASCIMENTO (manoella.nascimento@gmail.com) on 2018-03-01T17:59:10Z No. of bitstreams: 1 FINAL MANOELLA DE GUIMARÃES NASCIMENTOCERTA2.pdf: 1237927 bytes, checksum: ed9a66503e65598a982a84294fb0d539 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Katia Menezes de Souza (katia.menezes@fgv.br) on 2018-03-01T18:03:21Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 FINAL MANOELLA DE GUIMARÃES NASCIMENTOCERTA2.pdf: 1237927 bytes, checksum: ed9a66503e65598a982a84294fb0d539 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-03-02T12:26:35Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 FINAL MANOELLA DE GUIMARÃES NASCIMENTOCERTA2.pdf: 1237927 bytes, checksum: ed9a66503e65598a982a84294fb0d539 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-05-11 / O conceito de duty of care em decisões de cinco países (Inglaterra, Irlanda, Austrália, Canadá e Holanda) é utilizado para responsabilizar as empresas transnacionais pelas violações de direitos humanos perpetradas por atos de suas subsidiárias, em uma estratégia processual para alcançar a reparação das vítimas, já que as Cortes Internacionais não aceitam entes privados como réus em processos. A pesquisa busca criar um conceito geral para o instrumento, com suas condicionantes e limitações, pela observação de decisões dos cinco países na literatura pertinente, considerando três pontos específicos: o controle de fato exercido pela empresa-mãe sobre as ações da empresa subsidiária, a desconsideração da personalidade jurídica e o foro aplicável as ações judiciais. O principal elemento do conceito de duty of care é o controle de fato, que pode ocorrer de duas formas: por ações positivas diretamente nas condutas possivelmente danosas da empresa e por omissão quando a transnacional se encontra em uma posição de superioridade de conhecimento e não aconselha a subsidiaria em suas ações. O controle de fato engloba ainda a previsibilidade do dano e a proximidade entre as partes. O duty of care apenas pode ser imposto quando o controle de fato esteja presente. / The concept of duty of care in judgements of five countries (England, Ireland, Australia, Canada and Holand) is utilized as a way to make transnationals enterprises responsible for human rights damages caused by their subsidiaries companies, in a processual maneuver to achieve reparation for the victims, since International Courts do not allow private entities to become parts in their litigation procedure. This research means to create a general concept for the instrument, with its limitations and requirements, through the observation of foreign judgments cited by the relevant literature, considering three main points: the facto control exercised by the parent company, the piercing of the corporate veil and the applicable jurisdiction. The main element of the concept of duty of care is the facto control, which can manifest itself in two ways: by a positive action directly over the possible damaging conduct of the subsidiary and by omission when the multinational enterprise has a conduction of superior knowledge and fails to advice the subsidiary in its actions. The facto control contains both the foreseeability of the damage and the relation of proximity between the parts. The duty of care can only be imposed when the facto control is present.