Are peace agreements more likely to include gender provisions if women participate in the peace negotiations? The international community, national governments and civil societies around the world have assumed that women’s inclusion in peace negotiations result in higher quality peace agreements, where women’s interests are better taken into consideration. To date, there is a lack of empirical underpinning of the assumption. This study uses a twofold research design, combining statistical and qualitative methods to examine the interrelation between women’s descriptive and substantive representation in peace negotiations in the post-Cold War era. First, the statistical analysis suggests that peace agreements are more likely to include at least one gender provision referring to women’s rights and security if women participate in the negotiation. At the same time, the agreements are not more likely to address a higher number of different areas for increased rights and security measures for women. Second, the qualitative analysis examining the mechanisms shows that there is no guarantee that women will push for gender provisions, but that their particular experiences and interests in conflict, and the expectations from others give them strong reasons to do so. Important factors for women to successfully push for gender provisions have to do both with their individual will and personal ability, and external factors relating to the presence of traditional gender norms and the power balance between men and women in the country of conflict.

A year after Alyssa Milano’s tweet launched the #MeToo movement, survivors of sexual assault are being called ‘accusers’ in the media, and public opinion is swinging in favor of guilty men. #MeToo raised awareness but not understanding. What is rape? What is consent? As evidenced by the #MeToo movement and the backlash against it, clearly, as a society, we don’t know. Contact is a work of Creative Nonfiction that uses scenes and details from the narrator’s personal experiences to illuminate the micro-negotiations that occur in sex and seduction. In a world where women are still expected to stay small and stay out of the way, where we publicly decry but privately propagate the notion of being 'seen and not heard,' and where to be seen means to be sexualized, this narrator seeks to take up space and make noise. In Contact the personal is political and the political is personal.

La notion d'identité implique certains présupposés de droit privé dont latendance est marquée par certains «généricismes». L'on peut entendre par là lesconceptions qui limitent la définition du genre humain à des traits catégoriels etabstraits, sans suffisamment prendre en compte des particularités sexuellementdifférenciées. Pourtant, le sujet de droit lorsqu'il est féminin doit impliquer la prise enconsidération de singularités liées à son sexe, qui ne peuvent être les mêmes quecelles d'un sujet de droit masculin.Sous couvert de l'égalité des sexes, le droit engage alors la société à uneuniformisation des intérêts cependant divergents et propres à chaque sexe. Il s'agitalors de montrer à la fois l'apport de ces conceptions, mais aussi leurs limites et doncla nécessité de s'ouvrir à l'exigence de conceptions plus «universalistes». En effet, ildoit être démontré que seule une universalité peut garantir la reconnaissance desparticularités et des différences féminines, telle qu'une identité juridique fémininel'admettrait. Si cette étude fera face à divers courants et auteurs de philosophie dudroit, elle prendra pour point de départ le droit positif établi dans ses différentesdisciplines, du droit pénal à certains aspects du droit du travail ou du droit desassurances.L'intérêt de la question est de permettre une évaluation plus précise desqualifications autour de la femme comme sujet de droit singulier, et en intégrant lescritiques contemporaines, qui ont pu montrer l'insuffisance d'une pensée simplementgénérique pour traiter de questions aussi graves que la différenciation sexuelle quece soit en droit civil ou en droit social- critiques qui, néanmoins, n'ont guère assuméla voie épistémologique de la philosophie du droit dans sa spécificité. / The notion of identity involves the presuppositions of private law withwhich the trend is marked by some «genericisms». That means conceptions who limitthe human gender's definition in specific and abstract features and withoutconsidering the sexually differentiated peculiarities. Nevertheless, the subject of rightwhen it's a feminine subject implies the considering of sexual characteristics, whichcannot be the same that those of the male subject.On the pretext of the gender equality, the right submits then the society to astandardization of the divergent interests and peculiar to every sex. It is then aquestion of showing at the same time the contribution of these conceptions, but alsotheir limits and thus the necessity of opening to the requirement of more«universalist» conceptions. Indeed, it must be demonstrated that only a universalitycan guarantee the recognition of the peculiarities and the feminine differences, suchas a feminine legal identity would admit it. If this study will face diverse currents andauthors of philosophy of the right, it will take for starting point the substantive lawestablished in its various disciplines, the criminal law with certain aspects of the laborlaw or the insurance law.The interest of the question is to allow a more precise evaluation of thequalifications around the woman as the subject of singular right, and by integratingthe contemporary criticisms, who were able to show the insufficiency of a simplygeneric thought to deal with questions so grave as the sexual differentiation in thecivil or labor law- criticisms who, however, hardly accepted the epistemological wayof the philosophy of the right in its specificity.

Syfte: Syftet är att undersöka om tvingande kvotering kommer att ha en effekt på ROA och tillväxt för svenska bolag noterade på Large Cap. Metod: Studiens metod är kvantitativ och har en deduktiv ansats. Författarna har gjort multipla regressionsanalyser i statistikprogrammet Stata. Teoretisk utgångspunkt: Public Interest Theory, Capture Theory, Tvingande Isomorfism, Legitimitetsteorin och Humankapitalteorin. Resultat och slutsats: Studien finner inte att andelen kvinnor i bolagsstyrelser har någon påverkan på bolagens finansiella prestationer i svenska bolag som är noterade på Large Cap, Nasdaq Stockholm. Studien finner att nyval i styrelsen har en negativ påverkan på bolagens finansiella prestationer. / Purpose: The purpose is to investigate whether mandatory quotas will have an effect on ROA and growth for Swedish companies listed on Large Cap. Method: The study method is quantitative and has a deductive approach. The authors have performed multiple regression analyzes in the statistical program Stata. Theoretical starting point: Public Interest Theory, Capture Theory, Coercive Isomorphism, Legitimacy Theory and Human Capital Theory. Result and conclusion: The study does not find that the proportion of women in corporate boards has any impact on the companies' financial performance in Swedish companies listed on Large Cap, Nasdaq Stockholm. The study finds that election on the board has a negative impact on the companies' financial performance.

The purpose of this thesis is to examine the effect that the Catholic Diocese of Aitape in the Sandaun Province of Papua New Guinea, and by implication, the Catholic Church, has had on the lives of women, as assessed by women of the Diocese themselves. Much research has been done into how women can be, and/or become, empowered through development project approaches and through the agency of development agencies and people. Many such projects have been relatively short lived and have also been sector specific. If such projects are seen to have an impact upon the lives of women, a long standing institution such as the Catholic Diocese of Aitape which has such a great influence on the lives of the people living within the Diocese could also be expected to have an impact upon the lives of women. Women reflecting upon their own lives and the lives of their mothers and grandmothers and what differences there are and how the Diocese/Church has contributed to these changes has provided the data for analysis within this thesis. Based upon the reflections of women, selected as being representative of the women of the Diocese, the Diocese and the Catholic Church have indeed contributed to a degree of empowerment for women that these women may not have otherwise achieved within contemporary Papua New Guinea society. The various teaching, policies and practices of the Diocese and the Church have enabled a greater freedom of association, movement and opportunity for women to individually and collectively become empowered to some degree. The patriarchal nature of the Church hierarchy and the interaction between the Church and the Diocese however remains a barrier to true gender equality across all aspects of the Diocese and Church. While this remains so, increasing localisation of the Church within Melanesian society may well mean that gains made by women through the agency of the Catholic Diocese of Aitape, need to be defended from erosion by a more Melanesian version of that same Diocese. [Appendix 4 : STK THR 262.3093 D718]

<p>This thesis contains four different studies on the dynamics of gender in households and workplaces. The relationship between family life and work life is in focus, particularly in the paper on labour market outcomes after divorce.</p><p>In the introductory chapter, the Swedish context is briefly described. The description focuses on gender differences in the labour market and in the home. Theories concerning the division of work in the household are discussed, as are two theories on labour market discrimination, viz. taste discrimination and statistical discrimination. The theory part is concluded with a discussion of social closure processes and gendered organizational structures.</p><p><i>The Reproduction of Gender. Housework and Attitudes Towards Gender Equality in the Home Among Swedish Boys and Girls.</i> The housework boys and girls age 10 to 18 do, and their attitudes towards gender equality in the home are studied. One aim is to see whether the work children do is gendered and if so, whether they follow their parents’, often gendered, pattern in housework. A second aim is to see whether parents’ division of work is related to the children’s attitude towards gender equality in the home. The data used are taken from the Swedish Child Level of Living Survey (Child-LNU) 2000. Results indicate that girls and boys in two-parent families are more prone to engage in gender-atypical work the more their parent of the same sex engages in this kind of work. The fact that girls still do more housework than boys indicates that housework is gendered work also among children. No relation between parents’ division of work and the child’s attitude towards gender equality in the home was found. </p><p><i>Dependence within Families and the Household Division of Labor – A Comparison between Sweden and the United States.</i> This paper assesses the relative explanatory value of the resource-bargaining perspective and the doing-gender approach in analysing the division of housework in the United States and Sweden from the mid-1970s to 2000. Data from the Swedish Level of Living Survey (LNU) and the Panel Study of Income Dynamics (PSID) were used. Overall results indicate that housework is truly gendered work in both countries during the entire period. Even so, the results also indicate that gender deviance neutralization is more pronounced in the United States than in Sweden. Unlike Swedish women, American women seem to increase their time spent in housework when their husbands are to some extent economically dependent on them, as if to neutralize the presumed gender deviance.</p><p><i>Divorce and Labour Market Outcomes. Do Women Suffer or Gain?</i> In this paper, the interconnected nature of work and family is studied by looking at labour market outcomes after divorce. The data used are retrospective work and family histories collected in LNU 1991. A hazard regression model with competing risks reveals that women’s chances of improving their occupational prestige appear to be better after divorce compared to before. Increased working hours and perhaps also increased energy invested in the job may pay off in better occupational opportunities. Worth noting, however, is that the outcome among women with a less firm labour market attachment is more often to a job of lower prestige than one of higher prestige. Hence, the labour market outcome for women after divorce is to some extent conditioned by their labour market attachment at the time of divorce. Men, on the other hand, in most cases seem to suffer occupationally from divorce. For separated men the risk of negative changes in occupational prestige is greater than for cohabiting men.</p><p><i>Formal On-the-job Training. A Gender-Typed Experience and Wage- Related Advantage?</i> Formal on-the-job training (FOJT) can have a positive impact on wages and on promotion opportunities. According to theory and earlier research, a two-step model of gender inequality in FOJT is predicted: First, women are less likely than men to take part in FOJT and, second, once women do get the more remunerative training, they are not rewarded for their new skills to the same extent as men are. Pooled cross-sectional data from the Swedish Survey of Living Conditions (ULF) in the mid-nineties were used. Results show that women are significantly less likely than men to take part in FOJT. Among those who do receive training, women are more likely to take part in industry-specific training, whereas men are more likely to participate in general training and training that increases promotion opportunities. The two latter forms of training significantly raise a man’s annual earnings but not a woman’s. Hence, the theoretical model is supported and it is argued that this gender inequality is partly due to employers’ discriminatory practices.</p>

<p>The purpose of this degree project is to study a work evaluation project in a municipality, on the basis of key participants. The municipality is the employer, per-forming the workplace project and the chief objective is to reach gender equality between the employees. Equal pay for equal work. Through work evaluation is it pos-sible to find out which of a lot of different jobs, which have equal requirements. The jobs, which have equal requirements, should have equal pay. </p><p>According to Swedish law, all employers need to analyse and survey their salary/wage distribution, to identify and remedy sexual discrimination concerning that area. One way to do that is to do a work evaluation and to study the result. Studying the result was what the municipality was doing, when got in contact with it. My focus is to find out what the central issues, problems and hinders are, or can occur when an employer is trying to follow the law.</p><p>This study is based on qualitative research. The empirical material (interviews and ob-servations) from key participants, who took part in the project in the municipality, is presented through excerpts. They speak about different problems and other aspects they have experienced during the work process with the result from the evaluation project. The material is then analysed in the light of different theories. The theories treat areas as gender and organisation. </p><p>For example is not al of the involved unions of the same opinion about the project. Money is one aspect that the key persons talk about and the circumstances around how to reach the goals of the project is another subject. The result of the study has shown that it could be useful within the project to have greater concern about the system of gender and to stronger point out the gains of ex-tended gender equality. Thou a lot of money are needed if equal pay for equal work should be reached, the gain in efficiency from the employed might compensate that.</p>

<p>This study is based on a field study carried out in Thailand during November and December 2009. The material is based on in-depth interviews with nine women that live in the northern parts of Thailand. Seven of them belong to the Karen minority group. The purpose of the study has been to highlight the different perspectives that exist in the city, and in the rural region, in the question of education and employment, equality in the household, and participation in society within the political area. The theoretical perspective has been preceded from a democratic perspective at an individual level.</p><p>The results show that education is relevant in how women see themselves, and also gender equality in the household can be connected to influence in social life outside the household. This also shows that traditional norms play an important role. Especially in the case that the woman traditionally in Thailand has been responsible for the household, while the husband in the family has had responsibility for political decisions in society. Education can be seen to provide better conditions in life for women; an opportunity for more jobs, as well as an opportunity for an income. One difference is that for some rural women, educational aims are to learn to read and write Thai, while all the women in the city point out that a degree from the university is important.</p><p>The comparison for women's responsibilities in the household and child-rearing shows that the rural women I interviewed in general are taking a greater responsibility in the household since the husbands are working a lot. The women in the city split the household chores more often between husband and wife. The Karen women I interviewed have highlighted the importance of the family, and then also their relatives. In the past, minority groups have been more vulnerable in the country, which could play a part in that family and relatives still are an additional safety net.</p><p>In the area of participation in society outside the household, women in the rural area strongly believe that participation on a political level is an issue for men. And despite higher degree of education the women don’t have an increasing interest in participating. The women in the rural area though live close to the political authorities, which means that the majority of the women there have spoken directly to the leaders and thus can influence. Here, the level of education does not matter.  </p><p>The women in the city have not talked directly to the leaders to the same extent. Meanwhile, one of the women in the city has engaged herself politically. She thinks she could get respect, both as a woman and as Karen. She also sees that the possibilities for women to participate are growing in the cities, where the level of education generally is higher. Though, the other interviewees in the city would not want to be politically active. The only interest for them is to read about the situation and to vote. The women also speak about the leader as corrupt and selfish, which leads to low confidence in politicians.  </p><p>Finally, the study shows that traditional norms are still strong in the country, despite education and more equality in the household. Especially that woman should be responsible for the household, while the husband involve in social issues. This is shown particularly in the rural areas. In the city however, this is not highlighted in the same way. The women there have freed themselves more from the traditional norms. And two of the women with a higher degree, can run a household on only one salary. Several of my interviewees have also been moving between urban and rural areas. This makes transition between urban and rural areas not as strong as it were earlier, now it’d more gradual. At the same time the women have an everyday life in the specific social context, which result in that traditional norms are still stronger in the rural areas.</p> / <p>Denna studie baseras på en fältstudie som utförts i Thailand under november och december år 2009. Materialet utgår från djupintervjuer med nio kvinnor som lever i de norra delarna av Thailand. Sju av dessa kommer från minoritetsfolket Karen. Syftet med studien har varit att synliggöra de olika perspektiv som finns, i stad, respektive på landsbygd, i områdena utbildning och arbete, jämställdhet i hushållet, samt deltagande i samhällslivet inom den politiska sfären. Det teoretiska perspektivet har utgått från ett demokratiskt perspektiv på en individnivå.</p><p>Resultaten visar att utbildning har betydelse för hur kvinnorna ser på sig själva, och även jämställdhet i hemmet kan kopplas till inflytande i samhällslivet. Här visar också att traditionella normer spelar en viktig roll. Speciellt i fråga om att kvinnan traditionellt i Thailand har haft ansvaret för hushållet, medan mannen i familjen har haft ansvaret för politiska beslut i samhället. Utbildning ses också som möjligheten till bättre förutsättningar i livet för kvinnorna, en möjlighet till fler jobb, samt en möjlighet till inkomst. En skillnad är dock att hos flera kvinnor på landsbygden syftar utbildning till att lära sig att kunna skriva och läsa Thai, medan alla kvinnor i staden framhåller att en utbildning med universitetsexamen är viktigt.</p><p>I jämförelsen för kvinnornas ansvar i hushållet samt barnuppfostran, visar de intervjuade kvinnorna på landsbygden generellt att kvinnorna tar störst ansvar i hemmet då männen arbetar mycket. I staden är en uppdelning mellan hushållssysslorna större. Samtidigt kan två av kvinnorna i staden klara sig själva på en egen inkomst. De Karen-kvinnor jag intervjuat har lyft fram familjens betydelse, och då också sina släktingar. Tidigare har minoritetsgrupperna varit mer utsatta i landet, vilket kan spela in i att familj och släkt blir ett extra skyddsnät.</p><p>Gällande deltagande i samhället utanför hushållet, menar kvinnorna på landsbygden starkare att detta är en fråga för männen. Trots utbildning för kvinnorna ökar inte intresset för att delta nämnvärt. En av kvinnorna känner dock inflytande med hjälp av sin utbildning.  Dock lever kvinnorna närmare de politiska makthavarna på landsbygden, vilket gör att majoriteten av kvinnorna där direkt talat med ledarna och på det sättet har inflytande. Här har inte utbildningsnivån spelat roll.</p><p>Kvinnorna i staden har dock inte i samma utsträckning talat direkt med ledarna. Samtidigt har en av kvinnorna i staden själv engagerat sig politiskt. Hon kände där att hon kunde få respekt, både som kvinna och Karen. Hon ser också att möjligheterna för kvinnor att delta ökar i städerna där utbildningsnivån generellt också är högre. Allmänt är informanterna annars intresserade av situationen och går och röstar. Majoriteten har dock inget intresse av att själva delta. Kvinnorna talar också om ledarna som korrumperade och själviska, vilket leder till ett lågt förtroende för politikerna.</p><p>Slutligen visar studien att traditionella normer fortfarande lever starkt i landet, trots utbildning och mer jämställdhet i hushållet. Där kvinnan ska ansvara för hushållet medan mannen engagerar sig i samhällsfrågor. Detta visas framförallt på landsbygden. I staden är dock inte detta lika tydligt och där har kvinnorna frigjort sig mer från traditionella normer. Flera av mina informanter rör sig också över stora områden och mellan stad och landsbygd. Det gör att övergångarna mellan stad och landsbygd inte blir så starka som de tidigare varit, de blir mer gradvisa. Samtidigt visar informanterna att vardagslivet i det specifika sammanhanget påverkar den sociala kontexten, vilket gör att traditionella normer fortfarande lever starkare på landsbygden.</p>

<p>The purpose of the thesis is to present how twelve women from different segments of society define democracy and how they experience democracy in their daily life. Through meetings and interviews I wanted to learn what these women consider democracy in India to be, how they recognise democracy and rights associated with democracy in their daily lives and how they reflect upon gender equality in relation to democracy.</p><p>This thesis is the result of a two-month field study in Maharashtra and interviews with twelve women from different segments of society. The women have been divided into three different groups based on educational level, aiming to find patterns of similarities and differences in how democracy is defined and recognised.</p><p>Women from the first group, illiterate or with only a few years in school, are aware of their right to vote in elections but not all of them have heard the word democracy. None of them are involved in any kind of organisation or self-help group, they either lack interest in politics or have relatives not allowing them to enter the public sphere. Democratic rights and gender equality are not recognised in their daily lives. Their opportunity to change their situation is limited.</p><p>Women from the second group are active in either politics or in an organisation. They know the word democracy and their rights associated with the concept. All of these women have basic education and families supporting them in their political engagements. Family is very important in India, in all endeavours of a woman’s life; education, job and whom to marry.</p><p>The third group includes women with higher education, a vocational degree. They are much aware of their democratic rights, but recognise difficulties for women to claim upon them in different stages and situations of their lives. The situation of women is complex, they have the possibility to enter the public sphere, but women with careers inevitably have two jobs: the employment and the responsibility over the household. Women can enter the public sphere earlier dominated by men, but men entering the private sphere and taking part in household chores seem not to be possible in the near future.</p> / <p>Syftet med denna uppsats är att presentera hur tolv kvinnor från olika samhällsgrupper ser på demokrati och hur de upplever demokrati i sin vardag. Genom möten och intervjuer har jag studerat hur dessa kvinnor definierar demokrati, hur de upplever demokrati och associerade rättigheter i sin vardag samt hur de reflekterar kring jämställdhet i relation till demokrati.</p><p>Denna uppsats är resultatet av ett två månaders fältarbete i Maharashtra och intervjuer med tolv kvinnor från olika samhällsgrupper. Kvinnorna är indelade i tre olika grupper, baserade på utbildningsnivå, för att finna likheter och skillnader i hur de definierar demokrati och hur de upplever demokrati i sin vardag.</p><p>Kvinnorna i den första gruppen, illitterata eller med ett fåtal skolår, är medvetna om sin rätt att rösta i politiska val men alla känner inte till ordet demokrati. Ingen av dem är aktiv i någon organisation eller självhjälpgrupp, antingen på grund av att de saknar intresse eller av den anledning att familjen inte tillåter dem att äntra den offentliga sfären. Varken demokratiska rättigheter eller jämlikhet är närvarande i dessa kvinnors vardag. Deras möjlighet att förändra sin levnadssituation är begränsad.</p><p>Kvinnorna i den andra gruppen är politiskt aktiva eller verksamma inom annan organisation. De känner till ordet demokrati och sina demokratiskt tillskrivna rättigheter. Dessa kvinnor har grundläggande utbildning och familjer som stödjer dem i deras politiska åtaganden. I Indien är familjen viktig i alla skeden och beslut i en kvinnas liv, i frågor rörande utbildning, arbete och blivande make.</p><p>Den tredje gruppen inkluderar kvinnor med högre utbildning och yrkesarbetande kvinnor. De är väl medvetna om sina demokratiska rättigheter men ser svårigheter för kvinnor att åberopa dem i olika skeden och situationer i livet. Kvinnors situation är komplex, även om de har möjligheten att äntra den offentliga sfären så har karriärkvinnor oundvikligen två arbeten: yrkesarbetet och det fulla ansvaret för hemmet. Kvinnor kan äntra den offentliga sfären som dominerats av män. Men att män ska äntra den privata sfären, och vara delaktiga i hemmets arbete, verkar inte vara möjligt inom den närmsta framtiden.</p>

<p>This thesis takes as its point of departure the Swedish governmental family policy and the debate on the proposed reform ‘vårdnadsbidraget’. The supporters of the reform present it as something that will increase the freedom of choice for families and benefit the children, whereas the opponents warn for decreased equality and a return to the male breadwinner-model.</p><p>From a constructivist perspective, language is closely related to power through defining and ascribing meaning to reality. By applying a feminist political theory on the debate within the Swedish national parliament 2007/2008 and conducting a discourse analysis, the aim of this paper is to analyse which concepts are used and how they construct to what makes a family within the political debate – is there any difference or similarity between the view of the opponents and the supporters of ‘vårdnadsbidraget’?</p><p>The main conclusion of this paper is that even though the political ideal and rhetorical concepts differ between the supporters and the opponents, they still constitute the heterosexual nuclear family as an obvious norm in family politics. Even though the opponents of the reform are critical to the nuclear family as a ideal, their strife for gender equality contributes to reproduce the heterosexual nuclear family as the family norm.</p>