This study is based on a field study carried out in Thailand during November and December 2009. The material is based on in-depth interviews with nine women that live in the northern parts of Thailand. Seven of them belong to the Karen minority group. The purpose of the study has been to highlight the different perspectives that exist in the city, and in the rural region, in the question of education and employment, equality in the household, and participation in society within the political area. The theoretical perspective has been preceded from a democratic perspective at an individual level. The results show that education is relevant in how women see themselves, and also gender equality in the household can be connected to influence in social life outside the household. This also shows that traditional norms play an important role. Especially in the case that the woman traditionally in Thailand has been responsible for the household, while the husband in the family has had responsibility for political decisions in society. Education can be seen to provide better conditions in life for women; an opportunity for more jobs, as well as an opportunity for an income. One difference is that for some rural women, educational aims are to learn to read and write Thai, while all the women in the city point out that a degree from the university is important. The comparison for women's responsibilities in the household and child-rearing shows that the rural women I interviewed in general are taking a greater responsibility in the household since the husbands are working a lot. The women in the city split the household chores more often between husband and wife. The Karen women I interviewed have highlighted the importance of the family, and then also their relatives. In the past, minority groups have been more vulnerable in the country, which could play a part in that family and relatives still are an additional safety net. In the area of participation in society outside the household, women in the rural area strongly believe that participation on a political level is an issue for men. And despite higher degree of education the women don’t have an increasing interest in participating. The women in the rural area though live close to the political authorities, which means that the majority of the women there have spoken directly to the leaders and thus can influence. Here, the level of education does not matter.   The women in the city have not talked directly to the leaders to the same extent. Meanwhile, one of the women in the city has engaged herself politically. She thinks she could get respect, both as a woman and as Karen. She also sees that the possibilities for women to participate are growing in the cities, where the level of education generally is higher. Though, the other interviewees in the city would not want to be politically active. The only interest for them is to read about the situation and to vote. The women also speak about the leader as corrupt and selfish, which leads to low confidence in politicians.   Finally, the study shows that traditional norms are still strong in the country, despite education and more equality in the household. Especially that woman should be responsible for the household, while the husband involve in social issues. This is shown particularly in the rural areas. In the city however, this is not highlighted in the same way. The women there have freed themselves more from the traditional norms. And two of the women with a higher degree, can run a household on only one salary. Several of my interviewees have also been moving between urban and rural areas. This makes transition between urban and rural areas not as strong as it were earlier, now it’d more gradual. At the same time the women have an everyday life in the specific social context, which result in that traditional norms are still stronger in the rural areas. / Denna studie baseras på en fältstudie som utförts i Thailand under november och december år 2009. Materialet utgår från djupintervjuer med nio kvinnor som lever i de norra delarna av Thailand. Sju av dessa kommer från minoritetsfolket Karen. Syftet med studien har varit att synliggöra de olika perspektiv som finns, i stad, respektive på landsbygd, i områdena utbildning och arbete, jämställdhet i hushållet, samt deltagande i samhällslivet inom den politiska sfären. Det teoretiska perspektivet har utgått från ett demokratiskt perspektiv på en individnivå. Resultaten visar att utbildning har betydelse för hur kvinnorna ser på sig själva, och även jämställdhet i hemmet kan kopplas till inflytande i samhällslivet. Här visar också att traditionella normer spelar en viktig roll. Speciellt i fråga om att kvinnan traditionellt i Thailand har haft ansvaret för hushållet, medan mannen i familjen har haft ansvaret för politiska beslut i samhället. Utbildning ses också som möjligheten till bättre förutsättningar i livet för kvinnorna, en möjlighet till fler jobb, samt en möjlighet till inkomst. En skillnad är dock att hos flera kvinnor på landsbygden syftar utbildning till att lära sig att kunna skriva och läsa Thai, medan alla kvinnor i staden framhåller att en utbildning med universitetsexamen är viktigt. I jämförelsen för kvinnornas ansvar i hushållet samt barnuppfostran, visar de intervjuade kvinnorna på landsbygden generellt att kvinnorna tar störst ansvar i hemmet då männen arbetar mycket. I staden är en uppdelning mellan hushållssysslorna större. Samtidigt kan två av kvinnorna i staden klara sig själva på en egen inkomst. De Karen-kvinnor jag intervjuat har lyft fram familjens betydelse, och då också sina släktingar. Tidigare har minoritetsgrupperna varit mer utsatta i landet, vilket kan spela in i att familj och släkt blir ett extra skyddsnät. Gällande deltagande i samhället utanför hushållet, menar kvinnorna på landsbygden starkare att detta är en fråga för männen. Trots utbildning för kvinnorna ökar inte intresset för att delta nämnvärt. En av kvinnorna känner dock inflytande med hjälp av sin utbildning.  Dock lever kvinnorna närmare de politiska makthavarna på landsbygden, vilket gör att majoriteten av kvinnorna där direkt talat med ledarna och på det sättet har inflytande. Här har inte utbildningsnivån spelat roll. Kvinnorna i staden har dock inte i samma utsträckning talat direkt med ledarna. Samtidigt har en av kvinnorna i staden själv engagerat sig politiskt. Hon kände där att hon kunde få respekt, både som kvinna och Karen. Hon ser också att möjligheterna för kvinnor att delta ökar i städerna där utbildningsnivån generellt också är högre. Allmänt är informanterna annars intresserade av situationen och går och röstar. Majoriteten har dock inget intresse av att själva delta. Kvinnorna talar också om ledarna som korrumperade och själviska, vilket leder till ett lågt förtroende för politikerna. Slutligen visar studien att traditionella normer fortfarande lever starkt i landet, trots utbildning och mer jämställdhet i hushållet. Där kvinnan ska ansvara för hushållet medan mannen engagerar sig i samhällsfrågor. Detta visas framförallt på landsbygden. I staden är dock inte detta lika tydligt och där har kvinnorna frigjort sig mer från traditionella normer. Flera av mina informanter rör sig också över stora områden och mellan stad och landsbygd. Det gör att övergångarna mellan stad och landsbygd inte blir så starka som de tidigare varit, de blir mer gradvisa. Samtidigt visar informanterna att vardagslivet i det specifika sammanhanget påverkar den sociala kontexten, vilket gör att traditionella normer fortfarande lever starkare på landsbygden.

This thesis analyzes the right to reconcile work and family responsibilities which is recognized as crucial in women&amp / #8223 / s participation in the labor market. When women can not fully enjoy their right to work due to the burden of unequal gender division of labor, they become more vulnerable to poverty and male violence which impede them from developing their basic human capabilities. States should acknowledge that this is a human rights problem which is deriving from women&amp / #8223 / s overburden as primary caregivers. In order to overcome this problem and transform the patriarchal structure of the market and the family / state intervention in the private sphere is required. Two alternative reconciliation models are examined. The first is the equality driven model that encompasses parental leave and childcare facilities, which necessitate positive intervention of the state and more likely to trigger structural change. The other is the flexibility or market driven model which is based on part-time work and homeworking strategies. They target women&amp / #8223 / s participation in the labor market without necessarily leading to any change in the gender divisionof labor. The effectiveness of these strategies is analyzed within a feminist jurisprudence method. While the focus is on the international framework, including the EU Member States, the specific case of Turkey is also considered. Given Turkey&amp / #8223 / s socio-economic particularities, childcare largely depends on kinship relations and social policies regulating women&amp / #8223 / s labor market participation are market driven. The data shows that women in Turkey do not equally enjoy their economic and social rights. Therefore, by examining the international framework for right to reconcile work and family responsibilities, it is hoped that a case can be made to call on Turkey to abide by its international obligations to grant this right.

<p>The aim for this thesis is to study the international gender equality work from a perspective of the concept of universalism and particularism, with the United Nation’s Declaration of Human Rights, and especially -“The Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women”, in focus. The shadowreports of Namibia and Sweden are used as examples of how countries with different historical, political and social contexts are working with gender equality.A theroetical framework is constitued by theories as postmodernism, postcolonialism and feminism with basis from social constructionism. The thesis is methodological influenced by Critical Discourse Analysis. Notions from former studies were also used as tools in the analysis. Some of the main notions, which within the concept of universalism and particularism, appeared as difficulties in the implementing of the CEDAW, were religion, law, democracy and superior position for men towards women.</p>

在臺灣，近幾年同性婚姻與多元成家的議題持續熱議，而在更之前關於優生保健法中墮胎條文的修法爭議亦是持續不斷。無論是反對同性婚姻或是反對墮胎的陣營絕大多數都是宗教團體，宗教似乎一直與「保守」這個詞聯想在一起，本文即探討宗教與保守之間的關係。 本文的研究方法是以世界價值觀調查（World Values Survey; WVS）2006年與2012年臺灣所執行調查的資料做統計上的分析，檢視宗教信仰與保守態度之間的關係。談論到保守主義時，性別平等、墮胎、同性戀這三個議題常被提出來討論，本文將此三個議題作為主要的研究重點，探討臺灣宗教信徒對三個議題的態度為何？偏自由或偏保守？宗教信仰者是否比無宗教信仰者更保守？統計分析以外，並且進一步以文獻分析方式探討臺灣在這些議題上的進展，整理出政府與民間倡議團體（包括宗教團體）的政策與立場方針，以及宗教在面臨到性別平等、墮胎、同性戀的議題時，有什麼回應？試圖探討宗教信徒身處在何種社會環境背景下，能否與他們的態度做一對照。 「有宗教信仰者比無宗教信仰者保守」，本文的研究並沒有能夠完全證實這點。但可以確定的是，不同的宗教信仰對議題的保守程度不一，在某些情形中，有宗教信仰者不一定比無宗教信仰者更為保守。不過大體上，虔誠度愈高的人愈傾向保守。此外，社會環境上的變化，會影響宗教對經典或教義的詮釋，而信仰者也可能產生態度上的變化。 從本文的研究來看，臺灣在多元宗教信仰的脈絡之下，不同的宗教對於議題的保守程度不一；並且宗教道德會影響信仰者的保守態度，宗教信仰愈虔誠的人愈保守。 / In Taiwan, there has been a hot debate on same-sex marriage and diverse family formation in recent years. Before then, there also have been many discussions about the controversy of Genetic Health Law. Most of religion groups side against homosexuality and abortion. Religion often seems to be associated with conservatism. This research attempts to discuss the relationship between religion and conservatism in Taiwan in 21th century. This research uses the data of World Values Survey, which was implemented in Taiwan in 2006 and 2012, and do a statistical analyze on religion and conservative attitude. When it comes to conservatism, the three issues: gender equality, abortion, and homosexuality are usually mentioned. This research is centered on these three issues, trying to observe religious people’s attitudes toward the three issues. Would there attitudes tend to be liberal or conservative? Are religious people more conservative than non-believers? Besides to statistical analysis, this research also analyses the development of the three issues, the policy or standpoint of government and advocacy groups, and religion’s response to those issues, trying to discusses the social background and surroundings that religious people live upon and compare to their attitudes. This research could not confirm that religious people are more conservative than non-believers. However, this research indicates that the level of conservative attitude vary with different religions. In some cases, religious people are not more conservative than non-believers. But generally speaking, people with higher religiosity tend to be more conservative. In addition, the changes of society would influence religion’s interpretation of classics or doctrines, and believers may change their attitudes. This research indicates that in the context of multiple religions in Taiwan, religious people’s attitudes toward those issues vary with different religions. Also, religion morality would influence believers’ conservative attitudes, and people with higher religiosity tend to be more conservative.

Avhandlingen belyser vad som hänt i svensk integrationspolitik sedan etableringsreformen genomfördes 2010 och ansvaret för flyktingmottagandet överfördes till Arbetsförmedlingen. Utöver förändringen som Arbetsförmedlingens ansvar innebar medförde reformen också ökad marknadsorientering, införande av valfrihetssystem, villkorad aktiveringspolitik samt andra genomgripande organisatoriska förändringar. I fokus står aktörer som på olika sätt har makt att påverka hur integrationspolitiken görs i praktiken. Studien analyserar vad som händer när privata företag bedriver arbetsförmedlande verksamheter där ersättningen kopplas till uppnådda resultat. Vidare analyseras betydelsen av ”svenskhet” i görandet av integrationspolitik. Avhandlingen är etnografisk och det empiriska materialet består av intervjuer och observationer med individer som arbetar på arbetsförmedlingskontor, som etableringslotsar samt samhällskommunikatörer på utbildningsföretag. Genom att syntetisera teorier om gatubyråkratier med en intersektionell ansats visar avhandlingen att görandet av integrationspolitik också är ett görande av ojämlikheter som grundas i stereotypa bilder av ”svenskhet” och ”invandrarskap”. Studien visar vidare hur föreställningen om Sverige som jämställd nation påverkar hur politiken görs. I analysen framkommer att de strategier som arbetsförmedlarna utvecklar för att hantera de krav som ställs på dem, i form av aktivering och resultat, inte leder till att de nyanlända kommer närmare arbetsmarknaden. Studien visar även att privata företag prioriterar resultat, lönsamhet och satsar på de nyanlända som de lättast kan nå resultat med. / This dissertation examines how Swedish integration politics have been affected by the Establishment Reform 2010 and the transfer of responsibility for refugee reception to the Swedish Employment Service. In addition to the changes wrought by the transfer of responsibility, the reform also brought an increase in market orientation, the implementation of systems of choice, a conditional activation policy and other fundamental organizational changes. The focus is on actors who, in different ways, have the power to influence how integration policy work is done in practice. The study analyzes what happens when private companies run employment service activities where financial support is contingent upon results, as well as the significance of “Swedishness” in the shaping of integration policy. The dissertation is an ethnographic one, and the empirical materials consist of interviews with and observations of individuals who work as employment service officials, establishment pilots, and civic orientation guides. By synthesizing theories on street-level bureaucracies with an intersectional approach, the dissertation shows that the making of integration policy is also a making of inequalities which are based on stereotypical images of “Swedishness” and “immigranthood”. Moreover, the study shows how policy-making is influenced by the perception of Sweden being a gender-equal nation. The analysis makes it clear that the strategies developed by the employment service officials, in order to live up to the requirements imposed upon them regarding activation and results, do not lead to newly arrived immigrants getting closer to entering the labour market. The study also shows that private companies prioritize results and profitability, and focus on the new arrivals with whom they can easiest attain results.

The aim of this study is to evaluate whether the working model, presented by The Swedish Floorball Federation, has been a good method to work with gender equality within Swedish floorball associations. The purpose of the The Swedish Floorball Federation’sproject was for its associations to develop a plan of action for how to act to be an equal treatment association pursuing an equal treatment sport. 13 associations answered the questionnaire study. The result show that the great majority clearly found a need of change to become more equally treating and most of those associations have somewhat of an idea how to realize those changes. 77 percent (ten associations) experience the use of the work material as satisfying. The associations most negative to the specific work material are the ones who seem to not even been using the material. Neither has those associations found a need of change to become more equally treating. Furthermore, the study suggests that there might be a lack of knowledge on the subjects of gender equality, gender mainstreaming and work of change overall. Conclusions are made that further studies on what qualitative substance the plans of action contains in comparison to the associations real need of change are recommended, as well as what accurate knowledge is needed for Swedish floorball associations to work sustainably with gender equality.

The purpose of the thesis is to present how twelve women from different segments of society define democracy and how they experience democracy in their daily life. Through meetings and interviews I wanted to learn what these women consider democracy in India to be, how they recognise democracy and rights associated with democracy in their daily lives and how they reflect upon gender equality in relation to democracy. This thesis is the result of a two-month field study in Maharashtra and interviews with twelve women from different segments of society. The women have been divided into three different groups based on educational level, aiming to find patterns of similarities and differences in how democracy is defined and recognised. Women from the first group, illiterate or with only a few years in school, are aware of their right to vote in elections but not all of them have heard the word democracy. None of them are involved in any kind of organisation or self-help group, they either lack interest in politics or have relatives not allowing them to enter the public sphere. Democratic rights and gender equality are not recognised in their daily lives. Their opportunity to change their situation is limited. Women from the second group are active in either politics or in an organisation. They know the word democracy and their rights associated with the concept. All of these women have basic education and families supporting them in their political engagements. Family is very important in India, in all endeavours of a woman’s life; education, job and whom to marry. The third group includes women with higher education, a vocational degree. They are much aware of their democratic rights, but recognise difficulties for women to claim upon them in different stages and situations of their lives. The situation of women is complex, they have the possibility to enter the public sphere, but women with careers inevitably have two jobs: the employment and the responsibility over the household. Women can enter the public sphere earlier dominated by men, but men entering the private sphere and taking part in household chores seem not to be possible in the near future. / Syftet med denna uppsats är att presentera hur tolv kvinnor från olika samhällsgrupper ser på demokrati och hur de upplever demokrati i sin vardag. Genom möten och intervjuer har jag studerat hur dessa kvinnor definierar demokrati, hur de upplever demokrati och associerade rättigheter i sin vardag samt hur de reflekterar kring jämställdhet i relation till demokrati. Denna uppsats är resultatet av ett två månaders fältarbete i Maharashtra och intervjuer med tolv kvinnor från olika samhällsgrupper. Kvinnorna är indelade i tre olika grupper, baserade på utbildningsnivå, för att finna likheter och skillnader i hur de definierar demokrati och hur de upplever demokrati i sin vardag. Kvinnorna i den första gruppen, illitterata eller med ett fåtal skolår, är medvetna om sin rätt att rösta i politiska val men alla känner inte till ordet demokrati. Ingen av dem är aktiv i någon organisation eller självhjälpgrupp, antingen på grund av att de saknar intresse eller av den anledning att familjen inte tillåter dem att äntra den offentliga sfären. Varken demokratiska rättigheter eller jämlikhet är närvarande i dessa kvinnors vardag. Deras möjlighet att förändra sin levnadssituation är begränsad. Kvinnorna i den andra gruppen är politiskt aktiva eller verksamma inom annan organisation. De känner till ordet demokrati och sina demokratiskt tillskrivna rättigheter. Dessa kvinnor har grundläggande utbildning och familjer som stödjer dem i deras politiska åtaganden. I Indien är familjen viktig i alla skeden och beslut i en kvinnas liv, i frågor rörande utbildning, arbete och blivande make. Den tredje gruppen inkluderar kvinnor med högre utbildning och yrkesarbetande kvinnor. De är väl medvetna om sina demokratiska rättigheter men ser svårigheter för kvinnor att åberopa dem i olika skeden och situationer i livet. Kvinnors situation är komplex, även om de har möjligheten att äntra den offentliga sfären så har karriärkvinnor oundvikligen två arbeten: yrkesarbetet och det fulla ansvaret för hemmet. Kvinnor kan äntra den offentliga sfären som dominerats av män. Men att män ska äntra den privata sfären, och vara delaktiga i hemmets arbete, verkar inte vara möjligt inom den närmsta framtiden.

The aim for this thesis is to study the international gender equality work from a perspective of the concept of universalism and particularism, with the United Nation’s Declaration of Human Rights, and especially -“The Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women”, in focus. The shadowreports of Namibia and Sweden are used as examples of how countries with different historical, political and social contexts are working with gender equality.A theroetical framework is constitued by theories as postmodernism, postcolonialism and feminism with basis from social constructionism. The thesis is methodological influenced by Critical Discourse Analysis. Notions from former studies were also used as tools in the analysis. Some of the main notions, which within the concept of universalism and particularism, appeared as difficulties in the implementing of the CEDAW, were religion, law, democracy and superior position for men towards women.

In Stockholm there are currently five women, out of a total of 102 employees, working in public sports arenas. In sports arenas men are numerically superior amongst the workers as well as the visitors. These arenas are in many ways male dominated, masculinized environments. In this essay I investigate the reasons behind the uneven distribution, in terms of gender, among sports arena workers. I do this by interviewing seven female sports arena workers (the five current and two former), and by observing their workplaces. Through discourse analysis of their narratives, I seek to use these women’s experiences, as being part of a minority, as a way to render sports arenas more available for a larger public. In the study I have a feminist, post-structural standpoint, and I relate my results to theories on gender and organization as well as research on gender and sports. From a doing gender perspective I focus on how the women that I have interviewed talk about themselves, their workplaces and their choices of profession, as well as how they talk about gender and gender equality. The aim of this study is to present these women’s perspectives on sports arenas as organizations, and to draw links between these particular workplaces and larger social discursive patterns. Another aim with the study is to problematize the very effort to achieve (numerical) equality between the sexes, and to uncover underlying biases. Except for gender biases I also consider intersections between gender and age, social class and sexuality. One of my main findings is that there are quite specific discourses surrounding this profession, reproducing it as masculine. An equalization of the distribution in terms of gender among the employees is not necessarily the entire solution to the inequality problem. A more qualitative effort is needed, for instance a redistribution of power resources within the organization. In the essay I present a list of concrete proposals on how to diversify the personnel in the future, based on the interviews. The main goal with this work is to destabilize the gender based gap in the Swedish labor market, and to increase the availability to all spheres in society, for everyone, on equal terms.

The aim of this study is to explore if UNFPA’s work mission and methods direct for greater food security in the future. The analysis is based on one of UNFPA’s main frameworks; ICPD Programme of Action 1994. The analysis is based upon different themes that are recognized as tools for change; family planning, women’s empowerment and gender equality, education and child marriage. The theoretical frame of the analysis is liberalism which has been complemented with social constructivism, and has provided an insight to the discussion. The essay will also investigate whether the different theories can explain UNFPA’s framework, mission and methods.  The method used is a describing qualitative content analysis.    The research shows that UNFPA indirectly implement or propose a great deal that can have an impact on food security. In order to regulate population growth, which is one of the major trends threatening food security, different measures are proposed in the framework. Focus is on governments efforts and gender equality through SRH education. The liberal view put emphasis on human rights and the individuals right to freedom, as well as equality, which was obtained by a greater or lesser degree throughout the framework. Social constructivism could explain ICPD where liberalism failed to do so, such as the lack of emphasis on child marriage due to many societies identity and traditions.