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Denna uppsats har syftat till att undersöka hur maskulinitet görs i omslagsintervjuerna i Café Magazine under åren 2015 och 2020. Analysen har utgått från Raewyn Connells och Ylva Elvin-Nowak & Heléne Thomssons teorier kring maskulinitet och att kön är något som görs, snarare än något som är. Connells maskulinitetsteori innebär att maskuliniteter ska förstås som något dynamiskt som är avhängigt sociala, kulturella och historiska villkor. I vår undersökning har vi sökt besvara frågan: Hur görs maskulinitet i omslagsintervjuerna i livsstilsmagasinet Café Magazine åren 2015 och 2020? Vi har undersökt hur de arbetar med text och bild för att gestalta maskulinitet. Genom att tillämpa en kvalitativ tematisk innehållsanalys samt en semiotisk bildanalys har totalt åtta stycken omslagsintervjuer analyserats, såväl i text som bild, fyra stycken från respektive år.  Av analysen framgår att Café Magazine i bild och text gör en maskulinitet som bär flera kännetecken av den västerländska hegemoniska maskuliniteten. Men vi ser även nyanseringar som kan antyda att det skett, och fortfarande sker, förändringar i denna västerländska, hegemoniska maskulinitet. Fram växer bilden av en emotionell och reflekterande maskulinitet. / The purpose of this study is to examine how masculinity is portrayed in the cover stories of Swedish magazine Café Magazine during 2015 and 2020. The theoretical framework upon which the analysis has been made consists of Raewyn Connell’s theory of masculinity, as well as Ylva Elvin-Nowak & Heléne Thomsson’s concept of gender, stating that gender is constructed by us, rather than something that resides within us. Connell’s theory of masculinity proposes that masculinities are dynamic, social constructs that varies in different cultures and periods of time.  The aim has been to examine how masculinity is constructed in the cover stories of the men’s lifestyle magazine Café Magazine during 2015 and 2020. The material consists of eight cover stories in total, four from each year. The cover stories have been analyzed by combining two methods: (qualitative) thematic analysis for the written content of the articles and semiotic analysis for the images.   The study concludes that the masculinity constructed by Café Magazine, in the written content as well as the images of the cover stories, displays several characteristics consistent with those of western, hegemonic masculinity. However, there are nuances to suggest that this western, hegemonic masculinity has recently undergone, or still is undergoing, changes. In these nuances an emotional and reflecting masculinity emerges.

The aim of this study was to examine healthcare professionals perspective on why men are less likely to seek healthcare for eating disorders. The study seeks to understand and highlight the potential challenges men face when seeking healthcare for these conditions. To address this issue, the following three questions were posed: What social factors contribute to the low proportion of men seeking healthcare for eating disorders? How are men affected by gender-specific norms and expectations when they seek healthcare for eating disorders? What difficulties do healthcare professionals experience in treating men with eating disorders? The study included healthcare professionals working in eating disorder teams across various regions of the country. The empirical data comprised ten interviews, which were analyzed using thematic analysis. The theoretical frameworks used in the analysis were social constructivism, gender theory, hegemonic masculinity theory and stigma. The results of this study indicate significant challenges in encouraging men to seek healthcare for eating disorders. Based on these findings, we claim that increasing awareness and communication, as well as challenging existing  stereotypes and norms, can enhance the effectiveness and supportiveness of healthcare for men with eating disorders. A lack of experiences among healthcare professionals also emerged as a significant barrier to effectively treating men with eating disorders.

Résumé. Le mémoire s’intéresse à l’émergence historique de la coopération économique régionale comme forme non-hégémonique de coopération. Nous y proposons une approche alternative au problème de l’origine de la coopération systémique, par rapport à la conception d’origine hégémonique de la coopération systémique, propre aux théories néolibérale et néoréaliste. Plutôt que par le biais des théories du marché, l’origine de la coopération est approchée par le biais des processus caractérisant l’anarchie-même tel le processus de construction anarchique des formes de guerre. Et plus spécifiquement, des formes de guerre dont l’usage soumet la structure anarchique à des contraintes extrêmes, mettant celle-ci en crise, exemplifiée par la chute de la puissance hégémonique, la fin d’un système hégémonique et le début de coopération systémique non-hégémonique, de nature plus régionale et économique. En privilégiant l’approche historique, nous insistons notamment sur l’impact critique du commerce au loin et du crédit international dans la construction par la structure anarchique des formes de guerre que la puissance hégémonique ne peut plus supporter. / Historical origins of regional economic cooperation as a non-hegemonic form of cooperation. Abstract. This thesis examines the emergence of the regional economic cooperation as a non-hegemonic form of cooperation. We propose an alternative to the prevailing conception of hegemonic origin of systemic cooperation, proposed by the neorealist and neoliberal theories. Rather than relying on theories of the market, we focus instead on some critical processes of the anarchical structure itself, such as creation of forms of war by anarchy. More specifically, we focus on the forms of war that put the anarchical structure under maximal strain, bringing it to an overwhelming systemic crisis, the fall of a hegemonic power, the end of a hegemonic system, and the onset of a non-hegemonic systemic cooperation of more regional and economic nature. Prioritizing the historical approach we stress especially the role of long-distance trade and international credit in the construction, by the anarchical structure itself, of forms of war impossible for the hegemonic power to withstand.

Résumé. Le mémoire s’intéresse à l’émergence historique de la coopération économique régionale comme forme non-hégémonique de coopération. Nous y proposons une approche alternative au problème de l’origine de la coopération systémique, par rapport à la conception d’origine hégémonique de la coopération systémique, propre aux théories néolibérale et néoréaliste. Plutôt que par le biais des théories du marché, l’origine de la coopération est approchée par le biais des processus caractérisant l’anarchie-même tel le processus de construction anarchique des formes de guerre. Et plus spécifiquement, des formes de guerre dont l’usage soumet la structure anarchique à des contraintes extrêmes, mettant celle-ci en crise, exemplifiée par la chute de la puissance hégémonique, la fin d’un système hégémonique et le début de coopération systémique non-hégémonique, de nature plus régionale et économique. En privilégiant l’approche historique, nous insistons notamment sur l’impact critique du commerce au loin et du crédit international dans la construction par la structure anarchique des formes de guerre que la puissance hégémonique ne peut plus supporter. / Historical origins of regional economic cooperation as a non-hegemonic form of cooperation. Abstract. This thesis examines the emergence of the regional economic cooperation as a non-hegemonic form of cooperation. We propose an alternative to the prevailing conception of hegemonic origin of systemic cooperation, proposed by the neorealist and neoliberal theories. Rather than relying on theories of the market, we focus instead on some critical processes of the anarchical structure itself, such as creation of forms of war by anarchy. More specifically, we focus on the forms of war that put the anarchical structure under maximal strain, bringing it to an overwhelming systemic crisis, the fall of a hegemonic power, the end of a hegemonic system, and the onset of a non-hegemonic systemic cooperation of more regional and economic nature. Prioritizing the historical approach we stress especially the role of long-distance trade and international credit in the construction, by the anarchical structure itself, of forms of war impossible for the hegemonic power to withstand.

MGS / Institute for Gender and Youth Studies / Masculinity forms are identified as forms that perpetuate gender-based violence. This study analyzed and challenged the entire cultural and patriarchal attributes that constructively create current male roles and identities that play a significant part in gender discrimination and oppression around the world. The way masculinities shape gender role stereotypes have left a legacy whereby women are disadvantaged in relation to men. Masculinities continue to define power dynamics between men and women. Women have less access to resources, benefits, information and are also denied access to decision making processes, both within and beyond household realms. The major objective of the study is to explore the connection between masculinity and gender-based violence. This study described the importance of using Participatory Action Research Design and the use of qualitative methodological process which is followed by the study’s location and population, sampling and data collection methods. The researcher explains the reasons for using qualitative methods for both data collection and analysis. Face to face semi structured interviews was used as data collection instruments with open-ended questions. Purposive and snowball sampling were adopted with a total of 10 research participants including both women and men (young and old). Furthermore, this study explored the researcher’s reflexivity or positionality, and epistemic privilege. This study also outlined the ethical issues that have been taken into consideration which include informed consent, confidentiality, and privacy. Data was analyzed thematically by identifying and expanding significant themes that emerged from respondents’ responses. The findings of this study entail that unemployment and alcohol abuse are among the factors that lead to gender-based violence. The findings had it that cultural practices such as polygamy in families, initiation schools, media are among models of masculinities that had imparted the notion or belief that a man is a provider, decision-maker, and head of the family and no other member of the family should contest that responsibility. This study concludes that the cultural and social norms socialize males to be aggressive, powerful, unemotional and controlling and contribute to a social acceptance of men as dominant. Lastly, this study also looked at the limitations of the study as well as the conclusion. This study recommended that both men and women should collectively diagnose masculine relationships that are borne out of the system of patriarchy, to usher in a non- sexist society devoid of gender discrimination. / NRF

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T18:11:13Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Gesner Duarte Padua.pdf: 10165763 bytes, checksum: 48a392235121ae3342dc6a0555f84894 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-10-19 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / This research analyses the picture construction of Tancredo Neves on the Veja and Manchete magazines from 1982 to 1985, period of his election to Minas Gerais government, his campaign and victory to Republic President and his death high after. The central hypothesis is that these vehicles constructed, in a spectacularized form, an image of an ex-president as a hero at the final period of transition from the authoritarian military regime to the democratic one. On their economic interests defense, the both magazines completely situated in the cultural industry, took part in the moderate and conservative opposition movement (part of PMDB and Frente Liberal). This movement began to construct a hegemonic discourse about Tancredo Neves as the legitimate representative of the popular will and the one capable to save the country from the crisis through a big conciliation national project. That aimed to promote a transition process smoothly and without splits to the existing order, which benefited the economic and politics country elites. In the Veja and Manchete articles Tancredo got first the characteristics of the hero who was going to conduct the country to salvation and, after his death, of a martyr of democracy. This research contributes, on the history and communication fields, to a better understand of the media influence on the big politics events of the country, especially on the first years after the military regime end and resumption of democracy. The study is performed through the critic analysis of the corpus and bibliographical research, under four main theoretical and methodological contributions: 1. The discourse theory from Ernesto Laclau, mainly on the concept of hegemonic discourses , 2. The semiotic discourse, used in its most fundamental aspects to verify the sense construction around the ex president in the texts verbi-visuals. 3. To the results obtained in the study of the corpus is added other analysis based on the historiographycal, sociological, political and communicational critic, according to authors as Florestan Fernandes, Bernardo Kucinski, Alfred Stepan, Bolivar Lamounier, Thomas Skidmore, Maria H. Alves, Basilio Sallum Jr., Ciro Marcondes Filho and others that deal with the cultural industry subject areas / Esta pesquisa analisa a construção da imagem de Tancredo Neves nas revistas Veja e Manchete, de 1982 a 1985, período que compreende sua eleição para o governo de Minas Gerais, a campanha para a presidência da República e sua morte, pouco tempo depois ser eleito. A hipótese central é que esses veículos construíram, de forma espetacularizada, uma imagem heroificada do ex-presidente no período final de transição do regime militar autoritário para o democrático. Na defesa de seus interesses econômicos, as duas revistas, inseridas plenamente na lógica da indústria cultural, se afinaram com a oposição moderada/conservadora (parte do PMDB e Frente Liberal) na criação de um discurso hegemônico sobre Tancredo Neves como legítimo representante da vontade popular e o único capaz de salvar o Brasil da crise, através da grande conciliação nacional. O objetivo era promover uma transição sem sobressaltos e rupturas da ordem vigente, o que beneficiava as elites econômicas e políticas do país. Nas reportagens de Veja e Manchete Tancredo ganhou feições primeiro de herói que conduziria o Brasil à salvação e, depois de morto, de mártir da democracia. A pesquisa se justifica por contribuir, nos campos da História e da Comunicação, para o melhor entendimento da influência midiática sobre os grandes acontecimentos políticos do país, especialmente nos primeiros anos após o fim do regime militar e retomada da democracia. O estudo é realizado através de análise crítica do corpus e de pesquisa bibliográfica, sob quatro aportes teórico-metodológicos principais: 1. A teoria do discurso de Ernesto Laclau, sobretudo quanto ao conceito de discursos hegemônicos , 2. A semiótica discursiva, utilizada em seus aspectos mais fundamentais para verificar como são construídos os sentidos em torno do ex-presidente nos textos verbi-visuais. 3. Aos resultados obtidos no estudo do corpus acrescenta-se uma outra análise baseada na crítica historiográfica, sociológica, política e comunicacional, segundo autores como Florestan Fernandes, Bernardo Kucinski, Alfred Stepan, Bolivar Lamounier, Thomas Skidmore, Maria H. Alves, Basilio Sallum Jr., Ciro Marcondes Filho e outros que tratam da temática da indústria cultural

Vi vill med denna studie ta reda på vilka mekanismer, som bidrar till den låga andelen kvinnor bland VD:ar i svenska privata företag och om situationen har förändrats de senaste tio åren. Syftet med uppsatsen är att undersöka glastaket från ett ovanifrån-perspektiv. Fokus i studien ligger därför på de styrelseordförande, som arbetar med rekrytering, och inte på de kvinnor, som strävar efter att nå toppen. I referensramen ingår feministiska begrepp som genuskunskap, intersektionalitet, hegemonisk maskulinitet, och homosocialitet men den behandlar även rekrytering, kvotering och positiv särbehandling.Studien är kvalitativ och genomfördes med hjälp av semi-strukturerade intervjuer. En serie intervjuer utfördes, med två projektledare på en jämställdhetsorganisation, sex styrelseordförande och två rekryterare. Intervjuerna gav studien både förkunskaper och empiri, när det gäller den låga andelen kvinnliga VD:ar i svenska privata medelstora företag. Båda könen representerades med fem män och fem kvinnor. Konferensen Jämställt på toppen ägde rum på Rosenbad i Stockholm, där vi utöver intervjuerna studerade goda exempel från företag, som kommit längre i utvecklingen i strävan att tillsätta fler kvinnor på höga positioner. Empirin analyseras utifrån de båda begreppen homosocialitet och hegemonisk maskulinitet.Vår slutsats blir att det är viktigt för företagen att tala ett “nytt språk”, som i första hand poängterar och belyser lönsamheten mer än jämställdheten. Jämställdhet är en självklar grund. Lönsamhet är något som driver utvecklingen i företag framåt. Att börja tala ett nytt språk är väsentligt, om privata företag själva skall lyckas förändra sin nuvarande situation med idag 40 procent rent manliga styrelser, 12-15 procent kvinnliga VD:ar och en utveckling, som går tvärs emot en förändringsprocess i statliga företag och mot samhällets syn på jämlikhet. Det är företagarens ansvar att utifrån grundläggande värderingar och samhällets krav göra företag lönsamma.Vi anser också att den i Sverige lagliga metoden positiv särbehandling bör tillämpas i större utsträckning i privata företag för att påskynda utvecklingen. En lag om kvotering av kvinnor i styrelserna, tror vi också kommer att införas. Eventuella farhågor att kvinnor skulle komma i majoritet i styrelserna med denna metod kan avfärdas, eftersom kvotering av en underrepresenterad grupp upphör av sig själv, när målet är uppnått. Sammanfattningsvis redovisar vi åtgärder, som bidrar till en livskraftig, tillförlitlig och bestående förändring, när det gäller målet att få fler kvinnliga verkställande direktörer. / Program: Civilekonomprogrammet

Existe um sem número de obras que tratam da Economia Global (ou Globalização), analisando-a quanto aos aspectos econômicos, sociais, culturais, etc. Neste trabalho, utilizando-se as teorias de Gramsci, Althusser e outros sobre os Aparelhos Coercitivos de Estado, os Aparelhos de Hegemonia (Gramsci), os Aparelhos Ideológicos de Estado (Althusser) e a Indústria Cultural, partiu-se para uma perspectiva de Estado Transnacional Ampliado, liderado pelos Estados Unidos da América com as inevitáveis conseqüências para os países Latino-Americanos, no que tange aos aspectos econômicos e culturais. A necessária resistência a esse processo é enfatizada como a única saída possível para a América Latina, se quiser manter sua identidade perante a chamada \"Americanização\" econômico-cultural. / There are innumerable works on the issue of the Global Economy (or Globalization), analyzing the theme from economic, social and cultural aspects, etc. This work uses the theories of Gramsci, Althusser and others of the Coercive Apparatus of the State, the Hegemonic Apparatus (Gramsci), the Ideological Apparatus of the State (Althusser) and the Cultural Industry to move towards the perspective of an Enlarged Transnational State led by the United States of America and its inevitable consequences for Latin American nations on both the economic and cultural levels. Necessary resistance to this process is stressed as the only possible way out for Latin America, if it is to maintain its identity before this so-called economic/cultural \"Americanization\".

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T18:17:38Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Andreia Moassab.pdf: 28208612 bytes, checksum: 92aa527108e41fb7ecc9f7203051a60f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-12-19 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / This thesis studies the resistance processes carried out in Brazil by thousands of young people linked to hip-hop. These youngsters actively participate in the production of knowledge and in the re-semantization of the Brazilian deprived suburbs in the context of the contemporary world. Their voice emerges against homogenized symbolic constructions produced by dominant thinking, i.e., that strand of thought grounded on values and desires in strict accordance with the hegemonic economic system. We understand that the sharing of knowledge is the basis for resistance. Therefore, comunication is placed at the core of resistence: knowledge shared and multiplied. The concept of comunication, however, has been increasingly limited to mediatic objects. As a consequence, diverse communicative practices are being neglected in communication epistemological theory. This is why it is extremely important to widen the understanding of communicational objects in order to include manifestations otherwise invisible in mainstream media. The analytical corpus of this investigation is composed by the lyrics of hip-hop songs, analysed from the point of view of comunication and sociology. One of the main theoretical landmarks in this work are the concepts from Boaventura Santos (2006a): ecology of knowledge, sociology of absence and sociology of emergence. Fundamental texts regarding power, resistence, empowerment and emancipation in the text were: Foucault (1979; 1988; 2000), Santos (2005a; 2006a; 2006b; 2007a) and feminist thought, especially Magdalena León (2000) and Patrícia Collins (1991). In the comunication field, we have made extensive use of the work by José Luiz Aidar Prado (2006a; 2006b) and Muniz Sodré (2002), as well as Hannah Arendt s writings (2007) in political philosophy. The discussions on globalization were carried out from the perspective of Milton Santos (2001) and again Boaventura Santos (2002), as well as Zizek`s (2006) criticism of multiculturalism, in order to establish a relationship between globalization, local cultures and resistence. Specific points on our investigation demanded specialized approaches such as urban planning; social movements; racial relations; urban violence; police violence; criminal control and human rights; critical criminology; identity; gender; and oral culture. We conclude the text pointing out that hip-hop is an active actor in the construction of an insurgent communication. Such insurgent comunication is able to symbolically reorder aspects misrepresented by hegemonic media concerning black and poor people living in the suburbs. Therefore, hip-hop as counter-hegemonic pratices constitutes a critical action able to deconstruct naturalizing visions on cultures / Esta tese discute os processos de resistência realizados em ações de milhares de jovens do hip-hop que, no mundo contemporâneo, participam ativamente na produção de conhecimento e ressignificação das periferias brasileiras. Trata-se de uma voz que se impõe face às construções simbólicas homogeneizantes produzidas pelo pensamento dominante, em torno de valores e da criação de desejos em concordância estrita com aqueles do sistema econômico hegemônico. Entende-se que a base da construção da resistência é a partilha de conhecimento, de modo que a comunicação passa a ocupar o cerne da resistência: conhecimento dividido e multiplicado. O conceito de comunicação, no entanto, tem sido cada vez mais limitado aos objetos midiáticos, de forma que diversas práticas comunicativas têm sido negligenciadas nas teorias da comunicação. Daí a importância de ampliar o entendimento do que são os objetos comunicacionais com vistas a incluir manifestações não visíveis na mídia. O corpus analítico, dentro do movimento hip-hop, são as letras das músicas, analisadas sob a ótica da comunicação, em diálogo com a sociologia. Um dos principais marcos teóricos desta pesquisa são os conceitos de ecologia de saberes e sociologias das ausências e das emergências de Boaventura Santos (2006a). Nas questões concernentes a poder, resistência, empoderamento e emancipação foram fundamentais os trabalhos de Foucault (1979; 1988; 2000), Santos (2005a; 2006a; 2006b; 2007a) e das teóricas feministas, em especial Magdalena León (2000) e Patrícia Collins (1991). No campo da comunicação, o diálogo foi estabelecido com José Luiz Aidar Prado (2006a; 2006b), Muniz Sodré (2002), e, na filosofia política, com Hannah Arendt (2007), no que diz respeito aos temas de discurso e ação. O debate sobre globalização foi feito sob a perspectiva de Milton Santos (2001) e novamente de Boaventura Santos (2002), com referências a Zizek (2006) e sua crítica ao multiculturalismo, estabelecendo um diálogo sobre a relação entre globalização, culturas locais e resistência. Momentos pontuais da tese solicitaram teóricos de áreas específicas como planejamento urbano; movimentos sociais; relações raciais; violência urbana; violência policial; instituições penais e direitos humanos; criminologia crítica; construção da identidade; gênero; e oralidade. Terminamos a investigação indicando como o hip-hop constrói uma comunicação insurgente, recolocando simbolicamente os principais aspectos deturpados pela mídia hegemônica no que tange à população negra, pobre e moradora dos bairros periféricos. O hip-hop enquanto prática contra-hegemônica se constituiu, por conseguinte, em uma ação crítica capaz de desconstruir visões naturalizadoras das culturas