Cette dissertation a pour objectif la présentation et l'analyse du fonctionnement de l'Université de l'État de Haïti - unique université publique du pays - et de son passé de lutte, de confrontation et de résistance, qui continue profondément mal-connu de ses voisins latino-américains, y-compris du Brésil. Il est notoire de préciser que cette méconnaissance ne se limite pas à l'Université haïtienne en particulier, mais s'étend au pays dans son ensemble. Dont la compréhension plus complexe et profonde est limitée par une couverture médiatique essentiellement caractérisée par l'exacerbation du tropicalisme (de l'exotisme), de la pauvreté ou de la tragédie haïtienne. À cette réalité s'ajoute le fait que depuis le tremblement de terre de janvier 2010, Haïti a fait l'objet d'une série de discours ethnocentriques utilisés afin de justifier des politiques qui ne peuvent être qualifiées autrement que de colonialistes dans la mesure où se définissent comme le cheminement ou des instruments permettant de sauver le pays d'une supposée incapacité d'exiger par lui-même, voir de résoudre de manière autonome ses propres problèmes. Ce point du vue qui prévaut dans la majorité des discours internationaux, au delà de corroborer la thèse de la profonde précarité du pays en général ainsi que de son université publique en particulier, nous semble n'être que l'héritage de discours coloniaux qui légitiment l'exploitation d'un peuple par un autre. Il nous semble également que l'existence même d'une institution "d'élite", comme est perçue l'Université dans un milieu associé à la misère et à la privation est source d'inconfort, de perplexité et de confusion auprès de ceux qui se considèrent comme les créateurs légitimes de cette institution et gardiens de ses attributions et devoirs. Tout se passe comme si pays qui figure sur la liste des plus pauvres du monde, engagé dans la lutte contre la faim et les maladies, ne pouvait se "payer le luxe" d'avoir une Université et encore moins de revendiquer le droit d'avoir une Université distincte. Cette situation inconfortable de l'Université de l'état de Haïti a été détectée et analysée par diverses agences, ONGs, instituts internationaux de recherche et gouvernements étrangers impliqués en tant qu'auxiliaires de la reconstruction de Haïti et de son université. Ce point de vue, bien qu'ayant déjà été énoncé avant le tremblement de terre de 2010, a gagné du crédit après la tragédie. Tout se passe comme si la précarité de l'éducation haïtienne de l'après tremblement de terre devait inéluctablement rendre compte à des centaines d'organisations étrangères présentes dans le pays, justifiant leur existence, leur raison d'exister dans le pays. La réalité haïtienne perd chaque fois un peu plus de terrain pour laisser place à un scénario inventé, raconté, photographié et reproduit au point de rendre nécessaire la divulgation d'une autre analyse et d'autres regards sur Haïti. C'est donc l'objet de cette dissertation sur l'Université Publique du pays qui sera constituée de deux chapitres: le premier, sera dédié à la présentation et à la compréhension de Haïti à partir d'analyses réalisées par les Haïtiens eux-mêmes, contrebalancées par la littérature post-coloniale, incluant les épisodes emblématiques de l'histoire de Haïti et la lutte contre les stéréotypes les plus fréquents aux haïtiens. Ce chapitre servira de fondement à l'analyse complexe de l'université haïtienne, qui constituera le thème central du second chapitre de cette dissertation. Dans ce second chapitre nous tenterons de vérifier comment l'université interagit avec son entourage, contribuant au renforcement de la démocratisation du pays et à la reconstruction du pays après le tremblement de terre. Les principales sources utilisées dans ce chapitre sont haïtiennes. Enfin, nous réaliserons une analyse critique du contenu des rapports internationaux qui proposent de diagnostiquer "les maux" et de prescrire les "remèdes" à l'Université d'état, ignorant le fait que son propre mouvement étudiant allié à d'autres mouvements sociaux, ont déjà étudié la question et proposé leurs propres conclusions. Nous espérons que ces points de vues contenus ne peuvent continuer à être réduits au silence, c'est pourquoi nous revendiquons le droit au cri. / Esta dissertação dedica-se à apresentação e análise da Universidade de Estado do Haiti - única Universidade Pública do país – e sua história de luta, confronto e resistência, que permanece profundamente desconhecida por seus vizinhos latino-americanos, entre os quais se inclui o Brasil. Entendemos que esse desconhecimento não está restrito à Universidade haitiana, em particular, mas estende-se ao país, de forma geral, cuja compreensão mais complexa e densa vem sendo obstaculizada por uma cobertura midiática que geralmente é marcada pela exacerbação do exotismo, da pobreza ou da tragédia haitiana. Sucede que, desde o terremoto de janeiro de 2010, o Haiti vem sendo alvo de uma série de discursos etnocêntricos, empenhados em justificar práticas que só podem ser definidas como coloniais na medida em que se apresentam como caminho/instrumento de salvação do país de uma suposta “impossibilidade de existir por si próprio” ou de “resolver seus próprios problemas”. Esses discursos, que povoam relatórios internacionais de todos os gêneros, além de inspirar receituários para a superação da suposta inviabilidade do país, em geral, e da precariedade de sua Universidade Pública, em particular, nos parecem herdeiros dos discursos coloniais que legitimavam a exploração de um povo sobre outro. Parece-nos, ainda, que a existência de uma instituição “de elite”, como é entendida a Universidade, em um contexto absolutamente periférico, associado à miséria e à privação, causa incômodo, perplexidade e confusão naqueles que se consideram os legítimos criadores de tal instituição e definidores de seus contornos e rumos. Tudo se passa como se um país que figura na lista dos mais pobres do mundo, engajado em não perecer de fome e doença, não pudesse “dar-se ao luxo” de ter uma Universidade e menos ainda de reclamar uma Universidade distinta. É nesse sentido que, nos parece, vem sendo percebida e analisada a Universidade de Estado do Haiti por uma série de agências multilaterais, ONGs, Institutos internacionais de pesquisa e governos estrangeiros, empenhados em “auxiliar a reconstrução do Haiti” e de sua Universidade, por meio de uma série de diagnósticos e recomendações que apesar de já virem sendo produzidos desde antes do terremoto de 2010, ganham reforços após a tragédia. Tudo se passa como se a precariedade da educação haitiana pós-terremoto estivesse a fornecer uma inelutável “razão de ser” às centenas de organizações estrangeiras presentes no país, justificando sua permanência e conferindo-lhes o reconhecimento e a importância buscados. O Haiti real perde cada vez mais espaço nesse cenário inventado, discursado, fotografado e reproduzido hermeticamente, a ponto de tornar-se imperiosa a divulgação de outras versões, outras dimensões, outros olhares sobre o Haiti. Aí se inscreve essa narrativa sobre a Universidade Pública no país que está dividida em dois capítulos: o primeiro, destinado à compreensão do Haiti a partir de análises feitas pelos próprios haitianos, temperada pela análise pós-colonial, e que compreende os episódios mais emblemáticos de sua história e a desconstrução dos estereótipos mais comumente atribuídos ao seu povo. Esse capítulo será a antessala para a análise complexa da Universidade Haitiana, que constitui o tema do segundo capítulo do trabalho. Nele, nossa proposta é a de verificar como a Universidade tem-se relacionado com seu entorno, contribuído para o fortalecimento democrático do país e para sua reconstrução no período pós-terremoto. As principais fontes utilizadas também nesse capítulo são haitianas. Ao final, conduzimos uma análise crítica do conteúdo dos relatórios internacionais que se propõem a diagnosticar “as doenças” e indicar “remédios” à Universidade de Estado, ignorando que seu próprio movimento estudantil, aliado a outros movimentos sociais, já vem trabalhando nesse sentido e produzindo suas próprias conclusões. Imaginamos que a palavra contida não será capaz de enfrentar o silencio que as mantem desconhecidas, por isso reivindicamos a potência e o drama do grito. / This dissertation is dedicated to the presentation and analysis of the State University of Haiti - the only public university in the country - and its history of struggle, resistance and confrontation, which remain deeply unknown to their Latin American neighbors, among which includes Brazil . We understand that this ignorance is not restricted to the University of Haiti, in particular, but extends to the country in general, whose more complex and dense understanding has been hampered by a media coverage that is usually marked by the exacerbation of exoticism, poverty or the Haitian tragedy. It follows that, since the earthquake of January 2010, Haiti has been the target of a series of ethnocentric speeches, committed to justify practices that can only be defined as colonialists as they present themselves as path / instrument of salvation of the country, alleged "unable to exist on its own" or "solve it´s own problems." These speeches, found in all sorts of international reports, are inspiring prescriptions for overcoming the supposed impracticability of the country in general, and the precariousness of their Public University, in particular, seem to be heirs of colonialist discourses that legitimized the exploitation of one people over another. It seems, though, that the existence of an "elite" institution, as the university is understood, in a context quite peripheral, associated with poverty and deprivation, cause annoyance, perplexity and confusion in those who consider themselves the legitimate builders of such institution and the designers of its contours and directions. It is as if a country that is on the list of the world's poorest, engaged in not perish from hunger and disease, could not "afford the luxury" of having an university, let alone claim a distinct University. In that sense, it seems, has been perceived and analyzed the State University of Haiti through a series of multilateral agencies, NGOs, international research institutes and foreign governments, committed to "assist the reconstruction of Haiti" and its University, through a series of diagnoses and recommendations, which despite already being produced since before the 2010 earthquake, gain reinforcements after the tragedy. It is as if the precariousness of the Haitian education post-earthquake was to provide an ineluctable "raison d'être" of hundreds of foreign organizations in the country, justifying his stay and giving them the recognition and importance fetched. The real Haiti loses more and more space in this invented, spoken, photographed and played tightly scenario, to the point of becoming compelling the disclosure of other versions, other dimensions, other looks on Haiti. There inscribes this narrative about the Public University on Haiti, that is divided into two chapters: the first, for the understanding of Haiti from analyzes made by the Haitians themselves, tempered by postcolonial analysis, and comprising the most iconic episodes of its history and deconstruction of stereotypes commonly attributed to his people. This chapter will be the anteroom to the complex analysis of Haitian University, which is the theme of the second chapter of the work. In it, our proposal is to see how the University has been related to its surroundings, contributed to strengthening democracy in the country and its reconstruction in post-earthquake scenario. The main sources used in this chapter are also Haitian. Finally, we conduct a critical analysis of the content of international reports that purport to diagnose "diseases" and indicate "remedies" to the University of the State, ignoring that it´s own student movement, combined with other social movements, has already been working in this direction and producing their own conclusions. We imagine that the contained word will not be able to face the silence that keeps Haiti unknown, so, we claim the power and the drama of a scream. / Esta disertación está dedicada a la presentación y análisis de la Universidad de Estado de Haití - la única universidad pública del país - y su historia de lucha, confrontación y resistencia, que sigue siendo profundamente desconocida para sus vecinos latinoamericanos, entre los que se incluye a Brasil. Entendemos que esta ignorancia no se limita a la Universidad de Haití, en particular, sino que se extiende al país en general, cuya comprensión más compleja y densa se ha visto obstaculizada por una cobertura mediática que suele estar marcada por la exacerbación del exotismo, de la pobreza o de la tragedia haitiana. De ello se desprende que, desde el terremoto de enero de 2010, Haití ha sido objeto de una serie de discursos etnocéntricos, comprometidos para justificar prácticas que sólo pueden ser definidos como coloniales uma vez que se presentan como ruta / instrumento de la salvación del país para una supuesta "incapacidad para existir por sí mismo" o "resolver sus propios problemas". Estos discursos, que proponen recetas para salir de una supuesta inviabilidad del país en general, y la precariedad de su Universidad Pública, en particular, parecen herederos de los discursos coloniales que legitimaban la explotación de un pueblo sobre otro. Parece, sin embargo, que la existencia de una institución "elite" como se entiende la universidad, en un contexto periférico, asociado a la pobreza y la privación, causa perplejidad y confusión en aquellos que se consideran a sí mismos los criadores legítimos de dicha institución y responsables por la definición de sus contornos y dirección. Es como si un país que está en la lista de los más pobres del mundo, dedicado a no perecer de hambre y enfermedad, no se pueda "permitirse el lujo" de tener una universidad y mucho menos pretender una universidad distinta. En ese sentido, al parecer, la Universidad del Estado de Haití ha sido percibida y analizada a través de una serie de organismos multilaterales, organizaciones no gubernamentales, institutos de investigación internacionales y gobiernos extranjeros, comprometidos a "ayudar a la reconstrucción de Haití" y su Universidad, a través de una serie de diagnósticos y recomendaciones, que sólo aumentaron después de el terremoto de 2010. Es como si la precariedad de la educación post-terremoto de Haití estuviera a proporcionar una ineluctable "raison d'être" de los cientos de organizaciones extranjeras en el país, lo que justifica su permanencia y les garantiza el reconocimiento y la importancia deseados. El Haití real pierde cada vez más espacio en este escenario inventado, hablado, fotografiado y reproducido herméticamente, hasta el punto en que la revelación convincente de otras versiones, otras dimensiones, otras miradas sobre Haití se torna imprescindible. Allí se inscribe esta narrativa de la Universidad Pública en el país, que se divide en dos capítulos: el primero, dirige se a la comprensión de Haití a partir de los análisis realizados por los propios haitianos, templado por la literatura pos-colonial, que comprenden los episodios más emblemáticos de la historia de Haití y la confrontación de los estereotipos más fuertemente atribuidos a su gente. Este capítulo será la antesala del análisis complejo de la Universidad de Haití, que es el tema del segundo capítulo. En ello, nuestra propuesta es ver cómo la Universidad se ha relacionado con su entorno, ha contribuido a fortalecer la democracia en el país y su reconstrucción tras el terremoto. Las principales fuentes utilizadas en este capítulo son también haitianas. Por último, realizamos un análisis crítico del contenido de los informes internacionales que pretenden diagnosticar las "enfermedades" e indicar "soluciones" a la Universidad del Estado, ignorando que su propio movimiento estudiantil, junto con otros movimientos sociales, ha estado trabajando en esta dirección y produciendo sus propias conclusiones. Imaginamos que la palabra contenida no será capaz de hacer frente al silencio que mantiene el Haití un desconocido, por lo que reivindico al poder y al drama del grito.

Existe um sem número de obras que tratam da Economia Global (ou Globalização), analisando-a quanto aos aspectos econômicos, sociais, culturais, etc. Neste trabalho, utilizando-se as teorias de Gramsci, Althusser e outros sobre os Aparelhos Coercitivos de Estado, os Aparelhos de Hegemonia (Gramsci), os Aparelhos Ideológicos de Estado (Althusser) e a Indústria Cultural, partiu-se para uma perspectiva de Estado Transnacional Ampliado, liderado pelos Estados Unidos da América com as inevitáveis conseqüências para os países Latino-Americanos, no que tange aos aspectos econômicos e culturais. A necessária resistência a esse processo é enfatizada como a única saída possível para a América Latina, se quiser manter sua identidade perante a chamada \"Americanização\" econômico-cultural. / There are innumerable works on the issue of the Global Economy (or Globalization), analyzing the theme from economic, social and cultural aspects, etc. This work uses the theories of Gramsci, Althusser and others of the Coercive Apparatus of the State, the Hegemonic Apparatus (Gramsci), the Ideological Apparatus of the State (Althusser) and the Cultural Industry to move towards the perspective of an Enlarged Transnational State led by the United States of America and its inevitable consequences for Latin American nations on both the economic and cultural levels. Necessary resistance to this process is stressed as the only possible way out for Latin America, if it is to maintain its identity before this so-called economic/cultural \"Americanization\".

At least eight soapstone carvings of birds furnished a shrine, Great Zimbabwe, in the 19th century. This large stonewalled settlement, once a political and urban centre, had been much reduced for four centuries, although the shrine continued to operate as local traditions dictated. The Zimbabwe Birds were handed down from a past that has only been partially illuminated by archaeological inquiry and ethnography, as has the site as such. This thesis publishes the first detailed catalogue of the Birds and attempts to reconstruct their provenance at the site based on the earliest written accounts. A modern history of the Birds unfolds when the European settlers removed them from the site in dubious transactions, claiming them as rewards of imperial conquest. As the most treasured objects from Great Zimbabwe, the fate of the Birds has been intertwined with that of the site in a matrix of contested meanings and ownership. This thesis explores how the meanings of cultural objects have a tendency to shift and to be ephemeral, demonstrating the ability of those in power to appropriate and determine such meanings. In turn, this has a bearing on ownership claims, and gives rise to an “authorized heritage discourse” syndrome.   The forced migrations of the Zimbabwe Birds within the African continent and to Europe and their subsequent return to their homeland decades later are characterised by melodramatic episodes of manoeuvring by traders, politicians and theologians, and of the return of stolen property cloaked as an amicable barter deal, or a return extolled as an act of generosity. International doctrines that urge the return of cultural property are influenced by Western hegemonic ideologies. Natural justice is perverted, as stolen property acquires a (superior) significance in its new context, which merits the extinction of the original provenance. This leaves “generosity” and goodwill as the promises of the future, holding the fate of one Zimbabwe Bird still kept in exile in South Africa.

This thesis examines the impact of one party dominant systems on liberal democracy in developing countries. It is insufficient to argue that one party dominant systems – systems where one party dominates over a prolonged period - need not be further scrutinised because they occur within democracies. Instead it is contended that the term ‘democracy’ is but one public virtue in a political system and thus needs to be prefixed for it to have meaning beyond a method of government selection. The importance of this is highlighted when looking at two major trends in the understanding of democracy. The first is democracy as rule by the people -a non-authoritarian democracy- where governmental control is limited, and agents of voice and accountability are protected. Voice and accountability refers to citizens being able to exercise power over the process of decision-making and not merely power to select decision-makers. The second type of democracy is rule for the people -an authoritarian democracy- where governmental control extends over all spheres of society, and the operating space for agents of voice and accountability is constrained. Since unchecked centralisation is the anti-thesis of a non-authoritarian democracy, the observed tendency of dominant parties to use their predominant position to further consolidate their control is a concern. The apprehension is, as power is centralised so the operating space of agents of voice and accountability (including political and civil society) is constrained. Despite differences in the type of one party dominant system, whether they be hegemonic (Mexico) or dominant (South Africa) the ruling dominant/ hegemonic party uses similar methods of consolidating dominance – they essentially centralise power through the establishment of (1) economic, (2) political, and sometimes (3) ideological monopolies. These monopolies are established using internal and external methods of control (centralising of political power; party controlled process of political leadership selection; institutional arrangements and electoral amendments, which favour the ruling party; patronage and corporatism), which in turn effectively close down or limit the operating space of civil and political society, especially in developing countries which do not have histories of liberal-constitutionalism, and have vast socio-economic inequalities making them especially susceptible to the manipulation of ruling elites. Although one party dominant systems may initially have a uniting, stabilising effect, if continued they tend to lead towards either the entrenchment of authoritarianism or the establishment of authoritarianism, since dominance is achieved at the expense of competition, and independent and alternative voices. Uncompetitive democracies result in unresponsive governments. Pursuing a liberal democracy, while simultaneously monopolising power is to indulge in serious programmatic contradictions. Eventually something has to give and it is usually liberal democracy. Voice and accountability inevitably become inhibited in one party dominant systems due to the mechanisms of internal and external control used by the dominant or hegemonic party. These mechanisms of control culminate in, as they did in Mexico, there being ‘no life outside the ruling party’. Only when the economic, political and ideological monopolies are dismantled through either economic liberalisation, opposition maintaining its integrity, civil society keeping its independence and societies refusing to be drawn into relationships of patronage, can the space for voice and accountability be prised open again. In the interests of its citizens and the future success of its country, the ruling party of a one party dominant system needs to recognise that it is not the sole channel for the voice of its citizens and to acknowledge the space for agents of voice and accountability. Ensuring that non-authoritarian democracy remains the only game in town in a one party dominant system requires responsive and accountable government and effective agents of voice and accountability. / Thesis (DPhil)--University of Pretoria, 2010. / Political Sciences / unrestricted

This study used life experience methods to gather the narratives of seven adult Indigenous transracial adoptees who have reclaimed their Indigenous identities after experiencing closed adoption during the late 1950s through to the early 1980s. Participants had been members of Aboriginal (First Nations, Metis, Inuit) communities at birth but were then raised outside their Indigenous nations in non-Indigenous families. Through analysis of their stories, I identified four themes that marked their trajectories to reclamation: Imposed fracture (prior to reclamation); Little anchors (beginning healing); Coming home (on being whole); Our sacred bundle (reconciling imposed fracture). Their stories of reconnecting to their Indigeneity, decolonizing and healing illustrate their shifts from hegemonic discourse spaces that characterized their lived experiences as “other” to spirit-based discourses that center Indigenous knowledge systems as valid, life affirming, and life changing. This dissertation contributes to the debate on state sanctioned removal of children and the impacts of loss of Indigenous identity in Canadian society. My findings indicate that cultural and spiritual teachings and practices, as well as, the knowledge of colonization and its impacts on Indigenous families, communities, and nations, all contributed to adoptees’ healing and ability to move forward in their lives. Key recommendations include: further exploration of the concept of cultural genocide in relation to settler-colonial relations in Canada; further examination of the intersection of counter-narratives, resistance discourse, and colonial violence; increased investigation of the connections between Indigenous knowledge systems, living spirit-based teachings and educative aspects of community wellness; and more research examining education beyond formal schooling, including the formative effects upon Indigenous youth of social values, public policy, and legal frameworks. / Graduate

"In seeing what picture makers can make of situational materials one can begin to see what we ourselves might be engaged in doing" (Goffman, 1979). Les dernières décennies ont été marquées par d'importants changements dans les rôles traditionnels des hommes ainsi que par une explosion de l’offre commerciale qui leur est offerte. Alors que l'industrie des médias utilise des stratégies multiples pour façonner l'identité de genre et les intérêts des consommateurs, il est pertinent d'examiner la représentation de la masculinité moderne dans les médias. L’hypothèse de cette recherche est que les magazines masculins généralistes projettent une image stéréotypée, monochrome et hégémonique de la masculinité, et ce, indépendamment du segment de la population qu’ils visent. À partir d’éléments empruntés à la théorie du marketing, d’éléments archétypaux de Jung, des codes du genre développés par Goffman, ainsi que de certains concepts associés à la masculinité hégémonique définis chez Bourdieu et Connell, une analyse de 72 pages couverture provenant de 12 magazines pour hommes a été effectuée. À quelques exceptions près, l’étude a démontré une homogénéité du message commercial dans la communication des attributs de la masculinité. Ces attributs forment un idéal type qui représente diverses variantes de la masculinité hégémonique. Le portrait type de la masculinité offert aux différents profils sociodémographiques est celui d’un homme caucasien fort, rebelle, consommateur d’alcool et de femmes, qui a réussi et qui prend soin de lui-même, tout en ayant une vision (plutôt) négative de la paternité. Cette valorisation stéréotypée de la masculinité a des effets pervers sur la santé des hommes, alors que l’image commerciale de la masculinité normalise l’objectivation du corps masculin. La recherche conclut que la commercialisation de la masculinité et de ses attributs esthétiques, stéréotypés et hégémoniques globalise l’idéal masculin en le rendant attrayant pour le grand public, alors que peu de place est laissée à des masculinités alternatives et à d'autres façons de comprendre et d'être un homme.

Syftet med denna studie var att bidra med kunskap om hur maskulina representationer i utvalda skönlitterära böcker framställdes och att studera svensklärares utsagor kring arbetet med dessa manliga representationer på gymnasiet samt hur svensklärares arbete med de maskulina representationerna kunde verka meningsskapande i klassrummet.      Våldet ökar bland unga män och det är färre pojkar än flickor som når kunskapskraven i alla ämnen i årskurs nio. Genom studier framträder skolan som en starkt normgivande arena där det existerar få möjligheter för unga människor att bryta mot etablerade stereotypa normer. Unga män blir offer för en maskulin stereotyp som förväntas hålla tillbaka känslor och bruka våld. I skönlitteraturen beskrivs människor och representationer som läsaren själv kan känna igen sig i eller som läsaren kanske önskar att hen själv var. Med denna studie ville jag öka medvetenheten kring vilka maskulina representationer svensklärare introducerade till sina elever via skönlitteratur.      En kvalitativ metod valdes. Fyra kvinnliga legitimerade och verksamma svensklärare på gymnasiet intervjuades om deras arbete med maskulin representation i fyra olika skönlitterära böcker som de arbetade med under våren 2020. Lärarnas utsagor förväntades ge svar på vilket potentiellt meningsskapande eleverna erbjöds i behandlandet av skönlitteraturen. De fyra skönlitterära böckerna analyserades utifrån maskulinitetsteori och feministisk teori i syfte att identifiera dess maskulina representationer.      Resultatet visade att de fyra skönlitterära böckerna innehöll en mångfald av maskulina representationer. Männen var unga och gamla, heterosexuella och homosexuella, omtänksamma och dominanta, svaga och starka och så vidare. Den mångfald som presenterades i böckerna ger läsaren möjligheten att bredda sin syn på vad maskulinitet kan vara. Lärarna uppgav att de behandlade framträdande maskulina representationer och deras specifika drag i böckerna vilket innebär att eleverna potentiellt sett fick chans att skapa mening ur det lästa och med olika representationer i fokus. / The overall aim of the study was to contribute with knowledge about how representation of masculinity was composed in fiction and to study L1 teachers´ statements about their work with these representations of masculinity in upper secondary school and how L1 teachers´ work with the representations of masculinity could become meaningful in the classroom.       Violence increases among young men and less boys than girls are reaching knowledge requirements in all subjects in grade nine. Through studies school appear to be a normative arena where few opportunities are given for young people to trespass established norms and stereotypes. Young men become victims of a masculine stereotype which is supposed to maintain his feelings and be violent. Fiction describes people and representations that readers can recognize themselves in, or that the reader may wish to be. With this study I wanted to increase the awareness of which representations of masculinity L1 teachers introduced through fiction to their students.      A qualitative method was chosen for this study. Four female L1 teachers, active and legitimate at upper secondary school, were interviewed about their work with representation of masculinity in four different fiction books which they worked with during spring 2020. Teachers´ statements were expected to give answers to what potential meaning making the pupils were given when working with the fiction. The four fiction books were analyzed through masculine theory and feminist theory with the purpose to identify their representations of masculinity.      The result revealed that the four fiction books contained a diversity of masculine representation. The men were young and old, heterosexual and homosexual, thoughtful and dominant, weak and strong and so forth. The diversity presented in the books gives the reader an opportunity to increase their image of what masculinity can be. L1 teachers´ statements showed that they treated prominent representations of masculinity and their specific traits in the books which entails that students were given the opportunity to create meaning out of the text and with different representations in focus.

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The dissertation connects areas of critical-animal studies and feminist studies over the question of picturing bodies of animals and women including visual violence. In particular it addresses the use of mentioned picturing methods by an animal rights movement. I understand women and animals to be marginalised groups in patriarchal society on which is represented the power of hegemonic masculinity by denigrating, violent and sexual representation, even though each group has its specifics. The method of representation serves as means of confirmation and embedding of hegemonic masculinity, anthropocentric system built on binary oppositions man/woman, human/animal, and with them related discourse of difference. The aim of the dissertation is to point out common characteristics of denigrating representation including violence (with sexual meaning) on animals and women who are reduced to objects, on which visualisation of violence is socially accepted. The initial point comes from feminist theories of Carol J. Adams and her concept of absent referent. Further it works with concept of intersectionality and fluid identity according to Rosi Braidotti, which enables consideration of assigning a claim of personal identity also to animals. From the methodological position, the dissertation is based on...

Syftet med studien är att skapa en djupare förståelse för hur manliga- och kvinnliga mördare porträtteras i nyhetsmedia samt de eventuella skillnader som finns i porträtteringen. Fokus ligger på att se om det finns ett tydligt mönster för hur dessa fyra mördare porträtteras i media samt skillnader mellan en manlig mördare och en kvinnlig mördare som har begått snarlika brott. Tidigare forskning har visat på att det finns skillnader i porträtteringen när det kommer till manliga förövare och kvinnliga förövare. Man har kunnat se att kvinnliga förövare smutskastas mer av media än manliga förövare. För att undersöka porträtteringen av mördare i media utgår denna studie utifrån en kvalitativ innehållsanalys. Materialet i studien består av 40 svenska nyhetsartiklar varav 10 artiklar på vardera mördaren från olika svenska tidningar. Detta material har sedan analyserats med hjälp en innehållsanalys. Resultatet från analysen visar att kvinnliga mördare porträtteras i media utefter det brott de har begått samt deras normbrytande beteende. När det kommer till de manliga mördarna så porträtteras dessa endast utefter det brott som de har begått. Slutsatsen som kan dras av studien är att det finns ett mönster hur man porträtterar manliga mördare mot hur man porträtterar kvinnliga mördare. Kvinnliga mördares beteenden och karaktär anses vara mer avvikande vid denna typ av brott än manliga mördares. Vilket gör att man kan dra likheter från tidigare forskning och därav se ett mönster i porträtteringen i media. Svenska nyhetstidningar har en tendens att beskriva kvinnliga mördare på ett komplext sätt genom att porträttera deras brott samt normbrytande beteende vilket leder till ett större fokus och mer skriverier kring kvinnliga mördare i nyhetsmedia än manliga mördare. / The aim of this study is to create a deeper understanding about how male- and female murderers are depicted in the news and to see if there is any difference in the depiction. The focus is to see if there is a pattern between four murderers, two female and two males, and how they are depicted in the media. We also want to see if there is a difference between male and female murderers who committed similar crimes. Previous research shows that there is a difference in how the depiction of male and female murderers. Female offenders are more often befouled then their male counterpart. To examine how the media depict the murderers this study originates from a qualitative content analysis. The material that we base our study on is 40 Swedish articles from different media, ten articles on each murderer from different newspapers. The results we found were that the female murderers are portrayed by media by their crime and norm-breaking behavior. The male murderers are portrayed only after their crime. The conclusion is that we can see a pattern in how media depict male and female murderers and that there is a differs in-between male and female murderers. Swedish newspapers tend to describe female murderers in a more complex way by depicting their crimes and norm braking behavior which leads to a bigger focus and more articles revolving female murderers in the news then male murderers.