Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T17:27:13Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 John Stuart Mill e o psicologismo.pdf: 586444 bytes, checksum: 4f8cde60a2889debc936f6d16408307e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006-05-15 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This work presents the logic and semantic of John Stuart Mill relating them, on the one hand, to the psychological nominalist tradition represented by John Locke´s theory of ideas, and, on the other hand, to the forthcoming logic semantic discussions of XIX century, mainly from Frege´s philosophy. According to our hypothesis, in opposition to an established interpretative tradition, Mill was responsible for significant theses, among others, in favor of the logicist efforts and anti-psychologists who marked most of the later discussions on the nature of logic. On the one hand, Mill´s criticism to the thesis according to which the significance of language terms are ideas (what he calls conceptualism), in addition to his clear view in distinguishing mental processes in the reasoning act of objective reasons involved in the inferences correction, constituted, according to our conclusions, important positive influence sources, not just to Frege´s philosophy, but to a whole philosophycal tradition that came to contemporary analytical philosophy. The work is divided in three chapters. In the first chapter, important elements of Mill´s logic and semantics are presented, such as: the definition of logic as a proof science, the relationship between logic and language, theory of connotation and some propositions. The second chapter deals with Mill´s criticism of the psychological semantic model represented by, among others, Locke. The third chapter aims to the question whether, from the point of view of Fregean logicism, Mill can be considered a psychologist / Este trabalho apresenta a lógica e a semântica de John Stuart Mill relacionando-as, por um lado, à tradição psicológio-nominalista representada pela teoria das idéias de John Locke e, por outro, aos desdobramentos das discussões lógico-semânticas do século XIX, sobretudo a partir da filosofia de Frege. De acordo com nossa hipótese, ao contrário do que toda uma tradição interpretativa estabeleceu, Mill, como que por detrás de algumas posturas ultrapassadas, foi responsável por teses significativas, entre outras coisas, em favor dos esforços logicistas e antipsicologistas que marcaram boa parte das discussões posteriores acerca da natureza da lógica. A crítica que Mill realiza à tese segundo a qual o significados dos termos da linguagem são idéias (o que ele chama de conceitualismo), aliada à sua clareza em distinguir processos mentais envolvidos no ato do raciocínio, das razões objetivas envolvidas na correção das inferências, constituíram, de acordo com nossas conclusões, importantes fontes de influência positiva, não só para a filosofia de Frege, mas para toda uma tradição filosófica que veio a desembocar na filosofia analítica contemporânea. O trabalho é dividido em três capítulos. No primeiro, são apresentados alguns elementos importantes da lógica e da semântica millianas, tais como: definição de lógica enquanto ciência da prova, relação entre lógica e linguagem, teoria da conotação e proposições meramente verbais. O segundo, trata da crítica de Mill ao modelo semântico psicológico representado, entre outros, por Locke. O terceiro, busca responder se, a partir do ponto de vista do logicismo fregeano, Mill pode ser considerado um psicologista

<p><strong> </strong></p><p>Dissertation in political science, C-level by Niklas Andersson, Spring Semester 2009. Tutor: Arne Larsson</p><p>“The Treaty of Lisbon – The Defence against Globalization?”</p><p>In the modern world globalization have undermined the nation-state and left it without the right measurements to adequately deal with the social and economic unrest that follows in its way. The states, built on contract theories, have an obligation to protect its citizens from the state of nature which seems to have failed as globalization has changed the rules.</p><p>The purpose of this dissertation is to examine the contract theories of Thomas Hobbes, John Locke, Jean-Jacques Rousseau and John Rawls to identify the elements of a state and create a modern and ideal contract theory. The treaty shall then be used on the Treaty of Lisbon as it can be seen as a contract between the European states to create an entity in the shape of the European Union with the power to defend Europe from the unrest created by globalization.</p><p>My question for this was as follows:</p><p>Is the new treaty for the European Union acceptable as a new social contract according to the social contract theories?</p><p>During my research the following criteria’s for a social contract was found:</p><p>1. A legislative branch 2. An executive branch 3. A judicial branch 4. The Right to taxation</p><p>5. A centralized educational system 6. The right to property 7. Equalizing redistribution system 8. The right to leave the contract.</p><p>The first four is essential in creating a state and are the primary criteria’s for its existence while the other four is determining the character of the state that is created and are therefore not essential in the creation of the state and are consequently secondary criteria’s in a states creation.</p><p>The answer to the question is no, as the Treaty of Lisbon first of all don’t give the Union the right of taxation on its citizens and secondly, the Union are not given the mandate to act for an educational or an equalizing redistributive system. Without these criteria’s the EU don’t have the possibility to quickly act on its own to deal with urgent problems that rises from the negative aspects of globalization.</p> / <p>Statsvetenskaplig uppsats, C-nivå av Niklas Andersson, Vårterminen 2009. Handledare: Arne Larsson</p><p>"Lissabonfördraget - Försvaret mot Globaliseringen?"</p><p>I den moderna världen har globaliseringen underminerat nationalstaten och lämnat dem utan verktyg för att kunna ta hand om den sociala och ekonomiska oron som följer i dess väg på ett adekvat sätt. Staterna, byggda på kontraktsteorierna har en ansvar för att skydda sina medborgare från naturtillståndet, men som nu har misslyckats i och med att globaliseringen ändrat spelreglerna.</p><p>Syftet med uppsatsen är att undersöka kontraktsteorierna av Thomas Hobbes, John Locke, Jean-Jacques Rousseau och John Rawls för att identifiera beståndsdelarna för en stat och utifrån det skapa en modern idealbild av kontraktsteorin. Kontraktet ska sedan jämföras med Lissabonfördraget då de i viss mån kan ses som ett kontrakt mellan Europas stater för att skapa en enhet utifrån den Europeiska Unionen med makten att skydda Europa mot oron skapad av globaliseringen.</p><p>Min fråga var följande:</p><p>Är det nya fördraget för den Europeiska Unioen acceptabel som ett nytt socialt ontrat enligt de gamla kontraktseorierna?</p><p>Under mon undersökning kom jag fram till följande kriterier för ett socialt kontrakt:</p><p>1. En lagstiftande instans 2. En verkställande instans 3. En lagstiftande instans 4. Rätten att beskatta</p><p>5. Ett centraliserat utbildningssystem 6. Rätten till ägande 7. Utjämnadne omfördelningssystem 8. Rätten att lämna kontraktet.</p><p>De första fyra är essentiella i skapandet av en stat och de primära kriterierna för dess existens medan de övriga fyra bestämmer karaktäen på staten som skapats och är ärmed inte avgörande och är därmed sekundära kriterier.</p><p>Svaret till frågan är nej, eftersom Lissabonfördraget först av allt inte ger Unionen möjligheterna till beskattning och för det andra , Unionen har inte fått madatet till att agera för ett utbildningssystem eller omfördelande ujämningssytem. Utan dessa kriterier har inte EU möjligheten att snabbt agera av egen kraft för att ta hand om brådskande problem som uppståt från globaliseringens negativa sidor.</p>

Zugl.: Osnabrück, Universiẗat, Diss.

Made available in DSpace on 2015-05-14T12:11:41Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 1087581 bytes, checksum: 31104cb47d7bd860c3fe58b8d419286f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-08-04 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / John Locke (1632-1704) is an important philosopher of Modern Age. His most important researches focus on the epistemology, theology, ethics and political philosophy. Among the themes investigated by Locke, it is present the problem of religious tolerance, on which the philosopher devoted more than four decades, between 1660 and 1704. During this period, we can characterize at least two different positions adopted by Locke on the relationship between the political and religious fields. The first position corresponds to the earliest writings about the Lockean tolerance: Two Tracts on Government (1660-62). In this period, Locke defends that the civil magistrate is entitled to impose laws on some religious aspects, that is, about the indifferent things". The strongest allegation of the philosopher is that only through religious uniformity in terms of "indifferent things", is that the magistrate could ensure order within the civil community, preventing the peace from been disturbed by religious disputes. The second Lockean position corresponds mainly to Epistola de tolerantia (1689). In this time, Locke changes his argument and begins to defend religious tolerance, basing exactly on the separation of the State and Church and setting different functions for each of these institutions, as well as their own powers to perform their proper functions. The objective of this study is to investigate the different concepts of tolerance in the three works presented above. We will defend two hypotheses about the Lockean tolerance. 1. First, we will support that, despite of the change in Locke's position on the relationship between the State and Church, the philosopher remains an element unchanged over his writings on tolerance, namely, his "theological conception", and we will claim that this "theological conception" is essential to understand the Lockean concept of tolerance. 2. We will defend that the concept of tolerance presented in Epistola of 1689 can elucidate the political and religious problems encountered in the context of the Protestant Reform and religious wars occurred in Europe during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. / John Locke (1632-1704) é um importante filósofo da Época Moderna. As suas investigações mais relevantes giram em torno da epistemologia, da teologia, da ética e da filosofia política. Dentre os temas mais examinados por Locke, encontra-se o problema da tolerância religiosa, sobre o qual o filósofo se dedicou por mais de quatro décadas, entre 1660 e 1704. Ao longo desse período, podemos caracterizar pelo menos duas posições distintas adotadas por Locke sobre a relação entre o campo político e o campo religioso. A primeira posição corresponde aos primeiros escritos lockeanos a respeito da tolerância: Two tracts on Government (1660-62). Neste período, Locke defende que o magistrado civil tem legitimidade para impor leis sobre alguns aspectos da religião, isto é, sobre as coisas indiferentes . A alegação mais forte do filósofo é a de que, somente através da uniformidade religiosa no que tange às coisas indiferentes , é que o magistrado poderia assegurar a ordem no seio da comunidade civil, impedindo que a paz fosse perturbada por disputas religiosas. Já a segunda posição lockeana corresponde principalmente a Epistola de tolerantia (1689). Neste período, Locke muda a sua argumentação e passa a defender a tolerância religiosa partindo exatamente da separação entre Estado e Igreja e estabelecendo funções diferentes para cada uma dessas instituições, assim como poderes próprios para a realização de suas devidas funções. O objetivo do presente trabalho é investigar as diferentes concepções de tolerância apresentada nas três obras acima. Defenderemos duas hipóteses sobre a tolerância lockeana. 1. Primeiramente, argumentaremos que, apesar da mudança na posição de Locke sobre a relação entre Estado e igreja, o filósofo mantém um elemento inalterável ao longo dos seus escritos sobre a tolerância, a saber, a sua concepção teológica ; e sustentaremos que essa concepção teológica é essencial para a compreensão do conceito lockeano de tolerância. 2. Defenderemos ainda que a concepção de tolerância apresentada na Carta de 1689 consegue elucidar os problemas político-religiosos nascidos no contexto da Reforma Protestante e das guerras religiosas ocorridas na Europa, durante os séculos XVI e XVII.

Ao longo da história da filosofia, John Locke tem sido frequentemente apresentado sob o rótulo de pai do liberalismo, o que decorre, invariavelmente, de um modo peculiar de interpretação da noção de liberdade para o filósofo, que estaria estruturada em torno da ideia de não-interferência. Derivada frequentemente de propostas analíticas realizadas em um vácuo histórico, em que as ideias de Locke são tomadas como uma estática coleção, tal conclusão expressa uma perspectiva que não considera o caráter essencialmente discursivo da filosofia política e o campo problemático em que os conceitos foram pensados pelo filósofo. Se tomarmos a obra de Locke a partir de um campo mais abrangente, constituído por diferentes atos de discurso, em que sejam considerados as condições e o contexto em que os elementos textuais foram enunciados, recuperando-se o aspecto polêmico do texto, pode ser evidenciado um traço marcadamente republicano no conceito de liberdade formulado pelo autor. Partindo da perspectiva de John Pocock acerca do processo de formação do republicanismo inglês, segundo a qual as matrizes republicanas foram recebidas na Inglaterra a partir do século XVI, desencadeando um longo processo de anglicização da república, no qual diferentes momentos podem ser identificados, e tomando como pressuposto a ideia de dupla filiação do conceito moderno de liberdade, proposta por Jean-Fabien Spitz, o propósito deste trabalho é colher os elementos que apontam em que medida a noção de liberdade defendida por Locke em sua obra política pode ser considerada tributária dos argumentos desenvolvidos nos momentos precedentes em que se expressou o pensamento republicano na Inglaterra, o que permitiria incluí-la como referência de um importante ato do longo discurso que culminou na formulação do conceito republicano de liberdade. / Throughout the history of philosophy, John Locke has often been presented under the label of \"father of liberalism,\" which invariably follows from a peculiar way of interpreting his concept of freedom, as structured around the idea of non-interference. Coming from analytical proposals often elaborated in a \"historical vacuum\", in which Locke\'s ideas are taken as a static collection, such a conclusion expresses a perspective that does not consider the essentially discursive character of political philosophy and the \"problematic field\" in which some concepts were thought by the philosopher. On the other hand, if we take Locke\'s work from a broader field, made up of different \"acts of discourse,\" taking into account the conditions and contexts in which the textual elements were enunciated, and recovering the controversial aspect of the text, we can reveal a republican feature in the concept of liberty formulated by the author. Starting from John Pocock\'s perspective about the English republicanism, according to which republican matrices were received in England from the sixteenth century, triggering a long process of \"anglicization of the republic,\" in which different \"moments\" can be identified, and considering the idea of double affiliation of the modern concept of freedom, proposed by Jean-Fabien Spitz, the purpose of this work is to gather the elements that indicate to what extent the notion of freedom defended by Locke in his political work can be considered tributary of the arguments developed in the previous \"moments\" in which the republican thought in England was expressed, which would allow to include it as reference of an important \"act\" of the long discourse that culminated in the republican concept of liberty.

本文檢閱霍布斯與洛克兩人政治理論的政治與宗教背景，以幫助理解他們的政治理論與神學教義之間的相互影響。在當時的智識脈絡中，兩人各自擁有對於自然狀態和自然法的不同看法。對於自然法的看法與盟約神學結合，影響到兩位的盟約論或契約論。本文的核心則是這些神學議題如何影響他們對於主權者或是政府的看法。最後，討論兩人所密切關懷的宗教容忍議題，以及往後學者所延伸出的現代性議題。 身為一位虔誠的安立甘宗教徒，霍布斯使用《聖經》以及神學教義來補充並闡明其政治理論。他使用該隱的《聖經》例子說明自然狀態的意義。霍布斯的自然法理論繼承唯意志論傳統，而非唯理智論傳統。這說明他的自然狀態與自然法都與希臘哲學的自然概念大相逕庭。此外，唯意志論也說明自然權利出自於上帝的命令，即自然法。唯意志論和盟約論神學一起塑造出霍布斯的主權者概念。因為主權者具有政治的身體，所以他是人世間的中保，也是國家意志的代表。霍布斯強調得救唯一所需的是相信耶穌是基督，但是他也強調基督的王國不在此世。主權者必須同時作為國家與教會的元首，以避免因神學爭執所引發對於和平與秩序的威脅。 身為一個清教徒，洛克結合他的信仰發展出一種為人民主權和革命權利辯護的政治理論。這造就了他獨特的神學政治觀。首先，他藉由基督教神學家的自然法理論說明人的天(神)賦政治權利。而且為了避免唯意志論和唯理智論的極端，他採取一種中間路線的托瑪斯主義。第二，洛克的盟約神學和奧體概念強調人民的「同意」。人民同意組成一個「政治的身體」。洛克認為律法和恩典具有同等重要性，相應地，他也主張政治體的法律體現了形塑政治體的契約。最後，洛克的宗教寬容觀念以及政教關係理論也支持著人民的天賦政治權利理論。 霍布斯與洛克都示範了：如何能夠獨立思考《聖經》，並且以一套神學政治論述來同時實現屬世與屬靈的美好生活。每個人都必須同時面對自己的政治身份，也要思考自己在宗教中的生命意義。當兩者和諧地結合時，一個人才能真正獲得和平與幸福。霍布斯和洛克的神學政治觀值得我們參考與借鏡。 / This paper reviews the political and religious background of theory introduced by Thomas Hobbes and Locke, to realize the interplay between their political theory and theological doctrine. They hold distinct viewpoints upon state of nature and natural law in the intellectual context at that time, and the combinations of natural law concepts and covenant theology influenced their covenant theory and contract theory. The focus of this paper is how these theological issues influenced their viewpoints about sovereign or the government. At last, this paper discusses the issue of religious tolerance they both concern closely, and the issue of modernity extended by the successive scholars. As a devout Anglican, Thomas Hobbes supplements and clarifies his political theory by the Bible and theological doctrine. He cites the story about Cain in the Bible to explain the state of nature. Rather than intellectualism, the theoretical basis of Hobbes’ natural law follows that of conventional voluntarism, which implies that the state of nature and natural law are widely distinct from the concept of nature in Greek philosophy. In addition, voluntarism proposes that natural right comes from the command of God, i.e.,natural law. Voluntarism and covenant theology together constitute Hobbes’ conceptualization of sovereign. Since the sovereign possesses “body politic”, he is the “mediator” of the world and the representative of state will. Hobbes emphasizes the unum necessarium (sole necessity) of salvation is to believe in that “Jesus is the Christ”, but also that “the kingdom of Christ is not of this world.” The sovereign serves as the head both of church and state in order to avoid the threat against peace due to theological controversy. As a Puritan, Locke intends to develop a political theory apologized by popular sovereignty and right of revolution, which forms his unique viewpoint of theological politics. He firstly illustrates the inborn political right of human beings through the natural law theory, and to avoid the extremes of voluntarism or intellectualism, he adopts the hybrid Thomism with compromise. In addition, the concept of covenant theology and mystical body introduced by Locke emphasizes the “consent” of the people that sets the basis for body politic. Locke considers that the law and grace of the God are equivalently important, accordingly, he suggests that the law of body politic concretizes the contract shaping the body politic as well. Furthermore, the concept of religious tolerance and theory of relationship between religion and politics support the inborn political right of the people. Hobbes and Locke demonstrate: How to independently reflect on “Bible”, and simultaneously actualize the beautiful life of worldliness and spiritualism by the discourse of theological politics. Everyone has to think of the political identity, and the meaning of life in religions as well. When the two parts combine harmoniously, one can truly gain sense of peace and happiness. The viewpoints of theological politics done by Hobbes and Locke are worth to be referred.

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Thesis advisor: Dennis Hale / The right to property is debatably the most fundamental American right, and its breadth and strength is more controversial today than ever before. Thus it is more important than ever to understand that its development was not accidental but has had a long and fascinating history. Such a conception of property was theoretically formed by John Locke, recognized by the Founding Fathers in the U.S. Constitution, and developed through case law. The purpose of this thesis is to show the significance of the idea of private property for America and its citizens, the development and history of that idea through past cases, and the implications of the idea and its development of the future of America. / Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2007. / Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: Political Science. / Discipline: College Honors Program.

Baserat på olika vetenskapliga och filosofiska definitioner av vad liberalismen kännetecknas av så åsyftar denna uppsats att ge klarhet i vilken liberalismkonception som tre olika svenska riksdagspartier använder sig av i debatten om religiösa friskolor. Det stora fokuset för uppsatsen är att beskriva hur liberalismen kan se olika ut beroende på hur man väljer att värdera olika liberala begrepp. Begrepp som frihet, jämställdhet och rättvisa visar sig definieras olika av de tre riksdagspartier som granskas, och således landar även partierna olika i sina argument beträffande de religiösa friskolorna i Sverige. Med anledning av liberalismens utveckling i historien så har begreppet liberalism och vad som räknas som liberala begrepp ändrats och formats om så att det idag kan uppfattas som svårt att definiera vad som kan anses vara liberalt. Liberalismen lider av en kluvenhet vilket visar sig när partier som anser sig föra en liberal argumentation ibland lyckas landa i beslut som kan anses vara varandras motsatser. Uppsatsens slutsats är att de tre riksdagspartier som presenterats använder sig av huvudsakligen två liberalismkonceptioner, där den ena konceptionen förespråkar en starkare stat för ökad liberalism, medan den andra konceptionen förespråkar en större frihet för individen att forma sitt eget liv.

Submitted by Maicon Juliano Schmidt (maicons) on 2015-07-17T13:19:06Z No. of bitstreams: 2 Paulo César Carbonari_(Protegido).pdf: 2903293 bytes, checksum: 942af39a810c5fb6787eef854089db8f (MD5) Paulo César Carbonari_.pdf: 2903293 bytes, checksum: 942af39a810c5fb6787eef854089db8f (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-07-17T13:19:06Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 Paulo César Carbonari_(Protegido).pdf: 2903293 bytes, checksum: 942af39a810c5fb6787eef854089db8f (MD5) Paulo César Carbonari_.pdf: 2903293 bytes, checksum: 942af39a810c5fb6787eef854089db8f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-04-07 / Nenhuma / Esta pesquisa propõe-se a mostrar que a vítima tem potencialidade para ser sujeito ético e que esta potencialidade se revela como desafio para a construção de uma proposta de ética a partir da condição da vítima, o que exige a formulação de novos referenciais éticos de racionalidade e de subjetividade. Esta tese central é desenvolvida a partir de referenciais filosóficos buscados na tradição: de um lado aqueles que advogam a necessidade e a inevitabilidade da vítima e produziram uma racionalidade vitimária, representados pelos discursos de G. Sepúlveda, J. Locke e F. Nietzsche; de outro, aqueles que defendem a historicidade da produção da vítima e desenvolveram um pensamento crítico que aponta para a superação da condição da vítima, com W. Benjamin, P. Freire e E. Dussel. Os primeiros se oferecem à crítica destrutiva enquanto os outros elaboraram um pensamento crítico. Desse exercício colhemos bases para uma racionalidade ética a partir da condição de vítima que se torna referencial epistêmico para pensar uma nova subjetividade ética. O objetivo de construir e sistematizar referenciais para compreender a subjetividade ética emergente a partir da vítima, assim como a indicação das condições e das dimensões constitutivas desta subjetividade se apresenta como tarefa de pesquisa. Neste sentido, se tematiza o reconhecimento e a responsabilidade como referenciais constitutivos da nova subjetividade e se trabalha a vida, a participação e a organização como condições de afirmação da subjetividade, junto com a corporeidade, a singularidade e a dignidade como dimensões desta nova subjetividade ética. A pesquisa também discute as exigências éticas decorrentes da subjetividade ética da vítima, considerando a relação com a história, a pedagogia e a política, indicando a necessária complementaridade da ética. A pesquisa conclui afirmando que, considerando os subsídios trazidos pela tradição filosófica e apresentados no estudo das várias posições, é possível reconstruir uma racionalidade ética que assuma a vítima com potência para agir historicamente, compreendendo-a como um sujeito ético desde o qual é possível auferir condições para que uma nova racionalidade e uma nova subjetividade ética emerjam a partir da condição da vítima. / This research aims to show that the victim has the potential to be subject ethical and that this capability is revealed as a challenge for the construction of a proposed ethics from the victim’s condition, which requires the formulation of new ethical parameters of rationality and subjectivity. This central thesis is developed from hot philosophical references in tradition: on one hand those who advocate the need and the inevitability of the victim and produced a victimized rationality, represented by the speeches of G. Sepúlveda, J. Locke and F. Nietzsche; on the other, those who defend the historicity of the victim production and developed a critical thinking which attempts to overcome the victim's condition, with W. Benjamin, P. Freire and E. Dussel. The first offered to the destructive criticism while the others developed critical thinking. This exercise reap basis for an ethical rationality from victimhood that makes epistemic referential to think a new ethical subjectivity. The goal of building and systematize reference to understand the emerging ethical subjectivity from the victim, together with details of the conditions and constitutive dimensions of this subjectivity is presented as a research task. In this sense, it thematizes the recognition and responsibility as constituting references of new subjectivity and working life, participation and organization as the subjectivity claim conditions, along with the corporeality, the uniqueness and dignity as dimensions of this new ethical subjectivity. The research also discusses the ethical requirements of the ethical subjectivity of the victim, considering the relationship with history, pedagogy and politics, indicating the necessary complementarity of ethics. The research concludes that, considering the benefits brought by the philosophical tradition and presented in the study of the various positions, it is possible to reconstruct an ethical rationality that takes the victim with power to act historically, understanding it as an ethical subject from which is possible to derive conditions for a new rationality and new ethics subjectivity can emerge from the victim’s condition.