Se focalisant sur les quatre spectacles montés dans les deux périodes où la conception orthodoxe de la révolution socialiste est remise en question par l’expansion du néo-libéralisme, cette thèse vise à révéler simultanément les diverses approches théâtrales et problématiques du mythe historique et leur lien indissociable avec les problèmes sociopolitiques de l’époque. Face à la démoralisation profonde chez les militants suite à la défaite politique du mouvement de Mai 68, le Théâtre du Soleil essaie de démystifier l’Histoire de la Révolution française pour s’interroger sur l’esprit révolutionnaire contemporain et sur le développement démocratique des temps modernes. Son diptyque révolutionnaire – 1789 et 1793 – dévoile non seulement la combativité commune entre les différentes générations engagées, mais perce également les problèmes cruciaux de ses actualités politiques. Contrairement à l’atmosphère commémorative et festive du bicentenaire de la Révolution française, Klaus Michael Grüber et Matthias Langhoff adoptent parallèlement une approche distanciée et problématique pour révéler les ambiguïtés entre la prise de conscience individuelle et l’engagement collectif, entre le dilemme existentiel d’un révolutionnaire désabusé et son idéal politique. La Mort de Danton et La Mission/ Au Perroquet vert font écho à la désorientation générale entraînée par la désintégration du bloc de l’Est vers la fin de l’année 1989. À travers ces quatre créations théâtrales, nous nous rapprochons des contradictions de l’humanité confrontée au sursaut historique pour surmonter les limites des révolutions passées et créer des nouvelles possibilités d’actions révolutionnaires futures. / This thesis focuses on four performances staged in two periods when the orthodox view of the socialist revolution was being challenged by the spread of neo-liberalism. In parallel, it aims to throw light on the various theatrical and theoretical approaches to the historical myth and their inextricable link with the sociopolitical problems of the age. In light of the deep sense of demoralisation felt by activists in the wake of the political defeat of the May 68 movement, the Théâtre du Soleil tries to demystify the history of the French Revolution to examine the contemporary revolutionary spirit and the growth of democracy in our modern age. In 1789 and 1793 it reveals the general sense of combativeness that pervaded all age groups, and turns the spotlight on the critical problems of current political issues. In contrast to the commemorative and festive atmosphere of the bicentennial of the French Revolution, Klaus Michael Grüber and Matthias Langhoff adopt a more objective, theoretical approach in order to reveal the ambiguities that exist between individual understanding and collective engagement, between the existential dilemma of disillusioned revolutionaries and their political ideals. Danton's Death and The Mission/The Green Cockatoo reflect the general sense of disorientation felt in the wake of the collapse of the Eastern bloc at the end of 1989. These four theatrical pieces allow us to gain an insight into the contradictions of humankind when confronted with momentous historical events in order to move beyond the limits of previous revolutions and create new possibilities for future revolutionary actions.

Orientador: Prof. Dr. Pedro C. Chadarevian / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Federal do ABC. Programa de Pós-Graduação em Políticas Públicas, 2017. / Este trabalho analisa o debate acerca dos movimentos sociais e sua atuação como atores de políticas públicas na Argentina, a partir de um estudo de caso do movimento social Madres de Plaza de Mayo, verificando como este alterou sua agenda e suas reivindicações ao longo dos anos tornando-se um ator de políticas públicas. Foram realizadas entrevistas com pessoas envolvidas de maneira direta e indireta com as políticas executadas pelas Madres, bem como uma revisão e análise de documentos, informes oficiais, revistas e jornais produzidos pela Fundación Madres de Plaza de Mayo, que estão disponíveis na biblioteca das Madres na sede da Associação. Também foram objeto de análise artigos, documentos, bancos de dados sobre a ditadura militar argentina, revistas e jornais, de forma a buscar uma visão completa dos acontecimentos. O estudo realizado mostra que o movimento se transformou ao longo desses anos tendo momentos de maior distanciamento do Estado, e momentos em que esteve mais próximo não no sentido de ser cooptado pelo governo, mas de atuar em parceria. Sua agenda também se modificou no decorrer desse período, mas tendo sempre como fio condutor a temática da ditadura, e de como o modelo neoliberal gera pobreza e agrava as desigualdades. / This study analysis the debate about social movements and their role as public politics actors in Argentina, and also makes a case study of the social movement Madres de Plaza de Mayo that aims to verify how it has changed its agenda and its claims during the years, becoming a public policy actor. Interviews were conducted with people that was directly or indirectly involved on politics that was developed by Madres, as well as a review and analysis from documents, official reports, magazines and journals that was produced by the Fundación Madres de Plaza de Mayo, which are available on the Madres library at the association's headquarters. It was also object of analysis articles, documents, military dictatorship databases, magazines and journals, that aims to obtain a completely view of the events. The study shows that the movement has changed over the years by having moments of greater distance from the State, and moments of closeness, not in the sense of being coopted by the government, it was a partnership. The Madres agenda has changed over the course of this period, but they always have as a guiding principle the theme of dictatorship and how the neoliberal model generates poverty and aggravates inequalities.

La revue Tel Quel était une plateforme du maoïsme en France autour de Mai 68. Le maoïsme de Tel Quel est non seulement un phénomène politique, mais aussi un phénomène culturel. Il y a trois thèmes de recherche sur le maoïsme de Tel Quel : le maoïsme de Tel Quel et le marxisme; le maoïsme de Tel Quel et la critique du bureaucratisme; et enfin le maoïsme et la culture chinoise (classique). Malgré la fascination des maoïstes "telqueliens" pour la Chine dans les domaines de la politique et de la culture, surtout avec la Révolution culturelle qui intégra les révolutions politiques au nom de la culture, le maoïsme de Tel Quel est un imaginaire sur la Chine. C'était une introjection de la Chine en France avec une négation de la réalité de la Chine de Mao. De plus, le maoïsme de Tel Quel est une critique des intellectuels sur l’aliénation de la modernité. En conséquence, l’observation du maoïsme en France est une réflexion sur le rôle de l’intellectuel, et aussi une réflexion sur la société française autour de Mai 68 / Tel Quel is one of the important platforms of Maoism around the May 1968 in France. The Maoism of Tel Quel is not only a phenomenon of politics but also a phenomenon of culture. There are there parts of this thesis: Maoism and Marxism, Maoism and the critiques on bureaucratism, and Maoism and Chinese traditional culture.Although Tel Quel showed great interest to the Chinese politics and culture, especially to the Culture Revolution in China, the Maoism it carried out was the imagination of China. The fact is that the intellectuals utilized the imagined China which reflected the political needs to criticize the social realities in France, but they ignored the true China. Otherwise, the Maoism of Tel Quel is the intellectuals’ criticism to the alienation of modernism in France. Therefore, the investigation on Tel Quel is the investigation of the role that intellectuals played in May 1968 and the perspective of the whole French society around the May 1968 in France.

This study is intended to illustrate how the reformist and revolutionary directions in the labor movement are manifested and visualized in the empirical material with regard to angry culture, thus contributing to an understanding of the informative importance of the image. It is clear that the investigated material in the form of social democratic and communist 1 May posters from the period 1922-1948 reflects its time (the interwar period to the post-war era) with regard to angry culture.  It is not the aesthetic aspect that is central, but the historical and political perspective in terms of information transmission. This study focuses on how to understand a historical period through an image material. The study aims to answer the question of what kind of information is communicated built on an analysis based on a combination of semiotics and hegemony analysis of the empirical material. Using the semiotic concepts denotation and connotation, the posters are analyzed in detail in the image analysis in combination with Stuart Hall's three hypothetical positions (codes), Antonio Gramsci’s hegemony concept, primarily in the form of “war of position” and “historic blocs”, is used to understand the historical period investigated. This method triangulation increases the credibility of the results. As far as the study and its results are concerned, it can be noted that the social democratic 1 May posters before 1936 (Social Democrats’ power access) with regard to “sublimed wrath” mainly represent consensus across class boundaries. The communist 1 May posters from that period, however, primarily represent “class war” and stand for “open anger”. After the Social Democrats’ access to power, it is clear that they constitute a historic bloc and that the communists are forced to adopt a more defensive approach, pronounced in drained paroles with a vague content. The conclusion with regard to the visual transmission of political and historical information and messages regarding social democratic and communistic 1 May posters from 1922-1948, based on socialist angry cultures is that the period between the wars was characterized by class struggle versus consensus, World War ll reduced everything to “hold together” and post-war time represents the starting point for the welfare state, as a successful consequence of the social democratic “dignity project”.

This diploma thesis deals with the issue of presidential policy in the case of the Prime Minister of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland. The The diploma thesis focuses on how the British Prime Minister's relations with other cabinet members have changed in the context of European integration. We explore the first year of Theresa May's first cabinet. The work takes into account the historical development and the moments that are relevant to the topic. It also has done an excursion to the history of Eurointegration in relation to Great Britain or those events that could have determined the current developments that resulted in the vote on Brexit and Theresa May taking the office of the Prime Minister of Great Britain.

Sammansättningen av leukocyter i perifert blod varierar med olika sjukdomstillstånd och analys av cellerna är avgörande vid diagnostisering och uppföljning av olika leukemier.  Manuell mikroskopering och utvärdering av leukocyterna är tidskrävande och inte alltid självklar eftersom det krävs personal med hög kompetens och erfarenhet för bedömning av cellerna. En tillförlitlig förklassificering av den manuella differentialräknaren CellaVision DM1200 är därför av stort intresse för att underlätta kvantifiering och klassificering av cellerna. För att se om instrumentets förklassificering påverkades av infärgningen undersöktes färglösningens inverkan genom ändringar i fosfatbuffertens pH. Blodutstryk som härstammade från 10 patientprov färgades in med buffertar med pH 6.0, 6.8 och 7.5. Studien visade på en god positiv korrelation i samtliga pH-justerade buffertar, men med bäst resultat för pH 6.0 och 6.8. CellaVision DM1200:s förklassificering av eosinofila granulocyter påverkades mest av pH ändringar, vilket kan förklaras av deras starkt acidofila granula. / In peripheral blood the composition of leukocytes vary due to diseases and therefore analysis of the cells is critical in diagnosing and monitoring various leukemias. Manual microscopy and evaluation of the leukocytes is time consuming and not always clear, and it requires educated staff with long experience to assess the cells. A reliable automatic pre-classification of the cells with the system CellaVision DM12000 is therefor of great interest to facilitate quantification and classification of leukocytes. To evaluate if the instrument’s pre-classification were affected by staining, changes of the current staining solution used in clinical assessment where made by adjustment of the phosphate buffer pH. Examined blood smears that were descendent from 10 different samples were stained in buffers with pH 6.0, 6.8 and 7.5. This study showed a high positive correlation in all of the pH-adjusted buffers with the best results in pH 6.0 and 6.8. CellaVision DM1200’s pre-classification of eosinophilic granulocytes were most affected by changes in pH, which can be explained by their strongly acidophilic granules.

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Counterculture history is often divided, with a focus on either the turbulent 1960s or the "back to the land" exodus of the 1970s. A study of Stephen Gaskin and his followers' founding of The Farm, a rural commune near Summertown, Tennessee, provides a unique insight into the commonalities and connections of these two periods. It will be the aim of this thesis to weave the separate narratives of this demographic into one complete idea. The idea that the hippies constituted a counterculture suggests that once that culture went into exile, onto numerous communes, they existed as a diaspora. The Farm's existence as a spiritual commune, with their roots in Haight-Ashbury's short-lived utopian dream, and their continuation and evolution of that dream in Tennessee, make this particular group a model for the diaspora. The Farm, with its larger profile, publishing, and outreach programs, became the preeminent post-Haight-Ashbury commune. The commune was able to preserve the counterculture in exile, while it became a leader in dictating the direction of its progress. The Farm's efforts in midwifery, sustainable living, promotion of vegetarian diets, and outreach in America's inner cities and the Third World all point to a proactive counterculture and the commune's leadership role for the remnants of the counterculture. While the profile of the counterculture has diminished, a shift in American attitudes toward natural childbirth, ecology, and a more earth-friendly diet containing a greater variety of organic and vegetarian options reveal a significant success for their agenda.

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No description available.