In this study, I analyze NATO's internal cohesion against the backdrop of the war in Ukraine. By examining the differing support levels from its member states to Ukraine, utilizing quantitative methods, I explore the correlation between the support and previously existing groupings within NATO. My findings reveal persistent divisions, suggesting that alliance cohesion has not significantly improved. The study offers crucial insights for Swedish and NATO policymakers, highlighting the strategic importance of understanding alliance dynamics during global crises. It underscores the necessity for policies that enhance unity and effectiveness in international alliances.

Abstract This thesis investigates Romania’s response to the Russia-Ukraine war, focusing on the discourse surrounding sovereignty, the limitations of military power, and the potential for diplomatic alternatives. The study critically analyzes Romanian media coverage and political statements to explore how sovereignty is framed in the context of the conflict and examines the efficacy of military power versus non-military diplomatic strategies. Through a qualitative content analysis of selected Romanian news articles and official communications, the research identifies key themes and narratives that shape Romania’s stance on the conflict. The findings reveal a complex relationship between national security concerns, historical ties, and international diplomatic pressures. Moreover, the study highlights the constraints and costs associated with military power projection and underscores the importance of diplomatic avenues in mitigating conflict. By providing a comprehensive understanding of Romania’s position and proposing diplomatic strategies as viable alternatives to militarism, this thesis contributes to broader discussions on international relations and conflict resolution. The study also addresses methodological limitations, including potential biases in source selection and translation challenges.

The role of media in society is significant, and what the media reports influences people. The agenda-setting theory suggests that the issues covered by the media become important topics in society, and through descriptions and attributes, the media can shape public opinions. Sweden's military non-alignment ended with its membership in Nato becoming a reality in 2024. Until 2012, public opinion in Sweden strongly opposed joining Nato. However, a shift occurred, and the gap between supporters and opponents narrowed. This study, through a qualitative content analysis, examined how the editorial pages of three Swedish newspapers described Swedish Nato membership from 2008 to 2015, and how the relationship between these descriptions and public opinion evolved. The results clearly show that, over time, the editorials increasingly portrayed Swedish Nato membership positively rather than negatively. There is a correlation between these descriptions and public opinion. However, it is not possible to conclude whetherthe editorials influenced public opinion or if the reverse is true.

I en digitaliserad värld där cybersäkerhet är av yttersta vikt står Sverige inför ett monumentalt skifte gällande sin säkerhet. När konflikter inleds med störningsoperationer och statligt finansierade hacker-grupper blir allt vanligare behöver Sverige, skärpa sig ytterligare. Inte minst inför ett medlemskap i Nato. Det svenska Nato-medlemskapet kommer innebära stora förändringar för Sveriges säkerhet, men vad innebär det egentligen för den nationella cybersäkereten? Och hur arbetar offentlig verksamhet för att uppnå ett önskvärt resultat? Denna studie syftar till att undersöka Nato-medlemskapets innebörd för den svenska cybersäkerheten genom kvalitativa semistrukturerade intervjuer samt artikelsökning. Studiens metod gör det möjligt att explorativt undersöka vad ett Nato-medlemskap kan innebära och hur offentliga verksamheter arbetar med cybersäkerheten kopplat till Nato.  Arbetets resultat och diskussion producerade två primära slutsatser. För det första delar man i Sverige på begreppen cyberförsvar och cybersäkerhet där det första syftar på Försvarsmaktens cyberresurser och det sistnämnda på den generella motståndskraften mot cyberhot, alltså det civila försvaret. Med stöd av intervjuer och artikelsökning kunde slutsatsen dras att samarbete med Nato inte kräver någon större anpassning för cyberförsvaret eftersom de redan är bekanta med alliansarbetet genom historiska och nuvarande samarbeten. Däremot den civila delen av försvaret, cybersäkerheten, saknar erfarenhet och har ett anpassningsarbete framför sig. För det andra kunde arbetet fatta slutsatsen att det är väldigt få offentliga verksamheter som arbetar aktivt gällande cybersäkerhet kopplat till Nato-medlemskapet. Man arbetar på politisk nivå med att ta fram en ny cybersäkerhetsstrategi och andra direktiv och regelverk, men på en lägre nivå väntar man på ytterligare information och direktiv ovanifrån. / <p></p><p></p>

COMMON ENDS OR COMMON MEANS? The Cold War is over and Sweden and Finland are starting to deal with the new security enviroment that has emerged. Grand Strategy in both countries is changing to meet the new Europe and surroundings. Both Sweden and Finland consider the risk of a direct attack in the near future to be highly unlikely and this has effects on the respective countries grand strategy. A broadened approach to security is applied and the military instrument is no longer the primary concern in the strategy. Both Sweden and Finland become members of the European Union in 1995 but neither is a member of NATO, the countries both consider themselves as military non-aligned, the only two countries with a coastline to the Baltic Sea with that stance. This makes for a logic choice to cooperate for the common security and a cooperation is formed to cover security policies to be relevant in peace, crisis and war. Even though the countries are existing in and interpret the new security enviroment in similar ways they approach the challanges in differing ways. This creates the differences that we identify and describe in this thesis. The purpose of this thesis is to identify and describe the differences between Sweden's and Finland's grand strategy, how this difference has changed from 1996 to 2018 and if these differences can have consequences for the cooperation between the two countries, mainly military and at the highest strategic level. The thesis is focused on the elements of the grand strategy that involves the armed forces of the respective countries. This comparative text analysis compares political policy documents within the grand strategy field from both Sweden and Finland. We will compare the period from 1996-2018. The comparison will be made by examining three occasions in the period, year 1996, Year 2004 and year 2018. The documents used have relevance against these years and are analyzed by applying Jacob Westberg's model; ends, means, ways and environment. The differences and the consequences that are the conclusions of this thesis are that cooperation are not always formed because it is the best possible option but sometimest the only possible options. Sweden and Finland's history differ in some parts and this has affected the respective country's security strategies. Finland has a history of coping for itself and has thus a national focus with focus on a stable national defense while Sweden has a history without war in modern times and a constant glance at military international engagement and the political benefits that can be achieved on the international scene.

The aim of this essay was to examine what problems, causes and solutions three Swedish governments identified concerning three decisions of cooperation with NATO, and to understand these decisions with constructivism and hard and soft power as theoretical perspectives. The first was the decision to join Partnership for Peace in 1994. The second decision was to join the Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council in 1997. The third decision was to join a host nation support with NATO in 2016. The analysis showed that problems regarding PfP was an unpredictable security situation, caused by the fall of the Soviet Union. This gave rise to new conflicts, e.g. the conflict in Yugoslavia. Russia was identified as a problem also regarding the EAPC, caused by a Russian superpower identity. Problems identified before joining the HNS was that Russia was aggressive and annexed the Ukrainian peninsula Crimea in 2014. This was caused by the Russian leadership prioritizing the defence sector. The identified problems and causes can be understood with the theory of hard power, since the Russian hard power resources are wielded both within and outside of Russia. Constructivism is useful to understand what solutions the governments proposed, since they often express an ambition to build a common identity, while keeping the Swedish identity as non-aligned. Also, soft power resources made the alliance more attractive for the Swedish governments.

<p>Uppsatsens huvudsyfte är att undersöka om amerikanska och brittiska stridserfarenheter av kalibern 5,56 i Afghanistan kan bidra till att utveckla den svenska Försvarsmaktens taktiska förmåga. Anledningen till varför jag valde att utgå från dessa länder är därför att de har fler öppna källor samt har mer erfarenhet än många andra. Studien genomfördes genom en kvalitativ textanalys av bland annat reglementen, rapporter och artiklar. Uppsatsen visar att Försvarsmaktens kaliber till sin automatkarbin, 5,56, var potent för stridstaktikanpassad för invasionsförsvar. Detta delvis på grund av kaliberns egna logistiska fördelar men även därför att de prioriterade vapensystemen för infanteriförbanden, lätta pansarvärnsvapnen, innebar relativt korta stridsavstånd. Studien visar därefter att idag, för amerikanska och brittiska styrkor i dagens konflikt i Afghanistan, är 5,56 otillräcklig. Stridsavstånden är generellt för långa för att kalibern skall avge sin optimala verkan i målet. Studien belyser vad dessa nationer vidtagit för åtgärder, samt vilka åtgärder som planeras eller finns som förslag för att förbättra sin stridstaktiska förmåga. Den mest optimala förbättringen anser många är att byta ut kalibern 5,56 mot en grövre mellankaliber i spannet 5,56-7,62. Förslag som förändrad skjututbildning, optikutveckling och nya vapeninköp nämns också. I diskussionen diskuteras om eller hur den svenska Försvarsmakten kan dra nytta av de andra nationernas erfarenheter. Resonemanget ger det generella slutsatsen att Försvarsmakten kan utveckla sin stridstaktiska förmåga genom att studera andra nationer. Ett snabbt konkret exempel vore att implementera skarpskyttevapnet ak4 med förstorande optiskt hjälpmedel i svenska Försvarsmaktens skytteförband.</p> / <p>The main purpose with this study is to investigate whether U.S. and British combat experience of the caliber 5.56 in Afghanistan is helping to develop the Armed Forces' tactical ability. The reason why I chose to rely on these countries is because they have more unclassified sources and has more combat experience than many others. This study was conducted through a qualitative text analysis of for example regulations, reports and articles. This essay shows that the Swedish Armed Forces standard caliber that is being used in today’s assault rifle (ak5c), were potent in battle tactics designed for the defence of Sweden. This is partly becauseof 5,56 own logistical advantages and also because light anti-tank weapons had priority over small arms weapons. This resulted in relatively short shooting distances. The study shows thereafter that the U.S. and British troops in today's conflict in Afghanistan, thinks that 5.56 is insufficient. Combat distances are generally too long for the caliber to deliver its optimum effect in the target. The study highlights what kind of actions these nations have taken, and what measures are planned to improve its combat tactical ability. The study reveals that the most optimal improvement, are to replace the 5.56 with a bigger medium sized caliber. Proposals to change the marksmanship training, optics development and to purchase new weapons are also mentioned. In the end of this essay there is a discussion on, or how the Swedish Armed Forces can implement U.S and British experiences. The reasoning in the final chapter gives the general answer that the Swedish Armed Forces indeed can develop their tactical combat skills by studying other nations. An example would be to implement the older ak4 with magnifying optics that could improve the longer range capabilities of the infantry units.</p>

Uppsatsens huvudsyfte är att undersöka om amerikanska och brittiska stridserfarenheter av kalibern 5,56 i Afghanistan kan bidra till att utveckla den svenska Försvarsmaktens taktiska förmåga. Anledningen till varför jag valde att utgå från dessa länder är därför att de har fler öppna källor samt har mer erfarenhet än många andra. Studien genomfördes genom en kvalitativ textanalys av bland annat reglementen, rapporter och artiklar. Uppsatsen visar att Försvarsmaktens kaliber till sin automatkarbin, 5,56, var potent för stridstaktikanpassad för invasionsförsvar. Detta delvis på grund av kaliberns egna logistiska fördelar men även därför att de prioriterade vapensystemen för infanteriförbanden, lätta pansarvärnsvapnen, innebar relativt korta stridsavstånd. Studien visar därefter att idag, för amerikanska och brittiska styrkor i dagens konflikt i Afghanistan, är 5,56 otillräcklig. Stridsavstånden är generellt för långa för att kalibern skall avge sin optimala verkan i målet. Studien belyser vad dessa nationer vidtagit för åtgärder, samt vilka åtgärder som planeras eller finns som förslag för att förbättra sin stridstaktiska förmåga. Den mest optimala förbättringen anser många är att byta ut kalibern 5,56 mot en grövre mellankaliber i spannet 5,56-7,62. Förslag som förändrad skjututbildning, optikutveckling och nya vapeninköp nämns också. I diskussionen diskuteras om eller hur den svenska Försvarsmakten kan dra nytta av de andra nationernas erfarenheter. Resonemanget ger det generella slutsatsen att Försvarsmakten kan utveckla sin stridstaktiska förmåga genom att studera andra nationer. Ett snabbt konkret exempel vore att implementera skarpskyttevapnet ak4 med förstorande optiskt hjälpmedel i svenska Försvarsmaktens skytteförband. / The main purpose with this study is to investigate whether U.S. and British combat experience of the caliber 5.56 in Afghanistan is helping to develop the Armed Forces' tactical ability. The reason why I chose to rely on these countries is because they have more unclassified sources and has more combat experience than many others. This study was conducted through a qualitative text analysis of for example regulations, reports and articles. This essay shows that the Swedish Armed Forces standard caliber that is being used in today’s assault rifle (ak5c), were potent in battle tactics designed for the defence of Sweden. This is partly becauseof 5,56 own logistical advantages and also because light anti-tank weapons had priority over small arms weapons. This resulted in relatively short shooting distances. The study shows thereafter that the U.S. and British troops in today's conflict in Afghanistan, thinks that 5.56 is insufficient. Combat distances are generally too long for the caliber to deliver its optimum effect in the target. The study highlights what kind of actions these nations have taken, and what measures are planned to improve its combat tactical ability. The study reveals that the most optimal improvement, are to replace the 5.56 with a bigger medium sized caliber. Proposals to change the marksmanship training, optics development and to purchase new weapons are also mentioned. In the end of this essay there is a discussion on, or how the Swedish Armed Forces can implement U.S and British experiences. The reasoning in the final chapter gives the general answer that the Swedish Armed Forces indeed can develop their tactical combat skills by studying other nations. An example would be to implement the older ak4 with magnifying optics that could improve the longer range capabilities of the infantry units.

John A. Warden III is one the most mentioned air power theoretic of his time.He has written a number of theories concerning air power and the best way to use this to win wars.The author of this paper gives a short resume of what he consider are the central thoughts in John Warden´s theories. These thoughts result in four factors; Enemy as a system, centre of gravity, parallel attack/concentration and finally air superiority. These factors are then being used to inves-tigate if NATO used Wardens theories during the Kosovo war in 1999.The reason for the author to choose the Kosovo war specifically is due to the fact that NATO during the war only used air power as an instrument to get Serbia´s president Milosevic to the negotiation table but also the fact that this would turn out to be quite a challenge for NATO.The conclusion is that out of the four factors only one is traceable throughout the entire operation, and that is air superiority. Regarding the other three factors they can only be found in parts of the operation. / John A. Warden III är en av de mest omskrivna luftmaktsteoretikerna under sin tid. Han har lagt fram ett antal teorier för vad han anser är bästa sättet att använda luftmakt för att vinna krig. I uppsatsen ges en sammanfattning av vad författaren anser vara de centrala tankarna i hans teorier. Dessa utmynnar i fyra begrepp; fienden som ett system, tyngdpunktsbegreppet,parallell attack och kraftsamling samt luftrumskontroll. Dessa begrepp står sedan somutgångspunkt för en fallstudie av NATO:s luftmaktsanvändning under Kosovokriget 1999.Undersökningen syftar till att undersöka om NATO använde sig av John Wardens luftmaktsteorier under kriget.Varför författaren har valt just Kosovokriget beror bland annat på att NATO under kriget enbart använde sig av luftmakt för att få Serbiens president Milosevic till förhandlingsbordet samt att det också visade sig bli en stor prövning för dem.Slutsatsen blev att av de fyra utvalda faktorerna så var det endast en som NATO visade sig foku-sera på under hela operationen, detta var luftrumskontroll. Vad gäller de övriga tre faktorerna finner författaren att NATO använt sig av dessa i stort sett bara under slutskedet av operationen.

The subject of this thesis is the processing of the business plan for the introduction of a new information system for the administration, with an evaluation and with an assessment whether the business plan to accept or reject. Assessment of business plan is to use methods of analysis, metrics for information systems.