二十一世紀，水資源問題已經成為國際社會共同關注的焦點。它不僅關係到地球生態系統的維繫和人類社會的可持續發展，還對當代國際關係產生廣泛深遠的影響。尤其是水資源匱乏地區，水資源問題已成為影響該地區國家間關係的重要因素，甚至對地區的和平與發展穩定構成威脅。 受地理因素影響，中亞地區的水資源多為跨境水體，造成了該地區水資源開發主體的多樣性。各國對水資源長期不合理的開發利用，產生了一系列的浪費及污染問題，引發了許多國際爭端。為此，中亞各國簽訂一系列雙邊、多邊協議，試圖通過國際合作來解決跨境水資源問題，然而卻無法形成一個長期有效的合作機制。圍繞國際水資源的利用、開發、管理而產生的爭端依然困擾著中亞。 本文首先是闡述中亞水資源概況及開發歷程，探索中亞水資源問題產生的根源。其次，從中亞各國之間採取的政策互動入手，分析探討中亞在國際水資源開發中的「合作困境」。最後借鑒國際跨境水資源利用現狀與趨勢，分析構建有助於目標實現的制度安排，從而提出中亞國際水資源合作的解決途徑。通過構建切實發揮效能的區域水資源合作機制，推動中亞各國內部實現更好發展，同時促進整個中亞及鄰國、周邊地區的穩定發展。 / In the 21st century, the issue of water resources has become the focus of common concern of the international community. It is not only related to the maintenance of the earth's ecosystem and the sustainable development of human society, but also has a far-reaching impact on contemporary international relations. Especially in water-scarce areas, water resources has become an important factor affecting relations among countries in the region, and even poses a threat to regional peace and development and stability. Due to geographical factors, water resources in Central Asia are mostly transboundary water bodies, resulting in the diversification of water resources development in the region. The unreasonable exploitation and utilization of water resources in a long period of time has brought about a series of waste and pollution problems, which has caused many international disputes. To this end, the Central Asian countries signed a series of bilateral and multilateral agreements, trying to solve international water resources through cross-border issues, but can not form a long-term effective cooperation mechanism. Disputes over the use, development and management of international water resources continue to haunt Central Asia. This paper firstly elaborates the general situation and development process of water resources in Central Asia, and explores the root causes of water resources problems in Central Asia. Secondly, this paper analyzes the interaction dilemma of Central Asia in international water resources development from the policy interaction among the countries of Central Asia. Finally, it draws lessons from the current situation and trend of international transboundary water resources utilization, analyzes and constructs the institutional arrangements that will help the target to achieve, and then proposes the solutions to the international water resources cooperation in Central Asia. Through the construction of effective regional water resources cooperation mechanism, it can promote better development within the Central Asian countries, and stimulate the stable development of the whole Central Asia, the neighboring countries and even the surrounding areas.

Made available in DSpace on 2015-03-04T19:56:50Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 21 / Nenhuma / A década de 90 é marcada pelo desencanto e apatia do magistério gaúcho frente às reformas educacionais promovidas, especialmente, durante os dois mandatos do Presidente Fernando Henrique Cardoso (1995-2002), tendo à frente do Ministério da Educação, Paulo Renato de Souza. O foco principal deste trabalho foi investigar as razões que explicam esta indiferença do magistério do Rio Grande do Sul, que tivera na combatividade uma de suas principais marcas. Este desencanto só pode ser compreendido no bojo das políticas educacionais neoliberais, que procuraram cooptar a escola para legitimar a reestruturação do processo produtivo, imposta pelo capitalismo neoliberal globalizado. A função principal da escola passou a ser a qualificação da mão-de-obra, para um mercado cada vez mais exigente e competitivo e, por isso, excludente. As políticas educacionais implementadas neste período foram exigidas pelos Organismos Internacionais, especialmente pelo BM e pela CEPAL e prontamente acatadas pelo governo brasileiro. O movime / In the nineties, specially while President Fernando Henrique Cardoso was governing (1995-2002), and Paulo Renato de Souza was in charge of the Ministry of Education, radical educational reforms occurred, which were taken on, passively, by most of the teachers in Rio Grande do Sul. This paper aims at investigating the reasons that explain the teachers’ indifference in accepting those changes, since they were the ones fighting against them. This dissatisfaction can only be understood in the core of educational neo-liberal policies, which tried to connect the schools to legitimate the reforms of the productive process imposed by globalized neo-liberal capitalism. Therefore, the main function of the school was to qualify manpower for a more and more demanding and competitive market and, this way, eliminatory. Educational policies implemented in that period were demanded by International Organizations, especially by World Bank and CEPAL, and were soon accepted by Brazilian government. The Union Movement, with int

La consommation collaborative est souvent présentée comme la nouvelle économie du partage et prône l’usage vs la propriété. Il semble pourtant que certaines pratiques collaboratives soient sources d’hyperconsommation et encouragent au contraire le consumérisme. Dans le cadre de la présente recherche doctorale, nous cherchons à identifier et comprendre les modalités de la montée en compétences marchandes des consommateurs. Nous étudions ce processus à travers les dispositifssociotechniques dans le contexte de la consommation collaborative. Nos résultats révèlent que certaines pratiques collaboratives permettent l’expression de l’Homme-entrepreneur et alimentent la logique néolibérale plutôt que de la remettre en question. Ils montrent également que les dispositifs sociotechniques sont omniprésents et capables de former en masse des consommateurs, les amenant àse conduire tels des conso-marchands au sein d’une hétérotopie « consumériste ». Notre travail souligne en outre que les conso-marchandes étudiées, dans la pratique du vide-dressing, développent certes leur entrepreneurialité mais veulent néanmoins préserv er un espace entre le jeu et le sérieux pour continuer à « jouer à la marchande ». / Collaborative consumption is often presented as the new economy of sharing and advocates usage vs. ownership. However, it seems that certain collaborative practices are sources of hyperconsumption and that they actually encourage consumerism. As part of this doctoral research, we seek to identify and understand the rise of commercial skills among consumers. We take a sociotechnical dispositives approach to study this process in the context of collaborative consumption. Our results demonstrate that certain collaborative practices allow the expression of the entrepreneurial subject and fuel the neoliberal logic rather than question it. They also show that socio-technical dispositives are omnipresent and capable of mass shaping consumers, leading them to behave like consumer-seller within a "consumerist" heterotopy. Furthermore, our results reveal how the consumersellers studied, in the context of a jumble sale, certainly develop their entrepreneurship but nevertheless want to preserve a certain distance between game and reality to continue to "play shop".

[pt] Esta dissertação tem por objetivo analisar e compreender os significados, os modos de organização e as particularidades dos movimentos sociais de imigrantes bolivianas/os na cidade de São Paulo, a partir da década de 1980. Busca também, por consequência, examinar as transformações sociais provenientes da presença e ação coletiva destes movimentos, que modificam, direta ou indiretamente, relações na sociedade receptora, na comunidade migrante e nas políticas estatais. Para tanto, fez-se necessário compreender, preliminarmente, a realidade complexa na qual se inserem os/as sujeitos/as da ação social, bem como a que permeia sua origem. Assim, uma série de dinâmicas, macro e microestruturais, foram examinadas, por meio das contribuições da teoria crítica e da cartografia social como técnica metodológica. Ao final do trabalho, foi possível identificar lugares que estas/es migrantes ocupam tanto no atual ordenamento mundial – marcado por diferenciações dicotômicas como norte/sul, centro/periferia, desenvolvido/subdesenvolvido – quanto no próprio espaço urbano e sócio-político da cidade de São Paulo – superfície/subterrâneo, público/privado, nacional/estrangeira/o. Entende-se, portanto, que a definição de tais espaços passa, obrigatoriamente, pela produção geográfica de desigualdades advinda do processo de desenvolvimento do capitalismo neoliberal na América Latina, agravada pelo arranjo excludente do espaço urbano nas megacidades e pela composição do complexo estrangeira/o – pobre – indígena – latino-americana/o – indocumentada/o – mulher, os quais configuram tais movimentos sociais como marginais e subalternos na busca pela alteração, ainda que parcial, deste quadro. / [en] This thesis aims to analyze and understand the meanings, the modes of organization and the particularities of the social movements of Bolivians immigrants in São Paulo, from the 1980s. Also aims, in consequence, to examine the social transformations derived from the presence and social action of these movements that directly or indirectly modify relationships in the receiving society, in the migrant community and of the state policies. Therefore, it is necessary to preliminarily understand the complex reality in which the subject of the social action is originated and inserted. Thus, a set of dynamics, on macro and microstructure level were examined by means of the contributions of critical theory and the social cartography as methodological technique. Thereby it was possible to identify the places that these migrants occupy in the current world order – marked by dichotomous classifications as north/south, center/periphery, developed/underdeveloped – as in the urban and socio-political space of São Paulo – surface/underground, public/private, national/foreign. It is understood, therefore, that the definition of such spaces pass, necessarily, by the production of geographical inequalities arising from the development process of neoliberal capitalism in Latin America, aggravated by the exclusionary arrangement of urban space in the megacities and by the composition of the complex foreign – poor – indigenous – Latin-American – undocumented – woman, which constitute their social movements as marginal and subaltern in the quest for change, even partial, of this frame. / [es] Esta tesis tiene como objetivo analizar y comprender los significados, los modos de organización y las características de los movimientos sociales de inmigrantes bolivianas/os en la ciudad de San Pablo, a partir de la década de 1980. Busca también, examinar las transformaciones sociales originarias de la presencia y de la acción colectiva de estos movimientos las cuales modifican, directa o indirectamente, relaciones en la sociedad receptora, en la comunidad migrante y en las políticas del estado. Para tanto, es necesario entender, de manera preliminar, la compleja realidad en la que están insertados los/as sujetos/as de la acción social así como la de su origen. Así, se examinaron una serie de dinámicas, macro y micro estructurales, a través de las aportaciones de la teoría crítica y de la cartografía social como técnica metodológica. Al final del trabajo, fue posible identificar lugares que estas/os migrantes ocupan tanto en el actual orden mundial – marcado por diferenciaciones dicotómicas como norte/sur, centro/periferia, desarrollado/subdesarrollado – como en el propio espacio urbano y sociopolítico de la ciudad de San Pablo – superficie/subterráneo, público/privado, nacional/extranjera/o. Se entiende, por tanto, que la definición de estos espacios pasa obligatoriamente por la producción geográfica de desigualdades provocada por el proceso de desarrollo del capitalismo neoliberal en América Latina, agravada por la disposición exclusiva del espacio urbano en las grandes ciudades y por el complejo del extranjera/o – pobre – indígena – latinoamericana/o – indocumentada/ao – mujer, que configuran los movimientos sociales como marginales y subordinados en la búsqueda por cambios, mismo que parciales, de este cuadro.

Entre histoire du capitalisme, sociologie des élites et sociologie de l’État, cette thèse prend pour objet le rôle de la direction du Trésor – direction phare du ministère des Finances – dans la fabrique de « mondes » à la fois hybrides et intégrés d’institutions, de réseaux et d’acteurs, aux sommets du pouvoir et au croisement entre État et affaires, administration et économie, public et privé. A partir d’une enquête mêlant entretiens biographiques, base prosopographique et fonds d’archives publics et privés, elle explore les mécanismes concrets par lesquels la direction du Trésor produit du flou, du flux et de la hiérarchie au sein de ses mondes, dans une configuration historique précise (milieu des années 1960- milieu des années 1990). La thèse est organisée selon trois niveaux d’analyse des relations entre le Trésor et ses mondes. Au niveau écologique – celui des alliances – elle montre la transformation des coalitions de soutien du Trésor pour peser dans l’État, du Plan à la « place », organisant les modalités du ralliement de la direction aux réformes libérales à partir des années 1960. Au niveau institutionnel, elle analyse les échanges qui forgent la porosité entre le Trésor et ses mondes, et les contraintes institutionnelles qui leur donnent sens et forme, et montre que la direction du Trésor fonctionne alors comme une entreprise de placement. Au niveau individuel, elle analyse la construction des carrières dominantes (de la « grandeur ») au sein des mondes du Trésor, et les liens d’obligation, de cooptation et de parrainage sur lesquelles elles s’appuient. La thèse contribue, ainsi, à documenter les formes d’indifférenciation des activités qui caractérisent les sommets de l’État. / Between history of capitalism, sociology of elites and public administration, this PhD thesis explores how the French Treasury Department brings together gravitating financial institutions, networks and actors into integrated and hybrid "worlds", situated at the "heights of power" and between administration and business, public and private interests. Drawing on biographical interviews, prosopographical data and public and private archival collections, it focuses on the concrete mechanisms through which the Treasury both blurs boundaries inside its worlds, and re-create hierarchies between the agents who circulate within them. The thesis analyzes the relationships between the Treasury and its worlds at three distinct levels. At the ecological level — that of the Treasury alliances in policy-making — it highlights the Treasury’ changing coalitions of support, from the Great planning coalition of the 1950s to the "place financière" of the 1970s, and shows how this transformation helps us account for the Treasury’ embrace of financial reforms in the 1970s. At the institutional level, it analyzes how various organizational constraints at the Treasury shape exchanges between the Department and its worlds. Finally, at the individual level, it looks at the construction of dominant careers ("grandeur") inside the worlds of the Treasury, and at the interpersonal ties and decentralized logics of co-optation, patronage and moral indebtedness they draw on.

This thesis is empirically grounded in New Zealand's restructuring of unemployment and taxation policy in the 1980s and 1990s. Theoretically it is inspired by a post-Marxist discourse analytical approach that focuses on discourses as political strategies. This approach has made it possible, through an analysis of changing citizenship discourses, to understand how the neoliberalisation of New Zealand's citizenship regime proceeded via debate and struggle over unemployment and taxation policy. Debates over unemployment and taxation in New Zealand during the 1980s and 1990s reconfigured the targets of policy and re-ordered social antagonism, establishing a neoliberal citizenship regime and centring political problematic. This construction of a neoliberal citizenship regime involved re-specifying the targets of public policy as consumers and taxpayers. In exploring the hegemonic discourse strategies of the Fourth Labour Government and the subsequent National-led governments of the 1990s, this thesis traces the process of reconfiguring citizen subjectivity initially as 'social consumers' and participants in a coalition of minorities, and subsequently as universal taxpayers in antagonistic relation to unemployed beneficiaries. These changes are related back to key discursive events in New Zealand's recent social policy history as well as to shifts in the discourses of politicians that address the nature of the public interest and the targets of social policy. I argue that this neoliberalisation of New Zealand's citizenship regime was the outcome of the hegemonic articulatory discourse strategies of governing parties in the 1980s and 1990s. Struggles between government administrations and citizen-based social movement groups were articulated to the neoliberal project. I also argue that in the late 1990s, discursive struggle between the dominant parties to define themselves in difference from each other reveals both the 'de'contestation of a set of neoliberal policy prescriptions, underscoring the neoliberal political problematic, and the privileging of a contributing taxpayer identity as the source of political legitimacy. This study shows that the dynamics of discursive struggle matter and demonstrates how the outcomes of discursive struggle direct policy change. In particular, it establishes how neoliberal discourse strategies evolved from political discourses in competition with other discourses to become the hegemonic political problematic underscoring institutional practice and policy development.

Framed within a discussion of populism, this thesis provides a critical analysis of the campaign and short tenure in office of Ecuadorian President Lucio Gutiérrez Borbúa. It outlines a multi-dimensional approach to populism that is characterized by five components: (1) personalistic leadership, (2) a heterogeneous coalition of support, (3) top-down political mobilization, (4) an ambiguous ideological discourse, and (5) a redistributive and clientelistic economic approach. Applied to the Gutiérrez case, the multi-dimensional approach highlights the viability and volatility of populism.<p> This thesis argues that Gutiérrez ascended to the presidency through the successful application of a populist strategy, which generated significant expectations among the public and his political allies. Yet, once in office, Gutiérrez populist strategy was unable to sustain the support he enjoyed during the campaign. The expectations he generated went unmet as he engaged in clear reversals of the populist imaginary created by his candidacy. His twenty-eight months in office were characterized by neoliberalism, corruption, and status quo political machinations that had sunk his predecessors. Tracking Gutiérrez transition from populist champion to political pariah using the multi-dimensional approach indicates that although populism can be an effective electoral strategy, it can also impose significant limitations on a government. Ultimately, the Gutiérrez case reinforces the important role played by the populist imaginary in determining the success or failure of populist leaders.

Framed within a discussion of populism, this thesis provides a critical analysis of the campaign and short tenure in office of Ecuadorian President Lucio Gutiérrez Borbúa. It outlines a multi-dimensional approach to populism that is characterized by five components: (1) personalistic leadership, (2) a heterogeneous coalition of support, (3) top-down political mobilization, (4) an ambiguous ideological discourse, and (5) a redistributive and clientelistic economic approach. Applied to the Gutiérrez case, the multi-dimensional approach highlights the viability and volatility of populism.<p> This thesis argues that Gutiérrez ascended to the presidency through the successful application of a populist strategy, which generated significant expectations among the public and his political allies. Yet, once in office, Gutiérrez populist strategy was unable to sustain the support he enjoyed during the campaign. The expectations he generated went unmet as he engaged in clear reversals of the populist imaginary created by his candidacy. His twenty-eight months in office were characterized by neoliberalism, corruption, and status quo political machinations that had sunk his predecessors. Tracking Gutiérrez transition from populist champion to political pariah using the multi-dimensional approach indicates that although populism can be an effective electoral strategy, it can also impose significant limitations on a government. Ultimately, the Gutiérrez case reinforces the important role played by the populist imaginary in determining the success or failure of populist leaders.

This thesis explores the intersections of culture, nationalism, and neoliberal globalization through examination of the construction of Mexican identity in Canada after the implementation of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) in 1994. I evaluate how visual art has been used by the governments of Canada and Mexico to negotiate new bilateral relationships in the face of increased North American integration under free trade. My study includes analysis of two Canada-based exhibitions, “Mexican Modern Art, 1900-1950” and “Panoramas: The North American Landscape in Art.” Framing my discussion within the larger history of North American integration, I argue that these two exhibitions are part of a larger exchange in the area of cultural diplomacy between Canada and Mexico, which was especially prominent at the turn of the millennium. These case studies provide a means to assess the manipulation of culture, the creation of a new North American identity, and the management of national/ist narratives within the larger project of neoliberal globalization. Critically situating my study within the current discourse of globalization theory, I contend that artworks in these exhibitions were positioned in a manner to positively reinforce new trade relationships under NAFTA. / Thesis (Master, Art History) -- Queen's University, 2008-08-20 15:05:45.256

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