This dissertation seeks to understand how new meanings emerge in the context of institutional change. Existing research seeking to understand shifts in meaning has primarily accessed meaning, across numerous contexts, via the three key constructs of discourse, rhetoric, or framing. Within the context of the emergence of the local food movement in Canada, I employ a mixed methods approach using term frequencies, topic modelling and qualitative content analysis, within a computational grounded theory framework for Big Data analysis. My data consists of all articles containing any mention of the term “local food” in popular Canadian press over 37 years from 1978-2014, a database totalling 31,421 articles. My results show that firstly, new meanings pertaining to local food emerged rapidly over the 37-year period. The emergence of a new meaning for local food, associated with the politicization of food production occurred in the second half of my dataset, whereas the first half was marked by connotations of poverty and hunger, associated with the local food bank. Secondly, unexpected actors were found to significantly impact the propulsion of meaning change, by establishing new vocabularies surrounding the term “local food”. Finally, this dissertation shows that the new meanings associated with local food emerged as a result of discursive opportunities, momentarily arising through the confluence of discourse, rhetoric and framing. I propose an emergent process model of meaning change and, further, propose that discursive opportunity structures can be better understood through the metaphor of an emergent property. / Graduate / 2022-08-01

Uppsatsen ämnar undersöka huruvida politiska möjlighetsstrukturer och inramningar i sociala medier kan förklara det ökade stödet för miljöorganisationen Sierra Club. De politiska möjlighetstrukturerna har analyserats utifrån McAdams (1996) fyra dimensioner för att förstå den politiska strukturen i USA. Inramningsperspektivet har använts som verktyg i innehållsanalysen av Sierra Clubs Twitterinlägg som systematiskt valts ut under en treveckorsperiod under 2015 respektive 2016. Inramningsperspektivet inom rörelseforskningen utvecklades av David Snow och Robert Benford som en anpassning av Erving Goffmans ramteori, för att möjliggöra analys på gruppnivå. För att kunna urskilja förändringar i Sierra Clubs retorik har två olika tidsintervaller granskats. Innehållsanalysen visar att Twitter-inläggen ändrat karaktär 2016 och bär på stridslystna undertoner med en tydligt definierad skuldbärare. I analysen av de politiska möjlighetsstrukturerna framkommer en bild av att valet 2016 bidragit till instabilitet i elitgrupperingar. De valda teoriperspektiven har möjlighet att kombinerat förklara Sierra Clubs ökade stöd. Med detta sagt betyder det inte att dessa perspektiv utgör den enda förklaringsmodellen. / This study explores the evolution of the environmental organisation Sierra Club, in relation to the United States presidential election in 2016, through a theoretical perspective. It examines if the theories of framing and political opportunity structures can explain the organisation’s success. The political context was analysed using McAdam’s four dimensions of political opportunity structures in order to determine its restrictions for social movements. A content analysis was applied to Sierra Club’s Twitter posts from a three week period in 2016 and 2015 respectively for the purpose of comparing the rhetoric during the two different time periods based on the key concepts of Benford and Snow’s framing theory. The results show that the election itself contributed to instability between elite alignments while Sierra Club’s Twitter-posts changed tone to become more aggressive and more specific in focusing the blame. The chosen theories proved suitable for analysing the occurrence but we cannot however disregard the possibility of other results emerging when using a different theoretical approach.

Social conflict, as opposed to armed conflict, has received less attention in the field of quantitative research. This paper investigates the structural causes of political violence in 35 African states using data from the Social Conflict in Africa dataset and the Beck and Katz panel corrected standard errors time series regression model. Theoretically, a closed political opportunity structure, combined with a weak state unable to provide public goods, should together produce high levels of social conflict. The independent variables attempt to operationalize these concepts from four different angles. In this analysis Access to Education and Infrastructure (AEI), Ethno Linguistic Fractionalization (ELF), Freedom in the World Political Rights (FIW), and National Material Capabilities (NMC) were all significant predictors of social conflict. This study found that as the level of ethnic fractionalization and material capabilities within states rose, the frequency of social conflict events also increased. However, as access to infrastructure and political rights declined, the number of social conflict events increased. Wald chi-square and R-square values suggest that the model is complete and has substantial explanatory power.

在2006年1月，立法院通過了總金額合計高達1410億水患治理特別條例、石門及其集水區整治特別條例。本文以許多民間非營利組織為監督治水預算成立的1410大禹治水聯盟為研究個案，希望能瞭解立法過程裡，民間聯盟如何監督公共政策？又如何打破國會與官僚的結盟結構，實際影響政策？本文採用深度訪談、報章資料與參與觀察等方式，藉由McAdam的政治機會結構理論為分析架構，以說明治水預算裡行動者擴編預算的動機與過程。並分析在立法院審查各階段治水聯盟的因應策略、實際行動和內部運作，以及監督成效。研究發現在地方水患陰影下，又面對官僚、國會與地方政府三者鐵三角般的互利合作，主張審慎監督的治水聯盟其實無力回天。一方面因議題範圍實在太大，無法動員特定地區相關者；另一方面也是鐵三角間同盟關係非常穩固，國會遊說發揮不了作用。故只能藉少數友好立委，在朝野協商爭取加入更多資訊公開、績效評估與公民參與機制。透過這些機制，在後續八年政策執行過程中找出更多公共參與和監督的著力點。藉此也讓原先僅有地區性互動的環保運動與社區大學運動在本案上交會。此新合作方向是否會對未來環保運動帶來新的在地網絡與群眾支持，值得後續觀察與研究。 / In January 2006, the Legislative Yuan passed the Special Enactment on Flood Management in Areas Susceptible to Floods and the Special Enactment on Restoration of Shi-Men and its Catchments Area amounting to NT$141 billion. This paper makes a study of the 1410 Ta-Yu Water Management Alliance formed by a number of civil non-profit organizations for the purpose of supervising and auditing the water management budget. The study seeks to understand how the civil alliance supervises public policies during the legislative process and how they break the alliance structure between the Legislative Yuan and bureaucracy to actually influence policies. By using McAdam’s political opportunity structure theory as its analysis structure, this paper gives an account of the motives and processes of activists in the creation of the water management budget through in-depth interviews, newspaper reports and participate observation. It also analyzes the countering strategies, activities, internal functioning and the results of the supervisory actions of the Water Management Alliance. This research discovered that in the face of the alliance’s proposition of prudent supervision could not be upheld in the face of mutual cooperation within the iron triangle of bureaucracy, the Legislative Yuan and local government. On one hand is the alliance’s inability to mobilize related parties in specific areas due to the issues covering too wide a range and on the other hand is the solid relationship within the iron triangle alliance and negates lobbying efforts in the Legislative Yuan. It is only by a few friendly legislators that mechanisms for the increased disclosure of information, performance evaluation and civil participation were added during negotiations between the ruling and opposition parties. Through these mechanisms it is hoped that more foothold for public involvement and supervision can be found in the following eight years of policy implementation. Also, such mechanisms would allow conservation movements and community college movements which used to be limited to territorial interactions to meet. Whether this new direction in cooperation brings new grassroot support for future environmental movements remains worthy of follow up observation and research.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-10T10:49:48Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Carlos Roberto Machado.pdf: 686667 bytes, checksum: 42742681e618f7b37536fce0e2bcb9de (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-09-30 / This thesis searches to understand the relationship between segregation, social inequality and the school effect in the metropolitan area of Goiânia. The historical influences politically constructed and ideologies that have caused the segregation process in areas where there has been a slight process of the required assets to individuals and characterize the structure of opportunity and the school effect. In this study we demonstrate that there is segregation, because some individuals have fewer educational opportunities, and the more the city grows, the more increases the process of urban segregation, separating neighborhoods with distinct panoramas: the neighborhoods of the popular classes (workers) and the suburbs (elite). Due to this segregation process workers remain in urban neighborhoods without much infrastructure (such as paved streets and wooded, health services, water, sanitation and education). From this, we seek to understand how this happens in the Goianiense metropolis, the issue of educational opportunities, and the school effect in segregated areas. Thus, we find that the segregated areas of Goiânia go farther beyond simply there is no school effect, but also the lack of educational opportunities in segregated areas. To understand this process of segregation and neighborhood effects, and educational opportunities regarding social inequalitiesusing the areas of Sample Weighting, also identified by the acronym AEDs produced by IBGE and current usage by the Observatory of the metropolises / A dissertação procura entender a relação entre segregação, desigualdade social e o efeito escola na Região Metropolitana de Goiânia. As influências históricas politicamente construídas, e as ideologias que causaram o processo de segregação nas áreas onde houve um processo de desponderamento dos ativos necessários para os indivíduos, e que, caracterizam a estrutura de oportunidade e o efeito escola. Neste trabalho demonstraremos que há segregação, pois os indivíduos têm menos oportunidades educacionais e, quanto mais a cidade cresce, mais aumenta o processo de segregação urbana, separando bairros com distintas paisagens: os bairros das classes populares (trabalhadores) e os bairros ricos (elite). Devido a esse processo de segregação os trabalhadores permanecem em bairros sem muita infra-estrutura urbana (como ruas pavimentadas e arborizadas, serviços de saúde, água, esgoto e educação). A partir disso, buscamos entender como acontece na metrópole Goianiense, a questão das oportunidades educacionais, o efeito escola nas áreas segregadas. Assim, percebemos que as áreas segregadas de Goiânia vão muito além de simplesmente não existir o efeito escola, mas, também, da falta de oportunidades educacionais nas áreas segregadas. Para entender este processo de segregação e efeito vizinhança, e oportunidades educacionais em relação as desigualdades sociais utilizamos às Àreas de Ponderação Amostral, também identificada pela sigla AEDs produzidas pelo IBGE e uso corrente pelo Observatório das Metrópoles

This thesis explores the scope for children’s voices offered to children in court mandated investigations regarding custody, residence or contact. The focus is on children who have been exposed to their father’s violence against their mother The aim is to study how the legislators’ intentions concerning children’s participation in this area are implemented in work groups. The assumption is that implementation can be seen as collective learning. Implementation may in this case challenge established relations of power like age and gender orders. Professional discourses on violence have to shift from gender neutral to gendered discourses and discourses on children have to include a participation discourse. Learning which includes a shift in discourses and challenges established power relations is defined as radical learning.The approach is social constructionist and draws on group interviews with social workers specialized in family law.The thesis analyses which discourses of violence and of children are accessible and used at group level. This can be seen as a discursive opportunity structure. The discourses in question are: gender violence, child protection, treatment and family law discourses as well as care and participation discourses. The conclusion is that all these discourses are accessible to the professionals and the effects of the different discourses are discussed regarding the possibilities for creating a safe situation for mother and child during the investigation.The thesis furthermore analyses the organisation of the work groups. These characteristics can be seen as an organisational opportunity structure. The analysis shows different patterns in the groups when it comes to structure and stage of learning process. One group seems to be at the stage where the members are prepared to start talking to the child about the father’s violence.The final chapter presents a discussion of radical learning and the possibilities for radical social change when established power relations are challenged.

Political endeavours of identitarian movements Abstract: Aim of this thesis is defining and analyzing identitarian movements via explorative approach. Identitarian movements are school of thought and authors, who are bound together by common enemy and common political goals. They do have political ambitions, but were not yet capable of making important changes. With the help of contextual theories and analysis of movements strategy this thesis will explore if identitarian movemenst are capable of political succes and why do they struggle in doing so.

Abstract State-Corporate Crime in Swedish – A prestudy in definitions and opportunity structures The purpose of this study was to, through Swedish cases of state-corporate crime, raise the concept in a Swedish context and study whether there were specific opportunity structures in Swedish conditions and analyze this trough criminological theory. The data collection method consisted of a media and literature review, where the selection was based on the concept of state-corporate crime. The data was then studied through a crime script analysis, and finally analyzed in a comparative case study. The Swedish cases that were found were: the Bofors affairs, the Saudi agreement, the JAS affairs and the Telia affairs. These constituted examples of both State initiated corporate crime and State facilitated corporate crime and turned out to have similar opportunity structures. Which consisted of pressure for profit, criminal tools in the form of bribes and middlemen, and of neutralization techniques. The result match Cressey's fraud triangle theory of pressure, opportunity, and rationalization. / Sammanfattning State-Corporate Crime på svenska – En förstudie i definitioner och tillfällesstrukturer Syftet med denna studie var att genom svenska fall av state-corporate crime dels lyfta begreppet i en svensk kontext, dels undersöka om specifika tillfällesstrukturer gjorde sig gällande i svenska förhållanden samt analysera dessa mot kriminologisk teori. Datainsamlingsmetoden utgjorde en media- och litteraturgenomgång där urvalet grundade sig i begreppsapparaten state-corporate crime. Det empiriska materialet undersöktes sedan genom en skriptanalys, för att avslutningsvis analyseras i en jämförande fallstudie. De kända svenska fall som påträffades var Boforsaffärerna, Saudiavtalet, JAS-affärerna samt Telia-affärerna. Dessa utgjorde exempel på både State initiated corporate crime och State facilitated corporate crime och visade sig ha liknande mönster av tillfällesstrukturer. Tillfällesstrukturerna bestod övergripande i en press om vinst, brottsliga verktyg i form av mutor och mellanhänder samt av neutraliseringstekniker. Vilket är förenligt med Cresseys teori om fraud triangle.

Aquesta tesi vol respondre a dos preguntes fonamentals en l'àrea de recerca de la migració transnacional: s'impliquen els immigrants en el transnacionalisme polític? I, quins són els factors determinants del seu activisme polític transnacional ? Per respondre a la primera qüestió, comparo el nivell d'activisme polític transnacional d'una mostra d'associacions de diferents orígens immigrants a Barcelona. Per contestar a la segona, centro l'atenció en possibles factors determinants a dos nivells, meso i macro. La tesis demostra que l'activisme polític transnacional no està generalitzat entre totes les associacions a Barcelona, que presenta un nivell relativament baix de regularitat, i que generalment es desenvolupa al nivell nacional. També demostra que la necessitat d'examinar l'efecte del context de sortida i, més en concret, l'estructura d'oportunitats polítiques del país d'origen sobre el transnacionalisme polític de les associacions d'immigrants. Altres determinants a nivell meso, com les xarxes socials o les fonts de finançament semblen explicar la variació en l'activisme polític transnacional de les associacions d'immigrants. / This thesis addresses two fundamental questions in the transnational migration research field: whether or not all immigrants engage in political transnationalism? And which are the main determinants of their transnational political activism? To answer the first research question, I specifically compare different degrees of transnational political engagement of various national/ethnic origin immigrant associations in Barcelona. To answer the second research question, I focus on meso- and macro- levels determinants. The thesis demonstrates that transnational political engagement is not generalised among all immigrant associations in Barcelona, presents a relatively low level of regularity, and is generally nationally based. It also demonstrates the importance of studying the effect of the exit context and, in particular, of the political opportunity structure in home country on the political transnationalism of immigrant associations. Meso- level determinants like social networks and sources of funds also seem to explain the variance in immigrant associations' transnational political engagement.

Text in English / The aim of this research is to assess the impact social capital has had on Somali businesses. It argues against the perception that Somali business expertise is derived solely from the principles of economics. It argues that social capital plays a pivotal role in shaping the Somali spirit of entrepreneurship. The role of social capital in the creation of Somali human and financial capital is examined. This thesis, being a qualitative study, used semi-structured, unstructured interviews and direct observation as data collection methods. / Sociology / M.A. (Sociology)