Construit sur un réseau de contrastes, le monde romanesque de Fred Vargas arbore le masque de la fiction policière. Les meurtres au présent cachent les meurtrissures de l’amour au passé. Médiateur entre ces pôles diégétiques, la passion du personnage vargassien fait faillir les règles du jeu que lui impose le monde. Car derrière les apparences civilisées perdure l’ordre originel de Nature : la prédation. Face à son échec, le personnage doit relever un défi qui transforme son enquête sur le crime en une quête identitaire. Choisir la transgression ou le sacrifice de soi décide de sa chute ou du resurgissement de sa dignité. Superposant l’intrigue et l’Histoire, le hic et nunc diégétique confère au personnage le rôle de trait d’union entre les Ici et les Ailleurs identitaires adverses. L’enquête approche la psyché du meurtrier et de l’enquêteur, reconstituant l’interaction de l’individu et du monde précisé en tant que son chronotope synchronique et diachronique. La relation entre l’homme et ses Autres révèle la personne derrière le personnage. La confrontation de l’animal humain aux animaux réels et mythifiés, remet en question les frontières entre l’identité et l’altérité. Le réel meurtrier s’avère incarner un des masques de l’imaginaire, tandis que l’imaginaire, érigé en idéal de l’humanité, devient une réalité à conquérir au prix du sacrifice de soi, et dévoile la polyvalence des réalités de l’échec et l’accomplissement. L’analyse du jeu de miroirs entre l’opposition et la complémentarité conclut à l’union des contraires qui fait coexister l’horreur et le sublime, l’amour et la mort dans le couple d’opposés que forment l’homme et le monde. / Built on a network of contrasts, the romantic world of Fred Vargas bears the mask of detective fiction.The murders of the present hide the bruises of love in the past.Mediator between these diegetic poles,the passion of Vargas’s character breaches the rules of the game that is imposed on him by the world.For behind these civilized appearances ,the original order continues:predation. Confronted by his failure,the character must take up a challenge that will transform his investigation in a quest for identity. Selecting either transgression or self-sacrifice will determine whether he collapses or reappears with his dignity.Converging the plot and the Story, the diegetic here and now bestows upon the character the role of linking the Here and Elsewhere, and adverse identities. The enquiry approaches, the psyche of the murderer and the investigator, reconstituting the interaction between the individual and the world, defined as its synchronic and diachronic chronotope. The relationship between humans and their Others reveals the person behind the character.The confrontation between the human animal and real and mythologized animals challenges the borders between identity and otherness.The real murderer turns out to embody one of the masks of the imagination, while the imagination, established as an ideal of humanity, becomes a reality to conquer at the price of self-sacrifice, and reveals how flexible the realities of failure and fulfillment can be. Analysing the mirror effect between opposition and complementarity accentuates the union of opposites that create the coexistence of horror and the sublime, and love and death in the dichotomy that make up mankind and the world.

Isaiah Berlin pensait que la démocratie libérale se fonde sur le pluralisme radical. Érigeant le « scepticisme » en « valeur éternelle », il définissait le libéralisme comme le fait d'accepter les opinions divergentes et « d'admettre que ce sont peut-être vos adversaires qui ont raison ». Dans toute démocratie libérale, ce scepticisme se traduit entre autre par l'existence d'une opposition parlementaire. Au début du siècle dernier, Fahlbeck expliquait que « l'élément permanent » du parlementarisme, « c'est l'antagonisme entre le parti de gouvernement et de l'opposition ». Le juriste Adolf Arndt définissait la démocratie comme « un État avec opposition » : « le rang accordé à l'opposition détermine, dans une démocratie, le rang du parlement ». Alors qu'elle a été reconnue tôt dans les pays anglo-saxons, sur le continent l'opposition est longtemps restée ignorée du droit. C'est pourquoi il convient de voir comment la France et l'Allemagne, deux systèmes continentaux suffisamment proches pour être comparés mais simultanément différents, ont abordé le problème. Si dans un cas comme dans l'autre l'opposition parlementaire est « reconnue », elle ne l'est qu'« imparfaitement ». Dans quelle mesure le droit peut-il encadrer et institutionnaliser l'opposition parlementaire, fruit de contingences politiques ? Afin qu'elle remplisse efficacement ses missions de tribune, de contrôle et de contre-pouvoir, le droit peut-il contraindre l'opposition ? L'opposition parlementaire exerce-t-elle les mêmes fonctions selon que l'on se trouve de ce côté-ci ou de ce côté-là du Rhin ? Par quels canaux ces fonctions tendent-elles, le cas échéant, à être remplies ? / Parliamentary opposition is certainly an evidence of parliamentarism, but it is not easily defined because of its extreme institutional and behavioural variability, to such an extent that constitutional law fails to be realized. This opposition is partially unwritten as its foundation and practice have preceded its the official recognition by strict law. But, by definition, formal law cannot cover all the oppositional phenomenon’s configuration possibilities, as proven by the importance of conventions beyond written law. Despite everything, its institutionalization was finally required. The vocation of constitutional law is indeed to fix fulcrums for political game, but the question of the juridicity of such a phenomenon must be dealt with. The aim of this work consists of underlining the delicate connection between constitutional law and the parliamentary opposition in Germany and France. If law struggles (imperfectly) to capture it, then in return the opposition mobilizes the juridical instruments that are placed at its disposition. However, this relationship is ambiguous, since constitutional law does not limit itself to writing and because some determinant variables have influenced the implementation of juridical texts. Thus the “performance” of the oppositional phenomenon is not assured, even if it was recognized by the law. The examination of the legal significance of the opposing minority tends to reveal the intrinsic tensions of constitutional law and its political character. Far from being purely static, normativy seems to conceal a certain dynamic.Keywords : parliamentary opposition, system of parliamentary government, parliamentarism, constitutional law, parliamentary law, political law, constitutional order.

This research aims to contribute to the knowledge gap about opposition and support parties’ competitive behaviour in minority situations where no party have a majority in the parliament. Two Swedish parties - the Centre Party and the Left Party - will be examined to answer the two overarching research questions. Namely, 1) how does the competitive behaviour of parties vary in relation to a party’s role as a support party or opposition party? And 2) does the result support the cartel party thesis or the model of classic opposition? The competitive behaviour was measured in regards to counter proposals, standpoints and reservations on the governmental propositions. This was done through a quantitative content analysis of committee reports during four terms of office. The results indicate that both parties were more competitive during their time in opposition compared to in support status. This supports the model of classic opposition and rejects the cartel party thesis.

The diploma thesis examines why did the non-systemic opposition in Russia between 2011 and 2016 fail to reach any significant success. Even though during 2011 and 2012 Russia witnessed mass anti- government protests the non-systemic opposition was not able to enforce any relevant change in the regime, obtain representation in the state institutions or induce larger public dissatisfaction with the regime. The study analyses problematic internal features of the non-systemic opposition (lack of public support, coalition potential, election programs and campaigns, party financing) and external repressive means of the Vladimir Putin's regime against the opposition (legislation, direct confrontation, judicial trials, elections and means of rigging). The thesis offers a complex insight into the functioning of the non-systemic opposition in Russia in the observed period and accentuates the authoritarian character of the Russian regime. Based on the evaluation of the key variables the study concludes that the repressive policies of the regime cardinally affected the weakness and fragmentation of the non-systemic opposition which moreover was not able to overcome the internal conflicts and gain broader public support.

Since Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, repressive legislative changes and tightened war-censorship prompted a new wave of media professionals leaving the Federation. This study explores how Russian journalists resettling in the Baltic states articulate their professional identity and view the Russian versus Baltic governments’ attitudes while adapting abroad. While recognizing the Russian oppositional sphere’s role in democracy promotion, this research draws insights from thirteen semi-structured interviews conducted in the fall of 2023 with exiled media professionals in Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania. The study employs Mark Deuze’s ideal typical values on professional ideology (public service, immediacy, autonomy, ethics, and objectivity) supplemented by Patric Raemy’s take on resilience theory, utilizing a hybrid inductive-deductive methodology with apriori themes of a) oppositionality and ideology, b) logistics and migration as well as c) adaptation and resilience. Findings showed that exiled journalists’ articulations of anti-war positions were intrinsically connected to their professional roles. There were also strong commitments to transparent information access. In parallel, editorials experienced either de- or reiterated hierarchization stemming from working in crisis. Key professional challenges included circumventing censorship, financial struggles, and losing access to domestic informants. Adaptive and maladaptive mechanisms ranged from being psychosocial to technical. Adaptation overall was reflected in strengthened corporate solidarity and in exiled media outlets’ joint moral-legal responsibilities for proxy-reporters / Sedan Rysslands fullskaliga invasion av Ukraina har repressiva lagändringar och skärpt krigscensur föranlett en ny våg av yrkesverksamma inom mediebranschen som lämnat federationen. Denna studie undersöker hur ryska journalister som flyttat till de baltiska länderna artikulerar sin professionella identitet och betraktar den ryska kontra de baltiska regeringarnas attityder, samtidigt som de anpassar sitt arbete utomlands. Med emfas på den ryska oppositionella sfärens demokratifrämjande roll, utgår denna forskning från semistrukturerade intervjuer med tretton exiljournalister i Estland, Lettland och Litauen utförda hösten 2023. Studien nyttjar Mark Deuze idealtypiska värden kopplade till journalisters professionella ideologi (public service, omedelbarhet, autonomi, etik och objektivitet) vilka kompletteras av Patric Raemys bidrag till resiliensteori. Uppsatsen använder sig av en induktiv-deduktiv tematisk hybridmetod med tre apriori-teman: a) oppositionalitet och ideologi, b) logistik och migration, liksom c) anpassning och resiliens. Resultaten visade att exiljournalisters artikulering av sin antikrigsställning var inneboende kopplad till deras professionella rolluppfattning. Det rådde även en stark pliktkänsla i att försäkra transparent tillgång till information. Parallellt upplevde exilredaktionerna antingen försvagade eller förstärkta internhierarkier till följd av sitt arbete i kris. Professionella nyckelutmaningar innefattade kringgående av censur, ekonomiska svårigheter och en förlorad tillgång till inhemska informanter och källor. Så kallade ’adaptiva’ och ’maladaptiva’ mekanismer hyste alltifrån en psykosocial till teknisk karaktär. Gruppens anpassning överlag speglades i en stärkt företagssolidaritet och i exilmediers gemensamma morala och juridiska ansvar för sina proxyreportrar.

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Student Number: 0516477F DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL STUDIES THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS / This research report is a probe into prospects of meaningful political opposition in the parliamentary system South Africa. Political oppositions play a very constructive role in the entrenching of democracy. A free and open democratic system owes a lot to politics of opposition. The political landscape in South Africa is characterized by one dominant ruling party opposed by small and fragmented opposition. Thus there is a challenge in South Africa’s democracy due to poor opposition politics. The importance of opposition cannot be overstated, democracy thrives when there is healthy deliberation and contestation in parliament. Thus different goals, values and ideas are given the chance to be argued for or against. In South Africa, the African National Congress (ANC) enjoys large support that dwarfs even the official opposition party, the Democratic Alliance (DA). There are other opposition parties inside and outside parliament. However the fact that the opposition is still relatively weak, is a call for concern. Although relatively weak, the opposition in South African politics is of vast importance. The effectiveness of the opposition can be measured in the debates in parliament and the positions that the opposition adopt to counter the ruling party. Currently there is the reality of a very loose and weak opposition. The opposition is not being effective enough to be of considerable substance in the political landscape. The fact that much of the policies the ANC adopts are in principle similar to the beliefs and ideas of the opposition renders the opposition ineffective and the electorate is left with no real alternative. The point of departure of this research report is that the opposition should assume policies that are an alternative to the ruling party so that they can attract the electorate and thus boost democracy in South Africa.

Studien har genomförts på Akademiska Sjukhusets Utvecklingsavdelning, i Uppsala. Från förstudien som genomfördes på samma avdelning framkom ett förbättringsområde inom styrning och ledning. Studien fokuserade därigenom på området styrning och ledning och syftade till att kartlägga och ge förbättringsförslag till Utvecklingsavdelningens arbete kopplat till dess syfte och mål. För att uppnå studiens syfte har följande frågeställningar använts: 1.Vad är syftet med Utvecklingsavdelningen? 2.Hur arbetar avdelningen? 3.Hur kan avdelningens arbete förbättras? För att svara på frågeställningarna har observationer, medarbetarintervjuer, en gruppintervju med styrgruppen på avdelningen och en enkätundersökning använts som datainsamlingsmetoder.Till analysen användes ett relationsdiagram, träddiagram och fem varför-metoden. Resultatet visade att syftet med avdelningen var otydligt definierat i styrgruppen och därmed otydligt kommunicerat till medarbetarna. Medarbetarna i sin tur arbetade patientfokuserat, som beskrivs som en av två delar av deras syfte med avdelningen. Till analysen har teori kopplat till ledarskap använts. Teorin omfattar kategorierna mål, ledarstil kopplat till gruppens utveckling, prokrastinering, förändringsledning och motstånd till förändring. Från analysen har det konstaterats att medarbetarna befinner sig i det första stadiet i grupputvecklingen, vilket i sin tur påverkar deras känsla av trygghet. Det otydligt definierade syftet (och målen för avdelningen) bidrog i sin tur till ett ytterligare starkare behov av att införskaffa trygghet. Det i sin tur ansågs genom studiens analys vara orsaken till att medarbetarna på avdelningen arbetade patientfokuserade mer än utvecklingsfokuserat, vilket också ingår i syftet med avdelningen. Slutsatserna för studien resulterade i att avdelningen ska följa tre steg. De tre stegen presenteras nedan: 1.Tydliggöra syftet(varför avdelningen finns till) och se till så att syftet är rätt definierat och överenskommet inom ledningen 2.Sätt upp mål som bidrar till uppfyllandet av syftet. Kommunicera målen i hela organisationen genom måldelning med SMARTa mål. 3.Tydliggör ledarskapet, tydligare styrning (som kommer genom att uppfylla punkt 1–2), uppföljning och bekräftelse. Planera arbetet utefter målen och tydliggör vem som ska göra vad och när. / The study has been carried out at the hospital, Akademiska's development unit, in Uppsala,Sweden. From the feasibility study, conducted in the same unit, an area of improvements was found, control and management. The study has therefore focused on that area of managementand control. The study aimed to identify improvements to the development unit's work, related to their purpose and goals. In order to achieve the purpose of the study, the following questions wave been used:  1. What is the purpose of the Development unit in Akademiska's hospital? 2. How do the unit's coworkers work? 3. How can the unit's work be improved?  To answer the following questions, different methods were used, observation, interviews withthe employees, a group interview with the management group and a survey were used. In the analysis, tools like the relationship diagram, a tree diagram and a "five why"-method were used. The results of the data collection found that the purpose of the unit was defined unclearly and not properly communicated to the coworkers. The employees work tended to be patient-focused, which is also described as one of the two parts of the purpose of the unit.  Theories related to leadership and management has been used for the analysis. The theoriesalso refer to goals, group development, procrastination and resistance to development. From the analysis, it has been found that the employees are in the first stage of the group development stages. The uncleared defined purpose tended to be the reason to why employeesworked patient-focused.  The conclusion of the study resulted in the three following steps:  1. Clarify the purpose (why the unit exist)  2. Set goals that contribute to the fulfillment of the purpose. Communicate the goals throughthe entire organization and use SMART goals  3. Slightly change the leadership to more controlling leadership, follow up and confirm thecoworkers work. Plan the work towards the goals and clarify what should be done and when it should be done.  Key words: change, development, group development, leadership, opposition, safety

A efetividade das oposições partidárias é um dos requisitos para o funcionamento adequado do regime democrático. A própria definição mais usual de democracia tem como um dos seus eixos centrais, ao lado da participação inclusiva, a contestação pública, pois é ela que garante o controle do governo e a rotatividade no poder. Não obstante, o estudo do comportamento das oposições parlamentares permanece relativamente negligenciado na literatura de política comparada e até nos estudos de caso. De fato, no contexto da emergência das novas democracias, as oposições partidárias parlamentares acabaram sendo percebidas, mesmo que tacitamente, como possíveis obstáculos àquela que foi e ainda é considerada a grande meta a ser conquista, a governabilidade. Assim, esse hiato se formou e persistiu porque os analistas acabaram privilegiando uma agenda de pesquisas focada na “engenharia constitucional” mais adequada à prevenção da manifestação de múltiplos atores com poder veto às políticas do Executivo. Por outro lado, poucos estudos foram realizados sobre os recursos institucionais à disposição das oposições parlamentares e sobre o uso que elas fazem desses recursos. O objetivo desta tese é analisar estes dois aspectos fundamentais do comportamento das oposições parlamentares no Brasil: (a) os recursos institucionais de que dispõem para fazer frente ao governo e (b) como elas utilizam tais recursos. Para a consecução desse objetivo, utilizo dados documentais e estatísticas descritivas sobre a ação das oposições. Em primeiro lugar, analiso a evolução dos dispositivos constitucionais e regimentais de 1832, 1854, 1928, 1934, 2936, 1947, 1952, 1955, 1972 e 2016, da Câmara e do Senado. Analiso, ainda, a proposição, a tramitação de projetos e as votações nominais, as prerrogativas das mecanismos de fiscalização e controle, tais como as CPIs, as audiências públicas, as convocações de ministros, os requerimentos de informação, o Conselho de Ética e Decoro Parlamentar, a Ouvidoria e a Corregedoria Parlamentar. Depois disso, analiso a utilização desses recursos pelas oposições por meio de dados referentes ao seu comportamento na Câmara dos Deputados no período de 1995 a 2014. A abordagem adotada é a do neoinstitucionalismo da vertente da teoria da escolha racional. Por esse prisma, o foco da análise é delimitado aos objetivos das oposições partidárias enquanto um ator político coletivo orientado por cálculos estratégicos e, simultaneamente, às restrições e incentivos institucionais que estruturam seus ambientes de atuação, ou seja, o eleitoral, o governamental e o judiciário. Os resultados da análise mostram que os blocos partidários de oposição usaram distintas estratégias, impactados pela sua trajetória e pelo cenário político. Os governos FHC propiciaram nas votações majoritárias possibilidades de movimentação de práticas propositivas e constrangedoras, que duplamente expõem as posições alternativas da oposição e as decisões polêmicas da situação. A oposição, liderada pelo Partido dos Trabalhadores, também recorre ao Supremo Tribunal Federal, esticando o jogo político, obtendo com o uso de ADIs vitórias parciais, simbólicas e publicizadoras de suas opiniões e das decisões controversas do governo e dos parlamentares da situação. Além disso, por não ter sido capaz de efetivar as tentativas de fiscalização, através de CPIs, mostra a dificuldade e os empecilhos do exercício da função de controle do governo. A partir de 2003, o bloco opositor, anteriormente governo, liderado pelo PSDD e PFL/DEM, investe na estratégia obstrutiva pura, reduzindo o uso dos recursos propositivos dentro de votações nominais. Além disso, foi mais efetivo na abertura de investigação, através de CPIs no Senado devido a sua bancada ampliada nesta Casa. Entretanto, essas polêmicas também os atingem e podem ter criado uma imagem de oposição disruptiva, não leal e não propositiva. No governo Dilma, na primeira gestão, encontra-se o aprofundamento da obstrução, com a obtenção das maiores vitórias dessa estratégia no período. Também, mobiliza importantes CPIs que abalaram o governo e conjugadas com a obstrução, promoveram frequentes paralisias decisórias. / The effectiveness of partisan opposition is one of the requirements for the proper functioning of the democratic regime. The most common definition of democracy has one of its central axes, alongside inclusive participation, public contestation, since it guarantees governance of the government and rotation in power. Nevertheless, the study of the behavior of parliamentary oppositions remains relatively neglected in the literature of comparative politics and even in case studies. In fact, in the context of the emergence of new democracies, parliamentary partisan oppositions were eventually perceived, even tacitly, as possible obstacles to what was and still is considered the great goal to be achieved - governability. Thus, this hiatus was formed and persisted because the analysts ended up favoring a research agenda focused on "constitutional engineering" more adequate to prevent the manifestation of multiple actors with veto power to the policies of the Executive. On the other hand, few studies have been done on the institutional resources available to parliamentary opposition and on their use of these resources. The purpose of this thesis is to analyze precisely these two fundamental aspects of the behavior of parliamentary oppositions in Brazil: (a) the institutional resources they have to face the government and (b) how they use such resources. In order to achieve this objective, I use documentary data and descriptive statistics on opposition actions. First, I analyze the evolution of the constitutional and regimental provisions of the House and the Senate of 1832, 1854, 1928, 1934, 2936, 1947, 1952, 1955, 1972 and 2016. I also analyze the proposal and process of projects, the prerogatives of the control and control mechanisms, such as the CPIs, the public hearings, the convocations of ministers, the information requirements, the Ethics and Parliamentary Decree Council, the Ombudsman the Parliamentary Corregedoria. After that, I analyze the use of these resources by the opposition through data on their behavior in the Chamber of Deputies from 1988 to 2010. The approach adopted is that of the neoinstitutionalism of the rational choice theory. From this perspective, the focus of the analysis is delimited to the objectives of the party oppositions as a collective political actor oriented by strategic calculations, and simultaneously to the institutional constraints and incentives that structure their working environments, that is, the electoral, the governmental and the the judiciary. The results of the analysis show that opposition party blocs have used different strategies, impacted by their trajectory and the political scenario. The FHC governments favored in the majority voting possibilities of moving propositional and constraining practices, which doubly expose the alternative positions of the opposition and the controversial decisions of the situation. The opposition, led by the Workers' Party, also appeals to the Federal Supreme Court, stretching the political game, obtaining with Adis partial victories, symbolic and publicizing their opinions and the controversial decisions of the government and parliamentarians of the situation. Moreover, because it has not been able to carry out the inspection attempts, through CPIs, it shows the difficulty and obstacles to the exercise of the government control function. Since 2003, the opposition bloc, formerly government, led by the PSDD and DEM, invests in the pure obstructive strategy, reducing the use of propositional resources within nominal votes. In addition, it was more effective in opening investigations, through Senate CPIs due to its expanded counterpart in this House. However, these polemics also hit them and may have created a disruptive, non-loyal and non-propositional image of opposition. In the Dilma government, in the first management, one finds the deepening of the obstruction, with obtaining the greater victories of this strategy in the period. Also, it mobilizes important CPIs that shook the government and combined with the obstruction, promoted frequent decision paralysis.

Com a decretação, pelo regime militar, do Ato Institucional n° 2 (AI-2), em outubro de 1965, todos os civis e militares acusados de infringirem a Lei de Segurança Nacional passaram a ser processados pela Justiça Castrense. Entre 1967 e 1968, surgiram no Brasil várias organizações comunistas que propunham o recurso às armas no combate contra o regime vigente e pela implementação do socialismo. Dentre estes agrupamentos, um dos mais importantes foi a Ação Libertadora Nacional (ALN), cuja principal liderança foi Carlos Marighella. O presente trabalho debruça-se sobre o julgamento de militantes da ALN por tribunais militares. Recorreu-se à análise de autos de processos instaurados contra a organização em São Paulo para embasar o estudo. É abordada a atuação dos delegados de polícia, responsáveis pelos inquéritos que originaram os processos, assim como a atuação dos procuradores, vinculados ao Ministério Público. Além disto, trata-se do comportamento e das estratégias utilizadas pelos réus e por seus advogados. Finalmente, são apresentados um levantamento quantitativo das decisões judiciais e os critérios decisórios dos juízes, enfatizando sua preocupação com a readequação social dos réus. O período abrangido pela pesquisa inicia-se em 1969 quando os primeiros processos contra a ALN foram abertos - e termina em 1979 ano em que todos os julgamentos de militantes da organização foram interrompidos, por conta da anistia política. / With the decree by the Brazilian military regime of Institutional Act No. 2 (IA-2) in October 1965, all civilian and military defendants accused of violating the National Security Law were to be judged by military tribunals. In 1967 and 1968 several communist organizations emerged to support armed resistance against the regime and the implantation of socialism. One of the most important of these groups was National Liberating Action (NLA), whose principal leader was Carlos Marighella. The present work analyzes the trials of NLA militants in military tribunals. The primary sources are the court documents of cases filed against the NLA in São Paulo. This study focuses on the actions of the police chiefs in charge of the investigations that led to charges and also the prosecutors employed by the Brazilian Justice Department. In addition, the study examines the behavior and strategies used by the defendants and their lawyers. Finally, this project presents a quantitative investigation of the judicial rulings and the criteria used by the respective judges, in particular their concern for the social readjustment of the defendants. The period covered begins with 1969 - when the first cases were brought against the NLA - and ends in 1979 - when all cases against the organization came to a halt because of the political amnesty declared by the government.