The international community has long relied on United Nations (UN) peace operations as the means of creating and maintaining international peace and security, however the realities of what a “successful” mission looks like remains obscured, as the experiences and definitions of success may differ between the various players involved. While a shared definition of success and operational structure remains elusive, it is clear that the assessment of UN missions must be conducted in a holistic manner, from mandate crafting, to mission transition and exit. Among these realities is that the assessment of UN peace operation success is all too often hindered by political partiality with the determination of mission success frequently held hostage by faulty political processes. It is essential that evaluative frameworks encompass the various stages of a peace operation, in order to illustrate the political challenges that often obstruct the planning and assessment of a UN mission. Highlighting the political obstacles associated with holistic mission planning and assessment, against the backdrop of ongoing, ad hoc UN peace operation deployments to Haiti, breaks down existing normative positions and exposes the realities and voids in current methodology.

Since the year of 2010, when the Swedish military made a transition from a conscript to a voluntary force, numerous people from the Swedish defence force have participated in international missions. This study seeks to understand the motivation and sacrifice behind the choice to travel abroad to countries like Afghanistan and Mali to preserve peace. This is being done through the theory of Helle Hein’s four motivational profiles, namely The Prima donna, The Performance Addict, The Pragmatist, and The Pay Check Worker. The empirical data consists of answers from 131 respondents to a survey sent to soldiers on duty in Mali (July 2016) and 3 semi-structured interviews with soldiers who have returned home. The result of the study is presented through various diagrams and show that the motivational factors of The Performance Addict overshadows the others. Furthermore is the theory’s relationship between motivational profile and level of sacrifice confirmed, even though it should be interpreted with some caution. / Sedan år 2010, när svenska försvaret gick i från ett värnplikts- till ett yrkesförsvar, har flera tusen svenska soldater deltagit i internationella insatser. Den här studien undersöker motivationsfaktorer och uppoffring hos de som väljer att åka till länder som Afghanistan och Mali för att bevara freden. Det sker genom Helle Heins fyra motivationsprofiler, nämligen Primadonnan, Prestationsjägaren, Pragmatikern och Löntagaren. Den empiriska datan består av svar från 131 respondenter från styrkan i Mali (juli 2016) samt 3 semi-strukturerade intervjuer med soldater som har återvänt hem. Resultatet av studien presenteras genom olika diagram och visar att motivationsfaktorerna hos Prestationsjägaren dominerar. Vidare bekräftas teorins samband mellan motivationsprofil och grad av uppoffring, även om det resultatet ska tolkas med viss försiktighet.

Orientador: Prof. Dr. Gilberto Marcos Antonio Rodrigues / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Federal do ABC, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Ciências Humanas e Sociais, Santo André, 2018.

[pt] A paz liberal é um projeto político cujas tradições remontam ao conjunto de ideias que compõem o liberalismo. Ela representa o modelo pelo qual o ocidente se propõe a uniformizar o mundo através da democracia e de réplicas de instituições, normas e sistemas econômicos, sociais e políticos. Assim, pensar em tal projeto implica pensar também em seus aspectos práticos e na sua implementação. A paz liberal foi escolhida como objeto de estudo da dissertação porque, na medida em que se traduz em uma relação hierárquica baseada em interesses, acarreta em uma série de exclusões e marginalizações, uma vez instaurada através de uma operação de peacebuilding. A presente pesquisa procura entender quais as suas reais motivações, através da busca por qual seu objeto referente de fato: o indivíduo do país receptor ou o estado mandante? Para ilustrar tal reflexão, foi conduzida uma investigação através de um estudo de caso da missão de peacebuilding no Afeganistão, e como a questão da produção vertiginosa do ópio em tal país, que cresceu após a entrada de tais operações, pode indicar uma resposta acerca de qual o objeto referente de fato da paz liberal pós 11/9. / [en] The liberal peace is a political project rooted in the set of ideas and values that sustain liberalism as an ideology. It represents a model through which the west gauges the world by bringing in democracy and by replicating institutions, norms and economic, social and political systems. Thinking about such project implies that there are practical and implementation aspects that cannot be ignored. Liberal peace has been chosen as the theme of this dissertation because it is about a hierarchical relationship between North and South that produces exclusions and marginalizations that happen through peacebuilding operations. This research aims to understand what the real motivations behind the liberal peace project are, by seeking which is its real referent object: the individual who lives in the state being intervened or the western countries national securities? In order to illustrate the findings for such questions, this research has carried out a case study focused on NATO s operations in Afghanistan and the concurring vertiginous growth of opium production in the country. This will lead us to understand what the real referent object behind the liberal peace project after 9/11 is.

La participation des organisations policières à des opérations de paix des Nations Unies est un phénomène datant de quelques décennies, mais qui suscite de plus en plus d’intérêt dans la communauté scientifique ainsi que chez les organisations contributrices. À titre indicatif, en 2010, près de 13 000 policiers étaient déployés dans 13 opérations de paix des Nations Unies, ce qui représente une augmentation de 810 % par rapport aux 1 600 policiers qui étaient déployés en 1995 . Cette augmentation marquée de la participation policière à ce type d’opération à l’étranger remet en question les conceptions traditionnelles que les chercheurs avaient de l’institution policière. Bel exemple de la transnationalisation des organisations policières, la participation des policiers à des opérations de paix soulève toutefois de nombreux questionnements. Alors que la majorité des recherches se sont penchées sur les problématiques opérationnelles reliées à l’envoi de policiers dans ces zones en sortie de guerre, peu d’entre elles se sont penchées sur les questions reliées au post-déploiement, c'est-à-dire à la réintégration des policiers dans leur société d’origine. Puisque la contribution des services de police québécois aux missions de paix des Nations Unies semble maintenant faire partie intégrante de la mission de certaines de ces organisations, il serait intéressant de valider quelles sont les retombées organisationnelles de cette participation. C’est précisément dans cette lignée que le présent mémoire prend tout son sens. Plus précisément, la présente recherche a pour objectif d’étudier la relation entre la participation d’un policier à ce type de mission et la modification de ses habitudes et méthodes de travail lors de sa réintégration dans son unité d’origine. La perspective organisationnelle utilisée dans ce mémoire est novatrice au sens où elle permet de questionner l’utilité et les retombées de ces missions, non pas sur les sociétés bénéficiaires de l’aide internationale, mais plutôt sur les acteurs contribuant à la mise en place de ces missions. De tels questionnements sont pertinents si l’on veut mesurer les retombées que peuvent avoir les opérations de paix sur les policiers eux-mêmes, sur les organisations policières participantes, mais aussi sur les services fournis aux citoyens par ces mêmes organisations. Les données qui nous permettront de répondre à ces questions proviennent de dix-neuf entretiens semi-directifs réalisés auprès de policiers de la Sûreté du Québec qui ont participé à une mission de paix en Haïti entre 2005 et 2010. En somme, il est possible d’affirmer que les méthodes de travail d’un policier revenant de mission peuvent être modifiées positivement ou négativement par différents facteurs tels que l’acquisition de compétences, la modification des traits de personnalité ou encore par un changement au niveau de la perception qu’on ces policiers de leur travail. / Police contribution to United Nations peace operations is not a new phenomenon but it is beginning to draw a lot more attention from police organizations and the academic community. In 2010, nearly 13 000 police officers were deployed in the 13 peace operations led by the United Nations. It represents an 810% increase in comparison with the 1 600 police officers that were deployed in 1995 . This dramatic increase of police contribution questions the traditional conception held by the academic community about the police institution. Good example of police transnationalization, these deployments raise a lot of questions that require some examination. While the great majority of researches have been conducted on operational issues raised by sending cops in post-conflict area, very few have focused their attention on the issues linked to post-deployment phase, namely when police officers are reintegrated in their home society. Considering that the contribution of some Quebec police forces to peace operations appears to be an intricate part of their organizational mission, it would be interesting to study its benefits. That is exactly the essence of this present research. More precisely, the objective of this project is to study the relationship between the participation of a police officer to peace operation and the modification of his habits and working methods after reintegrating his home unit. The organizational perspective used in this research is innovative in the sense that it questions the utility and benefits of these missions, not on the societies hosting these missions, but on the contributing actors of these deployments. This type of questioning is relevant if we want to measure the benefits of the contribution to peace operations on the contributing officers and their police organization, as well as the qualities of the services provided to the citizens by these same organizations. The data that enables us to provide answers to these questions comes from nineteen semi-directive interviews realized with police officers of the Sûreté du Québec that have participated in a United Nations peace mission in Haïti between 2005 and 2010.

[pt] A tese oferece uma leitura pós-colonial sobre as novas operações de paz da ONU a partir do caso da Somália. O argumento central é o de que tais operações são informadas por uma velha lógica, a da teoria da modernização, a qual, por sua vez, deita suas raízes nas teorias racistas e evolucionistas do século XIX. Nesse sentido, a tese sugere que essas novas operações são guiadas pela mesma lógica logocêntrica que informou o imperialismo europeu e a ação subseqüente do Conselho de Tutela das Nações Unidas. A tese visa a desestabilizar o ineditismo das novas operações de paz por meio da análise genealógica de um caso específico, o somali. Argumenta-se que a construção discursiva das sociedades alvo de tais operações como atrasadas, falidas ou pré-modernas cria as condições de possibilidade para as operações de paz conduzidas pelas Nações Unidas em nome da salvação, do progresso e da modernização das mesmas. Logo, a produção da descontinuidade/inovação das operações de paz em relação ao passado colonial depende da construção da continuidade das sociedades alvo de tais operações vistas como sujeitas a conflitos ancestrais e endógenos, ligados a um passado pré-colonial; revelando, desse modo, uma dependência mútua entre as identidades moderna e tradicional. A tese sugere que o reconhecimento do caráter híbrido das sociedades pós-coloniais, presente na perspectiva pós-colonial, nos permite desestabilizar o discurso logocêntrico subjacente às novas operações de paz da ONU. / [en] This dissertation offers a postcolonial reading about the new UN peace operations from the case of Somalia. The central argument is that these operations are informed by an old logic, namely: the modernization theory, which, in turn, lays its roots in evolutionary and racist theories of the nineteenth century. Thus, this dissertation suggests that these new operations are guided by the same logocentric logic that informed the European imperialism and the subsequent action of the United Nations Trusteeship Council. This research aims at destabilizing the novelty of the new peace operations through the genealogical analysis of a particular case: Somalia. It is argued that the discursive construction of the target societies of these operations as backward, failed or pre-modern creates the conditions of possibility for peace operations undertaken by the United Nations on behalf of salvation, progress and modernization of such societies. It is argued that the production of discontinuity and innovation of the new peace operations in relation to the colonial past depends on the construction of the continuity of the societies subject to these operations which are seen as under ancestral and endogenous conflicts tied to a pre-colonial past; revealing therefore the mutual dependency between the identities modern and traditional. Finally, the dissertation suggests that the recognition of the hybrid character of the postcolonial societies by the postcolonial perspectives allows us to destabilize the logocentric discourse underlying the new peace operations.

Submitted by Elesbão Santiago Neto (neto10uepb@cche.uepb.edu.br) on 2016-09-06T20:02:14Z No. of bitstreams: 1 PDF - Marília Cordeiro Serra.pdf: 24917357 bytes, checksum: 517aeb31269b5fc1a744fb037dc0995c (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-09-06T20:02:14Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 PDF - Marília Cordeiro Serra.pdf: 24917357 bytes, checksum: 517aeb31269b5fc1a744fb037dc0995c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-07-24 / CAPES / This work aims to verify if the Responsibility to Protect (RWP) is innovation in the position of Brazil in UN forums, as well as its compatibility with the foreign policy strategies of the country, detailing it's innovative aspects and explaining in which previous occasions such proposals and positions emerged while argument of the country or third parties. The work presents a study regarding the development of rules of conduct existing in the international system for cases of intervention, emphasizing the normative evolution of UN peacekeeping operations and the concept of Responsibility to Protect (R2P). It details the Brazilian proposal, with its many points of contact with the aforementioned concept and its reception in the international system through the analysis of statements issued by the United Nations, representatives of NGOs, IOs and civil society organizations. It also discusses about the major foreign policy biases adopted by the Brazilian government from 1990 to 2014, through the analysis of the speeches of the national delegation to the General Assembly and the UN Security Council. Therefore, it is able to verify that the RWP presents no major outbreaks of incongruity with the R2P—dating back to the standard ratified by the United Nations for the construction of most of its normative basis—and is extremely consistent with the lines of foreign policy adopted by Brazil over the past 24 years. / Este trabalho visa verificar se a Responsabilidade ao Proteger (RwP) representa inovação no posicionamento do Brasil nos foros onusianos, bem como sua compatibilidade com as estratégias de política externa do país, detalhando seus aspectos inovadores e explicitando em quais ocasiões anteriores tais propostas e posições surgiram enquanto argumento do próprio país ou de terceiros. Para tanto, realiza um estudo sobre o desenvolvimento das normas de conduta vigentes no sistema internacional para os casos de intervenção, com ênfase na evolução normativa das operações de paz da ONU e no conceito da Responsabilidade de Proteger (R2P). Detalha a proposta brasileira, apresentando seus—muitos—pontos de contato com o supracitado conceito e sua recepção no sistema internacional, através da análise de declarações emitidas por membros das Nações Unidas, representantes de ONGs, OIs e organizações de sociedade civil. Versa, ainda, sobre os principais vieses de política externa adotados pelos governos brasileiros no período de 1990 a 2014, por meio a análise dos discursos da delegação nacional na Assembleia Geral e no Conselho de Segurança das Nações Unidas. Sendo assim, é possível verificar que a RwP não apresenta grandes focos de incongruência com a R2P—remontando à norma ratificada pelas Nações Unidas para a construção da maior parte de seu embasamento normativo—e é extremamente coerente com as linhas de política externa adotadas pelo Brasil ao longo dos últimos 24 anos.

La participation des organisations policières à des opérations de paix des Nations Unies est un phénomène datant de quelques décennies, mais qui suscite de plus en plus d’intérêt dans la communauté scientifique ainsi que chez les organisations contributrices. À titre indicatif, en 2010, près de 13 000 policiers étaient déployés dans 13 opérations de paix des Nations Unies, ce qui représente une augmentation de 810 % par rapport aux 1 600 policiers qui étaient déployés en 1995 . Cette augmentation marquée de la participation policière à ce type d’opération à l’étranger remet en question les conceptions traditionnelles que les chercheurs avaient de l’institution policière. Bel exemple de la transnationalisation des organisations policières, la participation des policiers à des opérations de paix soulève toutefois de nombreux questionnements. Alors que la majorité des recherches se sont penchées sur les problématiques opérationnelles reliées à l’envoi de policiers dans ces zones en sortie de guerre, peu d’entre elles se sont penchées sur les questions reliées au post-déploiement, c'est-à-dire à la réintégration des policiers dans leur société d’origine. Puisque la contribution des services de police québécois aux missions de paix des Nations Unies semble maintenant faire partie intégrante de la mission de certaines de ces organisations, il serait intéressant de valider quelles sont les retombées organisationnelles de cette participation. C’est précisément dans cette lignée que le présent mémoire prend tout son sens. Plus précisément, la présente recherche a pour objectif d’étudier la relation entre la participation d’un policier à ce type de mission et la modification de ses habitudes et méthodes de travail lors de sa réintégration dans son unité d’origine. La perspective organisationnelle utilisée dans ce mémoire est novatrice au sens où elle permet de questionner l’utilité et les retombées de ces missions, non pas sur les sociétés bénéficiaires de l’aide internationale, mais plutôt sur les acteurs contribuant à la mise en place de ces missions. De tels questionnements sont pertinents si l’on veut mesurer les retombées que peuvent avoir les opérations de paix sur les policiers eux-mêmes, sur les organisations policières participantes, mais aussi sur les services fournis aux citoyens par ces mêmes organisations. Les données qui nous permettront de répondre à ces questions proviennent de dix-neuf entretiens semi-directifs réalisés auprès de policiers de la Sûreté du Québec qui ont participé à une mission de paix en Haïti entre 2005 et 2010. En somme, il est possible d’affirmer que les méthodes de travail d’un policier revenant de mission peuvent être modifiées positivement ou négativement par différents facteurs tels que l’acquisition de compétences, la modification des traits de personnalité ou encore par un changement au niveau de la perception qu’on ces policiers de leur travail. / Police contribution to United Nations peace operations is not a new phenomenon but it is beginning to draw a lot more attention from police organizations and the academic community. In 2010, nearly 13 000 police officers were deployed in the 13 peace operations led by the United Nations. It represents an 810% increase in comparison with the 1 600 police officers that were deployed in 1995 . This dramatic increase of police contribution questions the traditional conception held by the academic community about the police institution. Good example of police transnationalization, these deployments raise a lot of questions that require some examination. While the great majority of researches have been conducted on operational issues raised by sending cops in post-conflict area, very few have focused their attention on the issues linked to post-deployment phase, namely when police officers are reintegrated in their home society. Considering that the contribution of some Quebec police forces to peace operations appears to be an intricate part of their organizational mission, it would be interesting to study its benefits. That is exactly the essence of this present research. More precisely, the objective of this project is to study the relationship between the participation of a police officer to peace operation and the modification of his habits and working methods after reintegrating his home unit. The organizational perspective used in this research is innovative in the sense that it questions the utility and benefits of these missions, not on the societies hosting these missions, but on the contributing actors of these deployments. This type of questioning is relevant if we want to measure the benefits of the contribution to peace operations on the contributing officers and their police organization, as well as the qualities of the services provided to the citizens by these same organizations. The data that enables us to provide answers to these questions comes from nineteen semi-directive interviews realized with police officers of the Sûreté du Québec that have participated in a United Nations peace mission in Haïti between 2005 and 2010.

Aspiring to become a “global security actor,” the EU has, throughout the last decade, increasingly made use of its versatile toolbox in crisis management missions far beyond its own soil. Crisis management missions are particularly challenging when security is threatened on various levels at once, as is the case in Mali. There, addressing the conflict means combining military assistance with development aid, state-building efforts, and security sector reforms. Ambitious to apply a truly comprehensive approach, meaning an approach that bridges military and civilian efforts, the EU has launched two missions in Mali; yet it has refrained from providing a full-scale military operation. This case study aims to foster an understanding of European security actorness by accounting for the challenges of EU crisis management in general and in Mali in particular from a theoretical perspective that integrates realist, institutionalist, and constructivist understandings. Finally, this thesis contributes to the academic debate on the concept of strategic culture by analyzing to what extent the concept proves helpful for understanding the challenges inherent in European crisis management.

[pt] A dissertação presente tem como tema os casos de abuso e exploração sexual (AES) cometidos por militares em operações de paz da ONU. Na década de 90, com o aumento das funções exercidas, e, consequentemente, do número de tropas empregadas, as denúncias de má-conduta sexual tornam-se, em várias missões das Nações Unidas, cada vez mais numerosas. A situação de pobreza extrema e de vulnerabilidade em que se encontram a maioria das mulheres e meninas dos países-hospedeiros, a sensação de impunidade e a grande disparidade de recursos entre militares e habitantes locais têm como consequência uma série de relações sexuais explorativas, que vão desde o envolvimento com prostitutas à formação de relacionamentos mais duradouros. Tais interações sexuais têm uma série de consequências negativas não só para as vítimas, mas também para a credibilidade da missão e da própria ONU. Após anos de inércia institucional, o tema ganha, em 2002, espaço relevante nas políticas da Organização, que introduz diversas medidas em combate ao AES. Tais políticas, no entanto, têm efetividade limitada frente às imunidades dadas a militares e civis em missões de paz. Em face dos entraves das medidas punitivas, a pesquisa tem por objetivo verificar a hipótese de que o treinamento sobre AES implementado nos países contribuintes de tropas possa ser uma ferramenta eficiente na diminuição de tais casos. Para isso, analisaremos os treinamentos ministrados no Exército e na Marinha do Brasil - principal país contribuinte de tropas para a Missão de Estabilização das Nações Unidas no Haiti (MINUSTAH)- e no Exército da Índia - o maior fornecedor de militares para a Missão das Nações Unidas na República Democrática do Congo (MONUC). / [en] The present thesis focuses on sexual abuse and exploitation (SEA) committed by members of the military components of United Nations peacekeeping operations. In the 1990s, with the increase of the tasks exercised by, and the number of troops in peacekeeping operations cases of SEA became ever more numerous. The extreme poverty and vulnerability from which most of the women and girls in peacekeeping host countries find themselves, the impunity of UN soldiers and the huge disparity between their resources and those of local populations has as a consequence a number of forms of exploitative sexual relationships, that go from the use of prostitutes to more longterm arrangements. Such sexual interactions have a series of negative consequences not only for the victims, but also for the credibility of UN missions and of the Organization itself. After years of institutional inertia, the subject eventually gained some profile within UN policy, with the introduction of a series of measures to combat SEA. Nevertheless, these policies have shown limited effectiveness faced with the immunity granted to the soldiers in question. Given these limitations, the research upon which this thesis is based has as a goal the verification of the hypothesis that the training on SEA implemented in the troop-contributing countries can be an effective tool in combating these crimes. To do so, it analyzes the training implemented in Brazil s Army and Navy- which furnish the lead contingent of the United Nations Stabilization Mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH), and in the Indian Army - the main troop contributing country to the United Nations Mission in the Democratic Republic of Congo (MONUC).