Under sommaren 2023 präglades Sverige av koranbränningar och ett försämrat säkerhetsläge. Studien undersöker svenska partiledares kriskommunikation på plattformen Instagram under denna period och studiens syfte är således att undersöka hur svenska partiledare använde plattformen Instagram som kommunikationskanal för kriskommunikation under sommaren 2023. Med hjälp av en kvalitativ innehållsanalys, med semiotiska och retoriska inslag, har vi analyserat sju svenska partiledares Instagram-inlägg under denna tidsperiod. Analysen gjordes med hjälp av ett kodschema och endast de inlägg som var relaterade till ämnet analyserades. Studien utgår från en socialkonstruktivistisk teori, gestaltningsteori, samt teorier om medialisering och medielogik. Med hjälp av retoriska begrepp som ethos, pathos och logos samt de semiotiska begreppen denotation, konnotation och myt kunde analysen utvecklas ytterligare. Studiens resultat visar att partiledarna främst använder Instagram för att förmedla information om krisen, upprätthålla en politisk och sakkunnig image, samt påvisa de åtgärder man gör gällande krisen. Partiledarna visar sällan upp en personlig sida utan är sakliga och opersonliga i sin kommunikation. I resultatet går det även att finna en pågående maktkamp, regeringen och oppositionen emellan. De två allianserna är i en påtaglig konflikt gällande vilka som gör mest för landet i krisen. Sammanfattningsvis går det att visa på att Instagram används av politiker för att förmedla fakta till befolkningen och detta sker genom en envägskommunikation. Även om tidigare forskning visar att det är fördelaktigt för en politiker att vara personlig och nära sin publik i en kriskommunikation, är detta inte något vi kan se hos de svenska partiledarna. / During the summer of 2023, Sweden was marked by Quran burnings and a deteriorating security situation. This study examines the crisis communication of Swedish party leaders on Instagram during this period, with the aim of investigating how Swedish party leaders used Instagram as a channel for crisis communication in the summer of 2023. Through a qualitative content analysis, with an incorporation of semiotic and rhetorical elements, we analyzed the Instagram posts of seven Swedish party leaders during this period. The analysis was conducted using a code scheme, and only posts related to the topic were analyzed. The study is based on a social constructivist theory, narrative theory, as well as theories of mediatization and media logic. Using rhetorical concepts such as ethos, pathos, and logos, as well as semiotic concepts like denotation, connation, and myth, the analysis was further developed.  The results of the study showed that Swedish party leaders primarily used Instagram to convey information about the crisis, maintain a political and knowledgeable image, and demonstrate the measures taken regarding the crisis. Party leaders rarely showed a personal side but rather maintained a factual and impersonal communication style. The results also reveal an ongoing power struggle between the government and the opposition. The two alliances are in a noticeable conflict regarding who is doing the right things for the country during the crisis. In summary, it can be shown that Instagram is used by politicans to convey facts to the population, and this occurs through one-way communication. Altough previous research indicates that it is advantageous for a politican to be personal and close to their audience in crisis communication, this is not observed among Swedish party leaders.

In this essay the phenomenon of pragmatism and the social democratic ideology will be examined on a number of young politicians in Swedish municipalities. The relation between the two phenomenon’s are central in the study and the aim of this is to determine which of these are the most influential in the young, municipal politicians work. Previous research has shown that both the social democratic ideology and pragmatism have been key aspects to explain the party’s success in the 20th century. These studies did not however, show the relation between the politician on the local level and these phenomena in the modern era. This study aims to bring this relation into the spotlight. To get a close and intimate look at this, interviews have been conducted to gather information and get a deeper understanding of the driving force behind the young, municipal politician. These answers have been cross examined with the theoretical framework to analyze the central relation. The findings of this study concludes that ideological conviction and pragmatism are both key phenomena that matter a great deal for all of the subjects. The research finds critique from the subjects aimed at the Social democratic party for losing their central ideological compass and the subjects suggests that the party needs to toughen up on some of the central ideological stances while retaining a pragmatic position in the political arena.

Die acht Abgeordneten von BÜNDNIS 90/DIE GRÜNEN im Sächsischen Landtag für eine nachhaltige, sozial gerechte und zukunftsfähige Politik stellen sich vor.

Introduction How we can increase children’s opportunities to participate and influence society is a highly topical issue. Against the background of a reduced commitment to political participation and a reduced trust in politicians (see e.g. Amnå & Ekman, 2013; Öhrnvall, 2023), it becomes more important to work on promoting dialogues between decision-makers and citizens. These dialogues can contribute to deepening and strengthening democracy (Bornemark, 2017). The UN Convention on the Rights of the Child (SFS 2018:1197) describes the child’s right to form and express his or her views and to have these considered. Swedish youth policy describes the goal as "all young people should have good living conditions, the power to shape their lives and have influence over the development of society" (Prop. 2013/14:191). In addition to the statutory requirements for children’s and young people’s opportunities for participation and influence, there are positive individual and societal benefits. The work with children’s and young people’s participation strengthens social capital and reduces social exclusion (Andersson & Sandgren, 2015; Wennerholm, Juslin & Bremberg, 2004). Municipalities must ground their efforts in the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child, which is incorporated into Swedish law and stated in political objectives. However, in several municipalities, politicians and civil servants find it difficult to put their knowledge of the Convention into practical work (see e.g. Barnombudsmannen, 2022; Stern & Jörnlund, 2011).  Children and young people have been the main focus in previous studies regarding the work with children’s and young people’s influence. These studies have examined children’s and young people’s political interest and commitment (see e.g. Amnå & Ekman, 2013; Amnå, Ekström & Stattin, 2016; Tukkannen, Kankaaranta & Wilska, 2012) and the significance of forums for the future of democracy such as youth councils (Kassman & Vamstad, 2019; 2022). Other studies have shed light on forums for children’s and young people’s opportunities for participation and influence and how children and young people are given the opportunity to develop by participating in these forums (Andersson, 2018a; Harada, 2023; Kassman & Vamstad, 2019). Informal learning focuses mainly on how children and young people learn to cooperate (Harada, 2023), develop their thoughts by listening to others (Kassman & Vamstad, 2019), and develop their democratic skills (Andersson, 2018a; Harada 2023; Kassman & Vamstad, 2019). There are also studies that have emphasized pedagogical perspectives on adults’ attitudes and the consequences for the way they approach children and young people (Andersson, 2015, 2018a, 2018b, 2022). Viewing young people as future citizens rather than current citizens has been described as a risk that limits their opportunities for participation (Taft & Gordon, 2013). While these previous studies have focused to a greater extent on children and young people, they lack in focus regarding adults and their learning (politicians and civil servants), meaning what skills, abilities, and knowledge adults develop (see e.g. Andersson, 2015, 2018a; Harada, 2023; Kassman & Vamstad 2019; Svensson, 2006; Waara et al., 2010). This study focuses on the adults by highlighting the conditions and expressions of politicians’ and civil servants’ learning in their work on increasing children’s and young people’s influence. A large proportion of the decisions concerning children and young people are made at the municipal level. Local civil servants and politicians deal with a wide range of issues relating to schools, social services, leisure, and community planning, a complex task that requires both education and acquired knowledge in these areas. In a changing world with various demands on the organization, knowledge development and learning processes become central to meeting the challenges they face (see e.g. Argote, 2011; Tjulin & Klockmo, 2023; Sunnemark et al., 2023). The point of departure for this study is that politicians and civil servants have both individual and collective experiences as well as knowledge that can be made visible when they work with children’s and young people’s influence. The learning that takes place within organizations thus becomes central to adapting, developing, and managing the changes in the work that politicians and civil servants are faced with (see e.g. Argote & Miron-Spektor, 2011).  Aim and research question In this study, the focus is on conditions for and expressions of politicians’ and civil servants’ learning in their work on children’s and young people’s influence. Conditions are understood as what enables and hinders learning, which reflects the premises for what kind of learning is made possible in their work. Central to their work on increasing children’s and young people’s influence is dialogue, which makes it possible to share experiences and knowledge.  The purpose of this study is to examine the conditions and expressions of politicians’ and civil servants’ learning in their work with children's and young people's influence. The following research questions guided the study:  x How do politicians and civil servants describe the experiences they bring with them from their work with children and young people?  x What conditions enable and hinder the learning processes of politicians and civil servants in their work with children’s and young people’s influence?  Method This study emanates from data produced between October 2020 and June 2022, primarily through observations of meetings in which nine politicians and 16 civil servants participated. The study is designed as a case, where the case is framed by the model that the municipality has designed for their work on children’s and young people’s influence. The study’s empirical data has been collected through observations and dialogue sessions. Through these observations of their work, it became possible to see how their understanding is expressed (see e.g. Lalander, 2015; Kawulich, 2005). In doing so, the observations have been a prerequisite for studying conditions and expressions that emerge while they work and how these can enable or hinder politicians’ and civil servants’ learning. The study’s dialogue sessions were inspired by unstructured focus groups (Wibeck, 2010) and reflexive participant collaboration (Motulsky, 2021). Prior to the dialogue session, participants viewed a stimulus material based on the observations. These meetings allowed politicians and civil servants to develop their thoughts about the work previously observed (see e.g. Motulsky 2021; Wibeck, 2010). The empirical material that forms the basis of the analysis consists of three parts, (1) observation notes, (2) transcripts from dialogue sessions and (3) written documents. In the current study, data triangulation has been used. By collecting data in such a way, it’s possible to see what commonly occurs on different occasions and what becomes visible in situated contexts (Fusch, Fusch & Ness, 2018). It can be described by the way observations relate to different activities between people and groups where the context becomes central. Triangulation has been used in this study to deepen knowledge about how these different factors complement each other in the municipality’s work. All data was analysed through a thematic analysis based on the work of Braun and Clarke (2006). The analysis aimed to identify and investigate patterns in the material in relation to the purpose of the study and resulted in five themes with subthemes. Results The study’s material shows how politicians’ and civil servants’ experience external demands and internal expectations become prerequisites for the shaping of their learning processes. The external and internal contexts create conditions for what knowledge both individuals, groups, and the organization obtain (see e.g. Argote 2013; Argote & Miron-Spector, 2011). The study shows how their work is shaped by external requirements which contain overall goals based on the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child and the national goals for youth policy (SFS 2018:1197; Prop. 2013/14:191). The external context is also shaped by existing norms, such as norms about age, and the way politicians formulate policies that are institutionalized in their work (see e.g. Butler, 1980). Norms regarding children and childhood shape their work including policies and politics. In the external contexts of the work, there is also a contradiction that can be exemplified by nationally prevalent political expressions such as "being the adult in the room" which comes into conflict with the point of view regarding children as competent actors, stated in the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child (SFS 2018:1197). The different demands formulated by the external context also have an impact on how the local goals and efforts are shaped.  This study shows how commitment and motivation are prerequisite for sharing experiences and knowledge at work. Politicians and civil servants participate in various knowledge-raising activities related to work with children’s and young people’s influence and then bring these experiences to their smaller working groups. The discussions that take place at work can be understood as a way of assimilating knowledge, i.e. how they try to make sense of others' experiences and knowledge in their own context (see e.g. Cohen & Levinthal, 1990; Vaghefi, Lapointe & Shahbaznehad, 2018). However, the results reveal challenges in transferring the information to new situations and making use of it. The results show that the new forms of work largely resemble their previous structures. An explanation could be seen in terms of how their experiences affect the knowledge they acquire (see e.g. Argote, 2013; Argote & Miron-Spektor, 2011). An alternative way of understanding this might be that reaching out to a wider range of young people is a complex issue. It also appears from previous studies that organizations can encounter difficulties in dealing with complex problems and that individuals and groups tend to propose solutions that are familiar to them (Fang, Lee & Shilling, 2010). These issues can be difficult to address in the context of previous experience, and this demonstrates the need to develop new knowledge in and for efforts to increase children’s and young people’s influence.  The results of the study also indicate that the information and knowledge gained at work is mostly limited to discussions in smaller working groups. Previous studies have emphasized the importance of information and knowledge being discussed between individuals with different backgrounds, which benefits the organization’s ability to utilize it in and for work (Cohen and Levinthal, 1990). Experiences and knowledge are mainly discussed in smaller constellations, limiting the possibility of making these discussions into a common knowledge resource.  Discussion and Conclusions The results of the study show that external and internal contexts of work, together with experiences, affect directions that politicians and civil servants see as viable in their work on increasing children’s and young people’s influence. The external context for work includes goal formulations, legal provisions as well as norms that shape conditions for the way politicians and civil servants make sense of their work within a local context. The results also show vague goal formulations in both the external and internal contexts of their work, which contributes to creating implicit goals for work. Previous studies have emphasized the importance of breaking down overall goals, to make the core of the work visible and for individuals and groups to create the circumstances for sharing relevant experiences and knowledge (see e.g. Goswami & Agrawal, 2020). The results of the study highlight the importance of working within the organization to develop a common understanding of goals and the reason for working to increase children’s and young people's influence. The results also indicate that existing norms regarding children and childhood constitute a hinderance to the conditions needed for politicians’ and civil servants’ learning processes. The division between children’s rights and children’s protection contributes to the challenges that politicians and civil servants encounter in their work. The results of the study show that politicians and civil servants need to reflect upon their experiences of children and understanding of childhood and how doing this is a condition for doing their job. This is to bridge a dichotomous way of thinking about children’s rights and children’s protection. These two perspectives do not have to create contradictions but can be united in the efforts to increase children's and young people’s influence. These two perspectives have been highlighted in previous studies which found that they do not have to imply contradictions, but rather that it is necessary to include both concerns in their work (see e.g. Hellman, Hekkilä, Sundhall, 2014; Gustafsson, 2022). The results indicate that there is a need to pay attention to norms about age that appear in the work done by politicians and civil servants. This study contributes to other findings showing it is important to think critically about one’s previous notions regarding age and what these experiences add to new situations at work. / Den här studien belyser villkor och uttryck för politikers och tjänstemäns lärande i deras arbete med barns och ungas inflytande. Studien tar sin utgångspunkt i hur politiker och tjänstemän beskriver erfarenheter de tar med sig från arbetet med barn och unga och vilka villkor som möjliggör och hindrar deras lärprocesser i arbetet med barns och ungas inflytande. Studien är en fallstudie som ramas in av politikers och tjänstemäns arbete med den modell som de utvecklat för arbetet med barns och ungas inflytande. I studien har nio politiker och 16 tjänstemän deltagit. Materialet har samlats in genom observationer, dialogmöten samt dokument. Observationerna genomfördes vid möten som har en relation till kommunens modell, under tidperioden oktober 2020 – juni 2022. Inför studiens dialogmöten användes tematiseringar från de genomförda observationerna som stimulusmaterial. Avslutningsvis genomfördes dialogmöten i två grupperingar, politiker respektive tjänstemän. Dialogmötena möjliggjorde för politiker och tjänstemän att resonera och reflektera kring det arbete som tidigare observerats.  En utgångspunkt i studien är att politiker och tjänstemän har individuella och kollektiva erfarenheter och kunskaper som synliggörs i arbetet med barns och ungas inflytande. Dessa erfarenheter blir, tillsammans med de yttre och inre kontexterna i arbetet, centrala för vilka vägar de ser som framkomliga. De yttre kontexterna innehåller målformuleringar, lagrum och normer som formar villkor för hur politiker respektive tjänstemän begripliggör arbetet inom deras lokala kontext. De vaga målformuleringarna inom de yttre och inre kontexterna bidrar till att det skapas implicita mål för arbetet. Resultatet visar även på att normer kring barn och barndom utgör ett hindrande villkor för politikers och tjänstemäns lärande. Uppdelningen som finns i såväl omgivningen som organisationen mellan barns rätt och barns skydd kan här förstås bidragande till de utmaningar som de möter. Studiens resultat visar ett behov av att rikta uppmärksamhet mot normer kring ålder som framträder i arbetet och vad de erfarenheter som de formar bidrar med till och för arbetet.  I studien framträder även hur engagemang och motivation hos politiker och tjänstemän blir förutsättningsskapande för att utveckla arbetet likväl som för att skapa lärandeprocesser. Diskussionerna som sker i arbetet, kan förstås bidra till att politiker respektive tjänstemän delar erfarenheter och kunskaper. För att dessa erfarenheter och kunskaper ska bli till en resurs för arbetet krävs att dessa assimileras, det vill säga omsätts i nya situationer. Studiens resultat visar att de individer som deltar i olika former av kunskapshöjande aktiviteter får en viktig roll i att dela och begripliggöra information och kunskap till övriga inom organisationen. Det framgår även att de erfarenheter och kunskaper som utvecklas framför allt delas i mindre arbetsgrupper. Här framträder ett behov av att utveckla arbetssätt för att ta vara på de erfarenheter och kunskaper som utvecklas, för att dessa framåt kan utgöra en gemensam kunskapsresurs för och i arbetet.

<p>Internationella infrastrukturprojekt är globala och offentliga processer. Globala kan de anses vara för att flera länder är involverade, och offentliga är de för att allmänheten måste vara deltagande part under processens gång.</p><p>Bosnien och Hercegovina är det enda landet i Europa som inte byggt en motorväg. Landet är ett efterkrigsland som har haft svårigheter med uppbyggnaden av infrastrukturen. Det största problemet var bristen på statliga finanser. 1997 blev BiH medlem i PETrN (Pan European</p><p>Transport Net), varefter planerna för ett motorvägsbygge återinfördes och denna gång blev allvarligt studerade. Projektet fick namnet “5c”, ett vägnät som skulle integrera landet med resten av Europa.</p><p>Under de senaste 5 åren har motorvägen varit aktuell. Problemen uppstod när finansieringsfrågan framträdde. Staten hade svårigheter med budgeten och privata investerare söktes. Ett stort bolag ställde upp på att finansiera hela projektet men motstånd fanns hos de politiska partierna.</p><p>I samband med det här projektet har jag beskrivit ett annat, lyckat projekt, nämligen Öresundsbron. Öresundsprojektet har blivit lyckat eftersom resultaten visat sig positiva och framgångsrika. Frågan blir, vilka svårigheter måste BiH bemöta för att lyckas lika bra som Sverige gjorde.</p><p>Infrastrukturprojekt har alltid haft anhängare och motståndare. Orsaken har att göra med projektets betydelse och vad det kommer att medföra. Allteftersom projektet är allmänt och berör alla så medför det eventuell kritik. De olika deltagande strävar efter olika mål och kräver olika lösningar. En beslutsprocess tar tid. Deltagare träffas vid särskilda sammanträden och förhandlar. Fördröjningar blir vanliga pga. deltagarnas olika intressen. Målet blir att åstadkomma kompromiss och finna lösningar på problemen. Men blir alla parter verkligen nöjda i slutändan?</p>

<p>Radon is a hazardous substance that cannot be perceived by our senses. It has long been known that exposure to high radon levels for a long period of time will ultimately cause lung cancer. The Swedish Radiation Safety Authority estimates that 500 people die annually due to this. Although most of them are smokers, even non-smokers suffer from lung cancer caused by radon. The statutory value for radon in homes today is 200 Bq/m³. Several years of research points to the fact that 63% of all those who develop lung cancer have been exposed to radon levels between 100-200 Bq/m³. This is why the WHO has lowered the recommended value to  100 Bq/m³,  and The Radiation Safety Authority of Sweden also has the same recommendation today. This study has been rendered to the Municipality of Eskilstuna, and its environmental and emergency management. The study has identified 72 % of the rental properties for radon measurements and action through personal visits to 14 large and medium-sized property managers in Eskilstuna. Several conclusions can be made from the study. Generally, very few measurements have been made and these have shown 6 % of high radon levels. The various property managers are at very different levels regarding their work with radon and there are very big differences amongst them as regards giving priority to the issue with radon. In 2020, the Swedish parliament has decided that no one should be exposed to radon levels above 200 Bq/m³ in their homes. Today there is legislation that applies against radon in apartment buildings as well as effective methods to reduce radon levels. However, the problem is instead the fact that there is a lack of resources at hand for the public health inspectors. Consequently, it seems rather impossible achieving the goal set for 2020. Thus it is of utmost interest to highlight this problem for the politicians that ultimately set the budget for the services in the municipality.</p>

Radon is a hazardous substance that cannot be perceived by our senses. It has long been known that exposure to high radon levels for a long period of time will ultimately cause lung cancer. The Swedish Radiation Safety Authority estimates that 500 people die annually due to this. Although most of them are smokers, even non-smokers suffer from lung cancer caused by radon. The statutory value for radon in homes today is 200 Bq/m³. Several years of research points to the fact that 63% of all those who develop lung cancer have been exposed to radon levels between 100-200 Bq/m³. This is why the WHO has lowered the recommended value to  100 Bq/m³,  and The Radiation Safety Authority of Sweden also has the same recommendation today. This study has been rendered to the Municipality of Eskilstuna, and its environmental and emergency management. The study has identified 72 % of the rental properties for radon measurements and action through personal visits to 14 large and medium-sized property managers in Eskilstuna. Several conclusions can be made from the study. Generally, very few measurements have been made and these have shown 6 % of high radon levels. The various property managers are at very different levels regarding their work with radon and there are very big differences amongst them as regards giving priority to the issue with radon. In 2020, the Swedish parliament has decided that no one should be exposed to radon levels above 200 Bq/m³ in their homes. Today there is legislation that applies against radon in apartment buildings as well as effective methods to reduce radon levels. However, the problem is instead the fact that there is a lack of resources at hand for the public health inspectors. Consequently, it seems rather impossible achieving the goal set for 2020. Thus it is of utmost interest to highlight this problem for the politicians that ultimately set the budget for the services in the municipality.

The purpose of this study is to examine the implementation of the Convention on the elimination of all forms of discrimination against women, CEDAW, in Uppsala local council and county council. The aim is to examine how the respondents, in their daily work, understand and implement the convention as well as how they consider the prerequisites for a successful implementation. The study was conducted using qualitative interviews with three civil servants and four politicians. The theoretical approach was implementation theory whose concepts willingness, comprehension and capability were used as tools for the analysis. The results portray CEDAW as a well-known treaty amongst the respondents but at the same time absent in local politics and everyday work. The convention is perceived as an abstract and ideological document which reveals the respondents’ insufficient knowledge about CEDAW as a human rights treaty and the state´s obligation to eliminate discrimination against women. The results also indicate that unclear instructions and responsibility distribution as well as lack of resources, such as time and knowledge, obstruct successful implementation of CEDAW. In conclusion, gender equality is neither a prioritised issue in Uppsala local council and county council and nor seen as a human right.

Internationella infrastrukturprojekt är globala och offentliga processer. Globala kan de anses vara för att flera länder är involverade, och offentliga är de för att allmänheten måste vara deltagande part under processens gång. Bosnien och Hercegovina är det enda landet i Europa som inte byggt en motorväg. Landet är ett efterkrigsland som har haft svårigheter med uppbyggnaden av infrastrukturen. Det största problemet var bristen på statliga finanser. 1997 blev BiH medlem i PETrN (Pan European Transport Net), varefter planerna för ett motorvägsbygge återinfördes och denna gång blev allvarligt studerade. Projektet fick namnet “5c”, ett vägnät som skulle integrera landet med resten av Europa. Under de senaste 5 åren har motorvägen varit aktuell. Problemen uppstod när finansieringsfrågan framträdde. Staten hade svårigheter med budgeten och privata investerare söktes. Ett stort bolag ställde upp på att finansiera hela projektet men motstånd fanns hos de politiska partierna. I samband med det här projektet har jag beskrivit ett annat, lyckat projekt, nämligen Öresundsbron. Öresundsprojektet har blivit lyckat eftersom resultaten visat sig positiva och framgångsrika. Frågan blir, vilka svårigheter måste BiH bemöta för att lyckas lika bra som Sverige gjorde. Infrastrukturprojekt har alltid haft anhängare och motståndare. Orsaken har att göra med projektets betydelse och vad det kommer att medföra. Allteftersom projektet är allmänt och berör alla så medför det eventuell kritik. De olika deltagande strävar efter olika mål och kräver olika lösningar. En beslutsprocess tar tid. Deltagare träffas vid särskilda sammanträden och förhandlar. Fördröjningar blir vanliga pga. deltagarnas olika intressen. Målet blir att åstadkomma kompromiss och finna lösningar på problemen. Men blir alla parter verkligen nöjda i slutändan?

Zugl.: Frankfurt (Main), Universiẗat, Diss., 2008.