ABSTRACT PEACE BUILDING AFTER HUMANITARIAN INTERVENTION: THE CASE OF BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA Latif, Dilek Ph.D., Department of International Relations Supervisor: Prof. Dr. ihsan D. Dagi August 2005, 379 pages. This dissertation analyzes peace building process after humanitarian intervention. It conceptualizes peace building through questioning the feasibility of peace building following a humanitarian intervention. Addressing the deficiency of contemporary peace building approach, this thesis indicates the shortcomings of the various instruments of peace building in contributing peace and reconciliation on the case of Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH). Besides, it shows the drawbacks of the current practice that peace building is a learning process, which employs the lessons learnt to advance the efficiency of peace building process. There is a lack of comprehensive approach to peace building, based on case studies, evaluating the shortcomings and merits of all the instruments of peace building that provides a general strategy. Despite abundancy of policy oriented research to contribute policy making, academic work to analyze such a complicated phenomena has been frail. Within this context, contribution of the dissertation is to demonstrate the entire picture and question viability of the peace building process in war-torn societies. Therefore, it is enriching the study on the peace building operations. Failure of institutionalization of peace in BiH after almost a decade of rigorous peace building efforts of the international community shows the fault of the mainstream understanding of peace building. The dissertation also unveils that engagement in Kosovo is the product of a similar strategy, which in practice either repeated the same fruitless methods or tried to build on the experience obtained in Bosnia but failed to heal up the troubles and challenges faced in Kosovo. Overall, the study points out the inevitability of a novel approach and an alternative peace building strategy beyond the policy-related focus.

This thesis aims to explain how post-conflict environmental initiatives affect women’s empowerment within natural resource management in the short term. It argues that the lack of causal effect between the variables can be explained by the robustness of patriarchal institutions. Gender-sensitive environmental peacebuilding lacks the strength to counter traditional and well-established formal and informal societal structures. Using a structured focused comparison on Sudan and Democratic Republic of Congo the analysis shows that UNEP Country Recovery Programmes, which are used as an example of the post-conflict environmental initiatives, were unable to change women’s position within natural resource management in the first five years of the establishment. Even though presented theoretical frameworks partially explain the results, more research is needed to draw informed and conclusive inferences.

Depuis la signature de l’Accord de paix du Vendredi Saint, l’Irlande du Nord a entamé son processus de transition après trente ans d’un conflit communément appelé les Troubles. Parmi les questions relatives à son cheminement se pose celle du Bloody Sunday. Lors de cet évènement tristement célèbre des Troubles, quatorze civils furent tués par des soldats britanniques, alors qu’ils prenaient part à une manifestation pour les droits civiques. Les soldats n’ont pas eu à faire face au processus judiciaire, malgré la volonté des familles des victimes d’obtenir justice. Une amnistie visant les soldats responsables fut proposée en mars 2014, à titre de mécanisme de justice transitionnelle pour accompagner la société nord- irlandaise dans sa démarche vers un état de paix. Entre droit et politique, plusieurs questions se posent relativement à un tel projet. La présente étude vise à examiner la validité de cette proposition d’amnistie eu égard aux valeurs de l’État de droit. / Since the Good Friday Agreement was signed in 1998, the Northern Irish society has embarked on its transitional process towards peace, attempting to leave behind thirty years of a conflict commonly known as the Troubles. This outcome brings to light many different issues, amongst which is that of the Bloody Sunday. This infamous event of the Troubles saw fourteen civilians killed by British soldiers as they were taking part in a civil rights demonstration. The soldiers were spared the judicial process despite the efforts deployed by the victims’ families to bring them to justice. In 2014, an amnesty was suggested as a transitional justice mechanism to further the society’s transition to the post-conflict era. This study examines the validity of such an amnesty in light of the underlying values of the Rule of Law.

This thesis develops a model that can be used to assess the ability of religious institutions to contribute to post-conflict state building. Highlighting the tendency in state building literature to stop short in discussing what seems to be inferred, but unnameable—religion—the research proposes a framework that identifies theoretical mechanisms through which religious institutions can contribute to post-conflict state building. Drawing from the theologies of Roman Catholicism and Sunni Islam the thesis then reflects upon why they would, of their own accord, lend their considerable legitimacy and resources. The thesis diverges from traditional approaches such as rational choice theory that suggest religious institutions act to maximise membership or assets, and instead embraces a teleological view recognizing the importance of belief structures in understanding a religious institution's motivations. It embraces salvation as a hermeneutical key to outline a Roman Catholic theology of state building while drawing upon the concept of justice for Sunni Islam. The thesis concludes by incorporating the particularistic nuances of Bosnia and Herzegovina's unique historically and culturally influenced religious practices, structures and theologies to suggest the ability and willingness of the two religions' institutions to contribute to their country's state building.

Contributing to a fairly new discipline in the region, this study investigates the objectives, contents, design, approaches, strategies and methodologies involved in a Peace Education initiative called The Young Peace Ambassador Program (TYPAP), which is being implemented in East Africa and the Horn of Africa. The aim of the study is to outline the nature, causes and consequences of conflict and violence in northern Kenya and Somalia by looking at the way in which peace education can help build a culture of peace in northern Kenya and Somalia. Accordingly, the consistency of TYPAP with peace education principles, its impact according to interviewees and how far it has met its own objectives were assessed. Thus, using a qualitative case study methodology employing content analysis, interviews and observations, this dissertation shows that TYPAP a multifaceted peace education initiative working with local partners – has potential not just for creating awareness of peace issues, but also for cultivating the seeds of a culture of peace. Following Galtung’s theories, the dissertation also indicates that it is not just “structural violence”, but also the deeper symptoms of “cultural violence”, that we may need to address in taking the region forward in the coming years. / Educational Studies / M. Ed. (Philosophy of Education)

The difficulty of transforming war economies into peace economies has become increasingly problematic in the search for long-term peace and stability in Africa. In many African countries such as Sierra Leone, Angola and the Democratic Republic of Congo, conflict actors have created distinct war economies in order to maintain the conflict in these countries. The enduring nature of the war economies presents a unique challenge to actors involved in ensuring that peace returns to a country by applying a peacebuilding strategy. The economic environment during a conflict has a vast influence on a post-conflict economy and a post-conflict reconstruction strategy. Although post-war rebuilding occurred during the reconstruction of Europe and Japan after the Second World War, the terms "post-conflict peacebuilding" and "post-conflict reconstruction" have only came to prominence during the mid-1990s. Using the case study of Sierra Leone, this study explores the challenge of war economies and its impact on post-conflict reconstruction. Sierra Leone presents an appealing case study as the country experienced a very profitable war economy during the armed conflict in the country between 1991 and 2002, and continues to struggle to transform this war economy into a peace economy. The case study of Sierra Leone is well researched, however, most studies focus on the conflict period, and only briefly look at the post-conflict period. In addition, discussions of post-conflict reconstruction in Sierra Leone have failed to adequately address the challenges presented by the war economy. This study uses existing analyses about the war economy in Sierra Leone, and links these to the current post-conflict reconstruction strategy, focusing specifically on the economic dimension. Therefore, this study represents a departure from traditional approaches to exploring war economies because it considers the direct impact these economic systems have on the process of post-conflict reconstruction. / Dissertation (MA)--University of Pretoria, 2010. / Political Sciences / unrestricted

Peace processes have been slow to recognise women, which is later reflected in the political landscape of the post-conflict society. Researchers have emphasised that the post-conflict setting many times constitutes a greater challenge for women than men as they face more vulnerability and insecurity in forms of domestic violence and being excluded from the formal peace processes. This is the case for Bosnia and Herzegovina, which is still facing difficulties both socially, politically and economically due to the civil war at the beginning of the 1990s. For instance, the country is facing major economic difficulties, which have contributed to high unemployment rates which is especially affecting women and the youth. Thereby this study which is based on eight qualitative semi-structured interviews explores how young women with tertiary education in Bosnia and Herzegovina experience their participation in the post-conflict setting, and what out-looks they have on their future in relation to the predominant gender order. Through the thematic analysis and by using a theoretical framework related to “Conflict, Gender, Ethnicity and Post-Conflict Reconstruction” and “gender order” their experiences were analysed. The results of this study show that although the young women experienced that they could participate in society, all of them experienced obstacles related to politics and gender traditional expectations of women. Their outlooks were relatively positive as they recognised several opportunities to fulfil their dreams due to education. Moreover, the majority of them wanted to stay in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The post-conflict setting is affecting the entire population, however, young women are further affected by the gender order. Ultimately, the patriarchal gender order which is heightened in the post-conflict setting is impacting these young women’s participation and outlooks, which limits their prospects. However, through their participation and how they conduct themselves, they are opposing the place they have been given in the gender order. / Fredsprocesser har varit långsamma med att erkänna kvinnor, vilket senare har återspeglats i det politiska landskapet i samhället efter en konflikt. Forskare menar på att tiden efter en konflikt många gånger utgör en större utmaning för kvinnor än för män, eftersom de är mer sårbara och ofta möter olika former av våld i hemmet samt utesluts från de formella fredsprocesserna. Det här är fallet för Bosnien och Hercegovina, som fortfarande står inför svårigheter både socialt, politiskt och ekonomiskt på grund av inbördeskriget i början av 1990-talet. Landet står exempelvis inför stora ekonomiska svårigheter, vilket har bidragit till den höga arbetslösheten som särskilt drabbar kvinnor och ungdomar. Mot bakgrund av det här undersöker studien, som baseras på åtta kvalitativa semi-strukturerade intervjuer, hur unga kvinnor med högre utbildning i Bosnien och Hercegovina upplever sitt deltagande i det post-konfliktsamhälle som de lever i, hur deras framtidssyn ser ut och hur de förhåller sig till den nuvarande genusordningen. Genom tematisk analys och användningen av ett teoretiskt ramverk relaterat till “Konflikt, genus, etnicitet och post-konfliktrekonstruktion” och ”genusordning” analyserades deras erfarenheter. Resultatet av studien visar att de unga kvinnorna upplevde att de kunde delta i samhället men också att de kände vissa hinder, relaterade till politik och de traditionella könsrollerna som finns i samhället. Samtidigt var de ungas syn på framtiden relativt positiv, då de ansåg att det fanns många möjligheter för dem att uppfylla sina drömmar eftersom de hade studerat. Många av dem ville stanna i Bosnien och Hercegovina. Miljön som är i ett post-konfliktsamhälle påverkar hela befolkningen dock är unga kvinnor extra utsatta, då de också är påverkade av den regerande genusordningen. Den nuvarande patriarkala genusordningen som ofta kulminerar i ett post-konfliktsamhälle begränsar de unga kvinnornas deltagande, vilket påverkar deras tankar om framtiden. Dock, genom sitt deltagande och agerande i samhället sätter de sig emot den plats som de har tilldelats i genusordningen.

A subject of this diploma thesis is a role of private military companies (PMCs) in security sector reform (SSR) in Iraq in a period from 2003 to 2011. The first chapter of the thesis focuses on goals and process of post-conflict SSR from a theoretical point of view because of an involvement of PMCs in post-conflict reconstruction which was taking place in Iraq. Part of the theoretical chapter is a SSR and steps which is the SSR process composed of. The second chapter concentrates on definitions and typologies of PMCs. This part of the thesis makes a distinction between mercenaries and private military contractors and PMCs themselves. Last but not least the second chapter encompasses discussion about a role of PMCs in a process of SSR in post-conflict countries. The third chapter is dedicated to a historical development of cooperation between PMCs and the US; it analyses roots of the US dependence on services provided by PMCs. A case study of Iraq elaborates on a role of PMCs in a process of Iraqi security reform. Aim of this chapter is to define advantages and disadvantages of usage of services provided by PMCs. By taking into account disadvantages employment of PMCs represents, steps that could help to avoid those in the future are suggested.

This paper will investigate what role human rights can play in the reconstruction of a post-conflict society. The true root causes of conflict are not addressed by prior peace interventions, often governments are unable to deliver to their populations what they were promised. This thesis is guided by an overarching research interest in how during these situations, peacebuilding, human rights, and the construction of a new, accountable social contract can go hand-in-hand. The case study of the Central African Republic’s conflicts will be used to investigate the hypothesis. Nurturing and restoring society’s trust in the peacebuilding process is often underestimated. To break the vicious cycle of self-enforcing conflicts and their recurrence, a revitalisation of the social contract may be a strategy to optimize working towards reconciling the post-conflict society. The research finds that a human rights-rooted social contract approach in a post-conflict society can impact the peacebuilding positively.

This thesis investigates how everyday patterns of interactions among civil society organizations are transformed in a relatively short period of time when major changes in the broader political context occur. More precisely, it focuses on civic organizations engaged in environmental activism and advocacy in the Basque Country, examining whether ETA’s decision to abandon the armed struggle on October 20th, 2011 has affected their dynamics of collaboration. Combining diverse theoretical elements from the literature on social movements, together with insights from studies of civil society and peacebuilding, and relying upon the conceptual and methodological toolbox of social network analysis (SNA), I analyze the evolution of interorganizational networks of collective action before and after the end of violence, specifically, between the years 2007 and 2017. The empirical core of the dissertation is comprised by chapters 5, 6 and 7. Chapter 5 examines the varying impact of two main external ideological cleavages (national identity and position towards ETA’s violence) on interorganizational collaboration. The findings confirm that allegiances and conflicts related to these two dimensions used to condition collaborative ties between organizations up to 2011, while during the more recent post-conflict period collaborative patterns seem to be less segmented along ideological lines. Chapter 6 complements the preceding one by adding into the analysis several other non-ideological predictors of interorganizational collaboration. Results show that, with the end of ETA’s armed struggle, pragmatic-instrumental factors and interpersonal bonds seem to play a larger role as drivers of public collaboration. Next, chapter 7 engages in a quite different and more exploratory kind of analysis. Applying Diani’s modes of coordination (MoC) analytical framework, I explore whether the underlying relational logics through which civic actors engage with one another have significantly changed before and after the end of violence. The structural network analyses conducted reveal that social movement patterns of relations have expanded after 2011, becoming dominant vis-à-vis other modes of coordination. At the same time, actors embedded in a social movement mode of coordination are slightly more heterogeneous after the definitive demise of the violent conflict in comparison with the previous phase. Taken as a whole, these findings can be interpreted as positive signs of post-conflict normalization of socio-political life in the Basque Country. The fact that environmental civic networks are now denser and more cross-cutting does not only mirror the lower saliency of the cleavages that used to severely condition Basque politics, but it can also serve as a powerful mechanism through which a more tolerant and vibrant democratic community can progressively be built. Overall, this dissertation provides a more nuanced and complex view of the role played by organized civil society and social movements in deeply divided communities, underlining the need to focus on their relational structure in order to correctly assess their potential impact on social integration and the functioning of democracy. Moreover, by analyzing networks among civic organizations in a longitudinal perspective, this dissertation makes several original contributions to social movement scholarship, especially to the stream of literature focusing on coalition making. Methodologically, the replication or adaptation of the empirical design employed in this research could be instrumental in fostering more longitudinal examinations of collective action fields, which until now remain scarce. From a theoretical standpoint, this investigation underlines the context-dependent nature of even well-established patterns of political interactions, underscoring the need to pay more attention to the complex interplay between historical conjunctures and underlying everyday patterns of sociopolitical behavior.