nÃo hà / The practice of Living Pharmacies (FVs) in Fortaleza precedes Phytotherapy Deployment Policy in Public Health in the state of CearÃ, Decree No. 30016 of December 30, 2009. Conceived by Professor Francisco Josà Matos, the FVs make up the practices complementary integrative, anchored in the Municipal Public Policy and National Medicinal Plants and Herbal medicines. To understand how this municipal public policy within living pharmacy emerged and structure, and social actors see this public policy, there was the use of historical methods of the timeline, an analysis of questionnaires given to social actors managers FVs and another questionnaire for implementers of public policy. As the questionnaires analytical tool, we used descriptive statistics and an approach of discourse analysis. Was obtained, so that two timelines Public Policy of Medicinal Plants and Herbal medicines: one at the state level and the other nacional. Uma type of medicinal and herbal plant production system for FVs the city of Fortaleza showing steps production and its social actors involved for each PV. And the perception of social actors involved in FVs, as to feel motivated, pelapolÃtica benefit of FV in Fortaleza. Thus, the timelines of public policy in question showed that there is a cause and effect relationship in the emergence of a public policy; whereas the types of FVs allowed to observe how each one works before the public policy and its adaptations. Finally, there was sea perception of social actors as sesentirem be motivated, beneficiadospela FV policy in Fortaleza, which showed satisfactory levels. / A prÃtica das FarmÃcias Vivas (FVs) no MunicÃpio de Fortaleza precede a PolÃtica de ImplantaÃÃo da Fitoterapia em SaÃde PÃblica no Estado do CearÃ, Decreto N 30.016 de 30 de dezembro de 2009. Idealizada pelo professor Francisco Josà Matos, as FVs compÃem as praticas integrativas complementares, ancoradas na PolÃtica PÃblica Municipal e Nacional de Plantas Medicinais e FitoterÃpicos. Para compreender como essa polÃtica pÃblica municipal no Ãmbito farmÃcia viva surgiu e se estrutura, e como os atores sociais veem essa polÃtica pÃblica, fez-se do uso de metodologias histÃricas da linha do tempo, uma analise dos questionÃrios aplicados aos atores sociais gestores das FVs e outro questionÃrio destinado aos executores da polÃtica pÃblica. Como instrumento de anÃlise dos questionÃrios,empregou-se a estatÃstica descritiva e uma aproximaÃÃo da anÃlise do discurso. Obteve-se, assim, duas linhas do tempo da PolÃtica PÃblica de Plantas Medicinais e FitoterÃpicos: uma em Ãmbito estadual e a outra nacional.Uma tipologia de sistema de produÃÃo de plantas medicinal e fitoterÃpica para as FVs do MunicÃpio de Fortaleza mostrando as etapas de produÃÃo e seus atores sociais envolvidos para cada FV. E a percepÃÃo dos atores sociais envolvidos nas FVs, quanto a se sentirem-se motivados, beneficiados pelapolÃtica da FV em Fortaleza. Dessa forma, as linhas de tempo da polÃtica pÃblica em questÃo demonstraram que hà uma relaÃÃo de causa e efeito no surgimento de uma polÃtica pÃblica; ao passo que as tipologias das FVs permitiu observar como cada uma funciona perante à polÃtica pÃblica e suas adaptaÃÃes. Por ultimo,observou-sea percepÃÃo dos atores sociais quanto a sesentirem-se motivados, beneficiadospela polÃtica da FV em Fortaleza, que apresentou Ãndices satisfatÃrios.

Submitted by Jorge Silva (jorgelmsilva@ufrrj.br) on 2017-06-09T21:13:57Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2012 - Paulie Ceres Palasios.pdf: 1522905 bytes, checksum: 69ffa94fdf132a99c854d452de39229b (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-06-09T21:13:57Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2012 - Paulie Ceres Palasios.pdf: 1522905 bytes, checksum: 69ffa94fdf132a99c854d452de39229b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-06-18 / This research aimed to analyzing the role of Instituto Federal Goiano - Campus Ceres in the social and economic territorial development of Vale de S?o Patr?cio, in the state of Goi?s, Brazil. Questionnaires and semi-structured interviews were conducted to alumni of the Instituto and to different actors and agencies of development within the limits of Vale de S?o Patr?cio. The results demonstrated there is participation of this institution in the development of the region. But the results also showed a number of possibilities for the action of IF Goiano - Campus Ceres through the functions attributed to it by legislation 11.892/2008. / Este estudo teve como escopo a an?lise da inser??o e atua??o do Instituto Federal Goiano - Campus Ceres no desenvolvimento territorial do Vale de S?o Patr?cio, Goi?s. Para tanto foram aplicados question?rios e feitas entrevistas semiestruturadas a diferentes atores e ag?ncias de desenvolvimento local/regional no ?mbito do Vale de S?o Patr?cio, bem como egressos dos cursos do IF Goiano - Campus Ceres. Os resultados demonstraram que h? participa??o dessa institui??o no desenvolvimento da regi?o. No entanto, os resultados tamb?m mostraram muitas possibilidades para a??o do IF Goiano - Campus Ceres em seu territ?rio diante das atribui??es que lhe confere a Lei 11.892/2008.

Submitted by Jorge Silva (jorgelmsilva@ufrrj.br) on 2017-06-20T20:01:03Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2016 - Yamile Lined Ramos Mahecha.pdf: 3895363 bytes, checksum: 950018eb665057a1690bcde81c267eb9 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-06-20T20:01:03Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2016 - Yamile Lined Ramos Mahecha.pdf: 3895363 bytes, checksum: 950018eb665057a1690bcde81c267eb9 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-06-28 / CAPES / This research has as its main objective to carry out a comparative study of policies encouraging family farming (AF) of Brazil and Colombia, between 1990 and 2010. During this period there was significant changes in both contexts, recognizing social and political category of family farming and the emergence of specific policies for this segment. To that end, previously established five benchmarks: i) the historical trajectory and evolution of the concept of family agriculture, with emphasis on the construction and configuration in both countries; ii) social actors in the rural areas, especially those involved in the construction of the social category of family farming, and also in the creation of public policies for its promotion; iii) the institutional framework built for the management of policies encouraging family farming; iv) development programs for family farming implemented in both countries, namely: the National Program for Strengthening Family Agriculture (PRONAF) and the Financing Fund of the Agricultural Sector (FINAGRO); v) and the main policy instruments used for the promotion of family farming that act in parallel to rural credit programs. This research was conducted through the use of primary sources (government documents) and secondary (specialized literature on the subject). The emphasis of the analyzes carried out during this thesis focuses on the attempt to make a comparison of the different national contexts in which they operate to support policies on family farming. In this direction, the study demonstrates that in both countries the claims produced by the struggles of their social actors and organizations of rural reverberated directly in the character of policies encouraging the AF adopted, as these represent important advances both for Brazil and for Colombia. As a result, both countries have also strengthened the institutional support for family farming, through the creation of a diverse set of development policies in order to improve their productive performance. The analysis of this dissertation show that Brazil is distinguished by having specific policies for AF, while Colombia is characterized more by more general policies, although the government has been trying to incorporate more specific policies in recent years. In this sense, cooperation agreements between the two countries can make important contributions to the improvement of policies encouraging family farming through the comparative analysis of current experiences. / A presente pesquisa tem como objetivo principal realizar um estudo comparativo das pol?ticas de fomento ? agricultura familiar (AF) do Brasil e da Col?mbia, entre os anos de 1990 e 2010. Nesse per?odo, observou-se mudan?as significativas nos dois contextos, com o reconhecimento da categoria social e pol?tica da agricultura familiar e o surgimento de pol?ticas espec?ficas para este segmento. Para tanto, s?o estabelecidos previamente cinco par?metros de compara??o: i) a trajet?ria hist?rica e a evolu??o do conceito de agricultura familiar, enfatizando-se sua constru??o e configura??o nos dois pa?ses; ii) os atores sociais do meio rural, especialmente aqueles envolvidos na constru??o da categoria social da agricultura familiar e, tamb?m, na cria??o das pol?ticas p?blicas para o seu fomento; iii) a institucionalidade constru?da para a gest?o das pol?ticas de fomento ? agricultura familiar; iv) os programas de fomento ? agricultura familiar implementados nos dois pa?ses, a saber: o Programa Nacional de Fortalecimento da Agricultura Familiar (PRONAF) e o Fundo de Financiamento do Setor Agropecu?rio (FINAGRO); v) e os principais instrumentos de pol?ticas utilizados para o fomento da agricultura familiar que atuam em paralelo aos programas de cr?dito rural. Esta pesquisa foi realizada mediante a utiliza??o de fontes prim?rias (documentos governamentais) e secund?rias (literatura especializada sobre o assunto). A ?nfase das an?lises realizadas nesta disserta??o centra-se na tentativa de realizar uma compara??o dos contextos nacionais distintos, nos quais est?o inseridas as pol?ticas de fomento ? Agricultura Familiar. Nesta dire??o, o trabalho demonstra que em ambos os pa?ses as reivindica??es produzidas pelas lutas de seus atores sociais e organiza??es do meio rural repercutiram diretamente no car?ter das pol?ticas de fomento ? AF adotadas, assim como estas representam importantes avan?os tanto para o Brasil quanto para a Col?mbia. Como resultado, ambos os pa?ses tamb?m t?m fortalecido o apoio institucional para a agricultura familiar, mediante a cria??o de um conjunto diversificado de pol?ticas de fomento, visando melhorar o seu desempenho produtivo. As an?lises dessa disserta??o demonstram que o Brasil se diferencia por ter pol?ticas espec?ficas para a AF, enquanto que a Col?mbia se caracteriza mais por pol?ticas mais generalistas, embora o governo tenha tentado incorporar pol?ticas mais espec?ficas nos ?ltimos anos. Neste sentido, os acordos de coopera??o celebrados entre os dois pa?ses podem trazer contribui??es importantes ao aperfei?oamento das pol?ticas de fomento ? agricultura familiar, mediante a an?lise comparativa das experi?ncias em curso.

Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2017-05-18T14:35:20Z No. of bitstreams: 1 juanitoalexandrevieira.pdf: 2179454 bytes, checksum: 328453985b7c31446d4b67dc29a1851e (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2017-05-18T15:41:43Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 juanitoalexandrevieira.pdf: 2179454 bytes, checksum: 328453985b7c31446d4b67dc29a1851e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-05-18T15:41:43Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 juanitoalexandrevieira.pdf: 2179454 bytes, checksum: 328453985b7c31446d4b67dc29a1851e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-04-27 / O Brasil sofre, na década de 1990, a imposição da síntese neoliberal, responsável por mudanças estruturais no próprio conceito de indústria nacional e com repercussão negativa no nível de emprego e na desigualdade social. A instabilidade econômica, em decorrência do descontrole inflacionário, constituiu-se como justificativa para a criação de medidas de austeridade macroeconômica baseadas nos altos juros, na sobrevalorização do câmbio e na ampliação da abertura do mercado interno como promoção da competitividade. O sucesso em controlar a inflação foi utilizado como instrumento político pelo governo Fernando Henrique para forjar apoio de setores industriais a um modelo mais restritivo ao setor produtivo. Apesar de estabelecerem relações distintas com o governo, o IEDI e a CUT assumem posição de resistência ao movimento hegemônico no período. O entendimento das duas entidades mantém a perspectiva de que o Estado precisa assumir a coordenação da política industrial como estratégia para o desenvolvimento nacional. Até 2002, a atuação das duas entidades acontece em campos distintos: os empresários do IEDI, como fração do bloco no poder, atuam de maneira secundária dentro do governo; e a CUT, como oposição ao governo federal, aposta na construção de um campo democrático e popular de enfrentamento ao neoliberalismo. A posse do presidente Lula representa uma alteração na conjuntura política e abre espaço para a retomada de medidas desenvolvimentistas. A indicação de mudança na trajetória político-econômica favorece a movimentação dos principais atores sociais, tanto dentro do bloco no poder como nas classes ausentes da estrutura de governo. O deslocamento desses setores beneficia a formação de uma nova coalizão comprometida com o fortalecimento da indústria doméstica e com a retomada do crescimento. A base para a consolidação dessa coalizão está no estímulo ao desenvolvimento sustentado como meio para articular ganhos de produtividade nas empresas e melhoria da distribuição de renda no país. A estratégia do mercado de massas, o acréscimo das exportações via elevação da competitividade e o aumento dos investimentos públicos para o setor produtivo são eixos prioritários do governo Lula para a retomada do crescimento econômico. A atuação, de maneira complementar, dos dois atores analisados na pesquisa foi decisiva para a modificação das orientações político-econômicas a partir de 2002. Essa nova coalizão garantiu sustentabilidade ao governo Lula para conduzir ações em benefício do crescimento industrial e das políticas de inclusão social. A resistência desses atores ao movimento contrário à atuação do Estado em favor do setor produtivo, hegemônico até 2002, e a capacidade de influência nas políticas públicas para o setor, após esse período, justificam a opção desta tese em analisar as políticas industriais nos governos Fernando Henrique e Lula a partir do olhar do IEDI e da CUT. / Brazil suffers, in the 1990s, the imposition of the neoliberal synthesis, responsible for structural changes in the very concept of national industry and with negative repercussions on the level of employment and social inequality. The economic instability, as a result of the inflationary lack of control, was established as justification for the creation of macroeconomic austerity measures based on high interest rates, the overvaluation of the exchange rate and the expansion of the opening of the domestic market as a promotion of competitiveness. The success in controlling inflation was used as a political instrument by the Fernando Henrique government to forge support from industrial sectors to a more restrictive model to the productive sector. Although establishing distinct relations with the government, IEDI and CUT assume a position of resistance to the hegemonic movement in the period. The understanding of both entities maintains the perspective that the State needs to assume the coordination of industrial policy as a strategy for national development. Until 2002, the performance of the two entities takes place in different fields: the IEDI entrepreneurs, as a fraction of the block in power, act in a secondary way within the government; and the CUT, as opposition to the federal government, is engaged on the construction of a democratic and popular field of confrontation with neoliberalism. The inauguration of President Lula represents a change in the political conjuncture and opens space for the resumption of development measures. The indication of change in the political-economic trajectory favors the movement of the main social actors, both within the ruling block and in the absent classes of the government structure. The displacement of these sectors benefits the formation of a new coalition committed to the strengthening of the domestic industry and the resumption of growth. The basis for the consolidation of this coalition is in stimulating sustained development as a means of articulating productivity gains in companies and improving the distribution of income in the country. The strategy of the mass market, the increase of exports through the elevation of competitiveness and the rise of the public investments for the productive sector are priority axes of the Lula government for the resumption of the economic growth. The performance, in a complementary way, of the two actors analyzed in the research was decisive for the modification of the political-economic orientations as of 2002. This new coalition guaranteed sustainability to the Lula government to lead actions to benefit industrial growth and social inclusion policies. The resistance of these actors to the movement against the State in favor of the productive sector, hegemonic up to 2002, and the capacity of influence in the public policies for the sector, after this period, justify the option of this thesis in analyzing the industrial policies in the Fernando Henrique and Lula governments from the perspective of IEDI and CUT.

Den här studien undersöker hur representationen av hemlöshet ser ut i två svenska gatutidningar: Faktum och Situation Sthlm. Syftet med studien är att bidra till teoretiseringen av mediers representation av hemlöshet, samt att utöka förståelsen för gatutidningar som medium och som plattform för utsatta människor. För att uppnå syftet utgår studiens teoretiska ramverk från kritisk diskursanalys (CDA) och representation av klass. Studiens metod grundar sig på begrepp från CDA, tillsammans med begrepp från van Leeuwens taxonomi för representationer av sociala aktörer. Ett urval av texter från Faktum och Situation Sthlm har gjorts för att kunna studera representationen av hemlöshet i gatutidningar. Resultatet visar att hemlösa representeras utifrån fem olika diskursiva teman. I det första konstrueras hemlösa som aktiva individer med mänskliga egenskaper. I det andra förekommer den motsatta bilden där hemlösa ses som anonyma passiva grupper. Hemlösa representeras också som missbrukare och kriminella. Ett av temana innefattar representationen av externa problem som orsaker till hemlöshet, däribland droger och brott. Slutligen konstrueras ett “vi” och ett “dem” där hemlösa ses som motståndare till icke-hemlösa. / This study examines the representation of homelessness in two Swedish street newspapers: Faktum and Situation Sthlm. The study aims to contribute to theorization of media representations of homelessness and also to increase the understanding of street newspapers as a medium and as a platform for vulnerable people. To achieve the aim, the theoretical framework of the study is based on critical discourse analysis (CDA) and representation of class. The study method uses concepts from CDA, together with concepts from van Leeuwen's taxonomy of representation of social actors. A selection of texts from Faktum and Situation Sthlm has been made to examine the representation of homelessness in street newspapers. The results show that homeless people are represented within five different discursive themes. In the first one the homeless are constructed as active individuals with human qualities. In the second the opposite image occurs where homeless people are seen as anonymous passive groups. The homeless are also represented as drug-users and criminals. One of the themes includes the representation of causes for homelessness, among them drugs and crimes. Finally an “us” and “them” is constructed where homeless people are seen as opponents to non- homeless people.

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This work tries to answer the following question: how law operators represent social actors in the penal process in a crime against life in the Brazilian context? The main objective consists of analyzing the forms of representation of social actors, based on the description of the transitivity system, in texts produced by the operators in a penal process. To do that, it was necessary to gather contextual data about the legal practice. Through the research on a documental source, constituted by laws and informative texts in the Legal Law area, we have identified mechanisms of institutionalization and we have built the context of culture. We have also built the context of situation in which a particular penal process (PP) is inserted, selected in the 1st Vara Criminal of the Santa Maria Forum, RS, Brazil. Through a qualitative method, we have identified the social actors who fill in the roles of transitivity on the clause level, based on the Systemic Functional Grammar developed by Halliday & Matthiessen (1999, 2004), and we have analyzed the forms of representation, based on the socio-semantic categories proposed by van Leeuwen (1997). The analysis of lexical-grammatical choices associated with contextual data showed the penal process documents constitute a complex system of genres in which the law operators administrate , according to their activities and purposes, the representations of reality construed by the defendant and witnesses. This way, the Law operators use the language to elaborate versions of reality one of which is chosen by the jury. / Este trabalho busca responder à seguinte questão: como operadores do direito fazem a representação de atores sociais nos autos de um processo penal de um crime contra a vida no contexto brasileiro? O objetivo central consiste em analisar as formas de representação dos atores sociais, a partir da descrição do sistema de transitividade, em textos produzidos pelos operadores nos autos de um processo penal. Para isso, fez-se necessário o levantamento de dados contextuais sobre a prática jurídica penal. Por meio da consulta a uma fonte documental, constituída de leis e textos informativos da área de Direito Penal, identificamos mecanismos de institucionalização e delineamos o contexto de cultura. Delineamos também o contexto de situação em que se inserem os autos de um processo penal em particular (PP), selecionado junto à 1ª Vara Criminal do Fórum de Santa Maria, RS, Brasil. Por meio do método qualitativo, identificamos os atores sociais que preenchem os papéis da transitividade no nível da oração, com base na Gramática Sistêmico-Funcional desenvolvida por Halliday & Matthiessen (1999, 2004), e analisamos as formas de representação, com base nas categorias sócio-semânticas propostas por van Leeuwen (1997). A análise das escolhas léxico-gramaticais associadas aos dados contextuais mostrou que os autos do processo penal constituem um complexo sistema de gêneros, em que os operadores do direito administram , em vista de suas atividades e dos seus propósitos, as representações da realidade construídas pela ré e pelas testemunhas. Dessa forma, os operadores do direito usam a linguagem para elaborar versões da realidade, uma das quais é escolhida pelos jurados.

A mudança do paradigma produtivo, adotado após a segunda guerra mundial, começou nos anos 1970 e provocou fortes impactos na economia, na política e no mercado de trabalho mundialmente. Mais países e trabalhadores se vincularam às cadeias produtivas globais das empresas multinacionais, mas as condições de trabalho decaíram em comparação com o paradigma anterior e em vários países até mesmo as normas fundamentais de trabalho passaram a ser violadas de forma constante. Estas normas, que compõem o regime trabalhista internacional, emanam da Organização Internacional do Trabalho. Uma vez ratificadas pelos seus países membros, cabe a eles fazê-las cumprir por intermédio da sua legislação e poder coercitivo. Uma série de reformas do Estado reduziu este poder e levou os sindicatos a buscarem mecanismos supranacionais para defender as normas de trabalho e esta pesquisa se propõe a analisar os efeitos da atuação transnacional dos sindicatos sobre o regime internacional do trabalho, com ênfase sobre os arranjos públicos e privados que o compõem. / The productive paradigm adopted after the Second World War started to change in the 1970ies and provoked strong impacts on the world economy, its politics as well as the labor market. More countries and workers engaged with multinational corporations global production chains but the labor conditions declined in comparison with the former paradigm and even core labor standards got constantly violated in several countries. These norms arise from the International Labor Organization and are part of the labor regime. Once ratified by its member countries its up to them to enforce their accomplishment through their legislations and coercive power. However some state reforms reduced this power and led the trade unions to seek for supranational mechanisms to defend the labor standards and this research aims to analyze the effects of the unions transnational relations on the international labor regime with emphasis on its public and private arrangements.

1 ABSTRACT This diploma thesis, grounded in the theoretical framework of Critical Discourse Analysis, aims to analyse the textual representations of social actors in the New Year speeches of British Prime Ministers. The corpus consists of New Year speeches from the New Year of 2012 to the New Year of 2020. These textual encodings do not need to point directly to the social actors that actually exist in the social world. Instead, they tend to reveal certain ideas that the text-producers have about the social actors. Therefore, the way in which the text-producer portrays a social actor serves as a means of reproducing his or her ideology. In the theoretical part, the purpose of the thesis is considered from the position of Critical Discourse Analysis. Then, the ways of representing social actors in texts are explored together with their impact on ideology and its reproduction. Also, the characteristics of pronouns that can affect the portrayal of these actors are described. The practical part seeks to analyse the New Year speeches with respect to textual means of representing social actors. In doing so, it provides an explanatory critique which aims to reveal what ideas are encoded in textual representations, how they are communicated and how the portrayal of the social actors can affect the recipients. A...

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Abstract The present thesis investigated children farmworkers' perspectives on having a job and balancing work and school. It also investigated parents' perspectives about their children's jobs and how they handle work and school. A qualitative approach has been used to investigate children farmworkers' experiences on how they handle work and school. Data was collected through semi-structured interviews with three children farmworkers between the ages of 12 and 17 years old and two adults that were parents of the children farmworkers residing in a rural area in the United States. Due to the current pandemic COVID-19, the research was carried out online through the Zoom platform. A thematic method was used to analyze the data collected. Through a critical analysis of transcripts, key concepts were obtained, decomposed into themes, and then organized into two sections for each theme. The themes were labeled: "Importance of the job," "Economic independence," "Impact on the future," "Job satisfaction," and "Compatible with school." The sections for each theme were labeled children's perspectives and parents' perspectives. There is a misconception that children work only in developing countries. Contrary to what has often been assumed, children work worldwide in developing countries and developed countries like the United States and Sweden. Results of this research showed that these children farmworkers want to work because they want to become personally and economically autonomous. Children and childhood are part of the consumer culture society. The study also found that the jobs of these children farmworkers did not affect their schooling and education. A call is made to consider children’s work as an expression of their agency and refrain from perceiving children as vulnerable beings in need of protection but instead, consider their perspective. Further research is needed in an ethnographic field with a more significant sample, including the teachers’ standpoint.