[pt] Não se tem dúvida sobre o sopro de renovação produzido ao direito pela teoria dos direitos humanos. Contudo, há ainda um imenso deficit na implementação global dos direitos humanos, que a aliança entre liberalismo, democracia e direitos humanos não foi capaz de resolver. Assim, mostra-se imperiosa a formulação de uma teoria crítica capaz de dar conta de tal déficit e de questionar a afirmação de que o problema atual dos direitos humanos passa ao largo das escolhas teóricas. O papel da crítica deve ser entendido não com a pretensão de formulação de uma nova teoria dos direitos humanos nem tampouco como uma tentativa de sua desqualificação, mas, antes, na perspectiva da problematização, da desconstrução e da reformulação de alguns de seus conceitos fundamentais. A proposta se apoia na ideia de que a resistência política e a resistência epistemológica são complementares. Opta-se por Kant como ponto de partida em razão do papel central de seu pensamento na modernidade e à sua grande influência na formulação de conceitos basilares dos direitos humanos. Identificado o DNA kantiano, pretende-se construir uma alternativa crítica a partir do pensamento de Spinoza, que formula uma filosofia da imanência pura que pensa o homem como um modo expressivo da potência de Deus e o direito como potência. Três problemas principais atravessarão nossas reflexões: o da centralidade do homem na natureza e as dificuldades inerentes ao conceito de natureza humana; a diferença entre a moral kantiana do dever e a ética de Spinoza, fundada no critério do útil; e a relação entre moral, direito e política. / [fr] Les droits de l homme ont produit un renouvellement du formalisme juridique, il n y a pas de doute. Mais, de toute façon, il reste encore un énorme déficit dans la mise en oeuvre globale des droits de l homme, qui l alliance entre le libéralisme, la démocratie et les droits humains n a pas été en mesure de résoudre. Ainsi, il est nécessaire d élaborer une théorie critique qui soit capable de faire face à un tel déficit et de remettre en question l affirmation selon laquelle le problème actuel de droits de l homme n a rien avec les choix théoriques. Le rôle de la critique doit être compris non avec l intention de formuler une nouvelle théorie des droits de l homme, ni comme une tentative de disqualification, mais plutôt dans la perspective de questionnement, de déconstruction et de repenser certains de ses concepts fondamentaux. En bref, notre proposition est fondée sur l idée que la résistance politique et la résistance épistémologique sont complémentaires. Le choix de Kant comme le pivot de la critique découle du rôle central de sa pensée dans la modernité et de sa grande influence dans la formulation des concepts de base des droits humains. Identifié l ADN kantien, nous avons l intention de construire une alternative critique a partir de la pensée de Spinoza, qui formule une philosophie de la pure immanence dans laquelle l homme est une expression de la puissance de Dieu et le droit en tant que puissance. Trois grandes questions traverseront nos réflexions: la centralité de l homme dans la nature et les difficultés inhérentes à la notion de la nature humaine; la différence entre le devoir moral de Kant et l éthique de Spinoza, fondée sur le critère de l utilité; et la relation entre la morale, le droit et la politique.

Orientador: Antonio Carlos Rodrigues de Amorim / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Faculdade de Educação / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-17T14:39:27Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Goncalves_JulianaAparecidaJonson_M.pdf: 17143072 bytes, checksum: 6d4a3ddd57da11b93c55ee93fbffd31f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010 / Resumo: Esta investigação-experimentação-criação convida o(a)leitor(a) a buscar fissuras em fotografias de paisagens da Chapada Diamantina(BA) que permitam proliferar criações em escrita, novas imagens e imagens-pensamento dos labirintos abandonados de nossas percepções. Por visões detalhadas e panorâmicas da paisagem natural são sobrepostas cartografias enigmáticas e sedutoras das filosofias de Espinosa, Deleuze e Guattari de maneira que um corpo irá percorrê-las e guiar-se por suas afecções contornadas por devaneios literários de Virginia Woolf, Artaud e Kafka. Um corpo-escrita extravasará de suas experiências os afectos que possam levá-los aos salto-perceptos. Do corpo restarão escritas esburacadas para que outros corpos possam desfiá-las em afectos derivados das afecções de sua própria criação. / Abstract: This experience in investigation-experimentation-creation is a invitation to the reader look for openings in pictures of scenes in the Chapada Diamantina(BA) that provide opportunities for the creation of written texts, new images and ideas based in undeveloped labyrinths our perceptions. Enigmatic maps and the seduction of the philosophy of Spinoza, Deleuze and Guattari are used to contrast with details and panoramas of natural scenery. The body visit them, guided by the literary musing expressed in the literature of Virginia Woolf, Artaud and Kafka. A body in creation will extrapolate from its experiences those aspects wich have led to leaps in percepts. What will remains of the body are incomplete compositions, which others will unravel as they engage themselves in their own creations. / Mestrado / Educação, Conhecimento, Linguagem e Arte / Mestre em Educação

Rosa Ricci Summary of the PHD Dissertation: Religious Nonconformity and cultural Dynamics: The Case of the Dutch Collegiants There is ample reason to engage in research around the Collegiants, a minority religious movement in the Netherlands of the 17th century. An exploration of this topic can be interesting not only for a contribution to the history of Religion but also to understand the development of some central concept in the early modernity. Prominent, in this research, is the question that initially stirred my personal interest in the Collegiantism; i.e. to define and understand the religious and cultural background that represents the practical field of confrontation of Baruch Spinoza\''s philosophy. This historiographical question had the purpose of highlighting the relationship between Spinoza and the religious movements of his time in order to fully understand the public to whom he addressed his texts. Collegiants, however, constitute an interesting field of research not only for the study of Spinoza, but widely to understand the cultural and social dynamic of the Dutch Golden Age, a backdrop against which emerged a new idea of religion. This dissertation is not exploring a curiosity or an inconsistent exception in the history of the 17th century, but rather the centrality of a group that was influenced by and largely influenced its Dutch social, political and religious context. One of the major problems in capturing the significance of the Collegiants arises from the difficulty in defining this movement, which chose never to formulate a confession of faith and consciously refused to be classified within a specific Church, sect, or congregation. The name, Collegiants, was not the consequence of an active choice but a label that arose, together with that of Rijnsburgers, in the polemic pamphlets of the epoch. The difficulties to define such elusive religious group make, however, the Collegiants a fascinating field of research. In this dissertation the Collegaints are termed a “movement” in order to emphasize their explicit lacks of norms or model and to highlight the continual change and redefinition of their religious identity. This process can be properly defined using Deleuze\''s concept of becoming minorities: Les minorités et les majorités ne se distinguent pas par le nombre. Une minorité peut être plus nombreuse qu\''une majorité. Ce qui définit la majorité, c\''est un modèle auquel il faut être conforme [...] Tandis qu\''une minorité n\''a pas de modèle, c\''est un devenir, un processus [...] Quand une minorité se crée des modèles, c\''est parce qu\''elle veut devenir majoritaire, et c\''est sans doute inévitable pour sa survie ou son salut. This definition can help us to see both the positive and the productive side of the Collegiant movement, even thought it defined itself negatively in order to protest against the institutional Church and normative religion. The Collegiants were involved in this process of “devenir minoritaire” in a highly conscious way. They decided willfully to avoid strict affiliation to Churches or congregations and criticized explicitly the necessity of an identitarian definition. It can hardly be denied, indeed, that the religious reflection of the Collegiants was characterized by the conscientious refusal to construct a model or a norm to which they could refer. In this dissertation the term “minority” will therefore be used, always in reference to this concept, without drawing too much stress to the effective number of the Collegiants\'' members. This question appear, indeed, misleading because it does not take into account the position that Collegiants\'' member occupied in the economic, political and intellectual life of the United Provinces. It is the case of a group which, indeed, demonstrated in several occasions its deep influence in the Dutch religious life. Collegiants\'' continuous efforts towards de-institutionalization and their aspiration to an egalitarian and democratic religious life have to be conceived as an invitation to their coeval confessions, to undertake the way of evolving minorities renouncing whichever exclusivity and authority. The articulation of the Collegiants\'' proposal can be appreciated by studying the different lines of thought that emerged clearly from their texts. Most of Collegiants\'' publications were polemical or written to answer specific accusations. Within the enormous number of sources that can be included in Collegiants\'' works emerge a limited number of arguments. The question of religious organization, tolerance, freedom of speech and the epistemological approach in reading the Scriptures; these arguments can be taken as guidelines to understanding and defining the nature of the movement. These sources present arguments and concepts that we can take to be the Collegiants\'' stance on religious life and belief. Some arguments, however, emerged with particularly force because of the sanction of the Church orthodoxy. Tolerance, free-prophecy and egalitarian and anti-authoritarian tendencies were sensitive points to which the Church or Congregations reacted with particularly vehemence, sensing a threat to their institutional power. The Chapter 5 of this dissertation are dedicated to the enumeration of these arguments. Each chapter presents a specific theoretical core and question. However the chapters are not self-conclusive because the various problematics encountered in the study of Collegiants overlap each other in continuous cross-reference and this gives rise to a kaleidoscopic effect. The concepts debated in this dissertation can be fully understood only in relation to each other, as they emerge to construct a semantic constellation useful to their contextualization. Each chapter, furthermore, comes to focus on one or more texts that are considered exemplary or representative of a particular tendency in the Collegiants´history. This methodology wants to underline how the constant redefinition of the Collegiants\'' identity is always a matter of personal as well as collective choice, of internal debate and external polemic. An emphasis on the intentionality of Collegiants\'' behaviour is particularly important in understanding which specific choice they made to contrast the authoritarian and exclusive vision of the religious life. These choices are well reflected in the use of a specific vocabulary and in the emergence of specific concepts that can be considered as key guideline to identifying some stable points in the shifting nature of the Collegiants. The first chapter of this dissertation delineates an initial general history of the movement together with the ground on which the Collegiants built their vision of belief: the question about Church organization. The chapter refers directly to the practical organization of the Collegiant movement, an egalitarian and anti-charismatic religious life which involved considerations of power and identity. This specific position, with its high level of nonexclusivity and anticharismatic consciousness, makes Collegiants movement an exception in the pluralist world of 17th century Holland and marked their difference to the constellation of Dutch reformation. Although some Collegiants\'' demeanor mirrored the progressive individualization of cults and beliefs, they accorded central importance to the community, the context in which their religious ideal of confrontation and discussion was realized. The first attempt to write an exhaustive history of the rise and development of the Rijnsburgers was made by a Remonstrant preacher, Paschier de Fijne. He was the first opponent of the Collegiants; his book, Kort, waerachtigh, en getrouw Varhael van het eerste Begin en Opkomen van de Nieuwe Sekte der Propheten ofte Rynsburgers in het dorp Warmont anno 1619 en 1620 (Brief, truthful, and faithful history of the beginning and origin of the new sect of the Prophet of Rijnsburg in the village of Warmont), published anonymously in 1671 by his son, expresses his critical position vis à vis the Rijnsburgers. Besides representing the first opposition to the Collegiants, this work constitutes an important source because the author attended the first Collegiant\'' assembly (the Rijnsburgers\'' vergadering). In particular it describes the way in which this first meeting took place. For the first complete history of the Collegiant movement, however, we have to wait until 1775 when the Histoire der Rijnburgsche Vergadering (History of Rijnsburg\''s assembly), written by the Collegiant Elias van Nijmegen, appeared in Rotterdam. Both these sources are key instruments for reconstructing and understanding how Collegiants organized their assemblies, and how they achieved an acharismatic meeting, through debate and free-exegesis. These testimonies, which embrace a whole century, have, however, the demerit of representing the Collegiant\'' vergadering (assembly) as an eccentric but defined ritual. What emerges, on the other hand, from Collegiants internal debate is that the conduct of the meeting supper, the organization of religious life, the definition of free-exegesis and the limitation of free speech were all subject to constant argument and discussion inside the movement. These concerns emerge in a fragmentary way in the manifold sources that discuss the nature of free-prophecy, tolerance and ecclesiology. In the polemic with Bredenburg, the Bredenburgse twisten, the debate about tolerance involved the discussion of women’s role in the vergadering and the reflections on free-prophecy indirectly interrogate the charismatic nature of the organization. Another important characteristic of the Collegiant\'' movement, delineate in the first chapter, is the autonomous and independent development of the single collegia. City autonomy and the different religious and social contexts in which the Rijnsburger vergadering took root led to large-scale differentiation. The capacity of Collegiants to survive for more than a century with their refusal of normativity and authoritarian organization was substantially due to the penetration of the Collegiants\'' arguments into the different confessions. This deep influence, in particular in the Mennonite and Remonstrant communities, defined the nature of the Collegiants, especially in some cities, as a stream inside institutionalized Churches. Because the collegia were open to all Christians, without limitation, even including Socinians and Catholics, most of the participants were also members of structured Churches, congregations or sects. In Amsterdam this phenomenon was particularly evident and the penetration of Collegiants\'' argument in the Flemish community through Galenus Abrahamsz led to one of the most important schisms in the Mennonite history in the United Provinces. In other cities such as Leiden or Haarlem, the existence of cultural circles and other forms of nonreligious association constituted the basis for the spread of Collegiantism. It was only in Rijnsburg, the village in which the movement first emerged, that a common house was built, after 1640, to host the twice yearly Collegiant national vergadering. The practical organization of the Collegiants, as has been stated, represents the foundation on which noncharismatic ecclesiology and anticonfessional ideals were constructed. With the historical background of the first chapter it is then possible to discuss the main religious and political tendencies inside the movement. The second chapter of this dissertation, following the issue of religious organization discussed in the first chapter, deals with the principles of free-prophecy, Biblical exegesis, and Collegiants ecclesiology. The central concept examined in this chapter is nonconformity analysed in its historical development of England and the Netherlands. This chapter suggests that nonconformity as religious phenomenon was an elaboration and transformation of the anti-confessional and anti-clerical thought that emerged in the 16th century with the radical Reformation. The inception of nonconformity in the Netherlands is indicated by the transformation of the debate about Nicodemism, following Coornhert\''s defense of religious dissimulation and indifferentism. Nicodemism was indeed considered, in the early 16th century, as necessary behavior to avoid pointless martyrdom and persecution, utilized especially by the crypto-reformed in Catholic countries such as Italy and Spain. The diffusion of this conduct among Catholics in reformed countries but, principally, the diffusion and justification of Nicodemism in the United Provinces, where inquisitorial control and confessional repression presented a relative risk after the revolt against Spain, testify of the new meaning that this behaviour took on in the late 16th century. Nicodemism, as Coornhert\''s position shows, became the justification of anticonfessionalism as conscious behaviour, with the possibility of openly criticizing rituals and ceremonies as for achieving salvation. In this chapter particular attention is paid to the consciousness and the open dimension of this behavior. The neglect of dissimulation and the necessity of making public personal religious sentiments, is one of the basic elements in the change between Nicodemism and nonconformity. The nonconformists acquired the anticonfessional and anticlerical content of Nicodemism, but added a principal characteristic: the veridiction. The veridiction represents the necessity of telling the truth about personal belief and religious conscience, but also institutes the core of reality in the conformity between internal belief and external behavior. These elements were present in both English and Dutch nonconformity, which developed, however, into different and sometimes opposite ecclesiology. In the English case, external nonconformity to the dominant Church and the necessity of openly showing belief led to a demand for exclusivity and a process of individualization rooted in the juridical meaning of nonconformity. Despite the turning of the debate around the necessity of free-conscience, the understanding of nonconformity as a refusal of secular world and the attempt of Baxter to disconnect the debate around nonconformity to a juridical question, the English debate never developed into a criticism of the Church\''s organization or in the necessity of a democratization of the religious life, which was, on the contrary, dominant among the Collegiants. The central text in the history of Collegiantism and in the Dutch definition of nonconformity is Galenus Abrahamsz and David Spruyt\''s XIX Artikelen. This text was conceived, from the very beginning, as a collective discussion about the nature and the sense of a religious community in the absence of Holy Gifts. Collegiants give to the term nonconformity a specific meaning which designates the absence of conformity to the first apostolic Church and the end of the extraordinaries gifts of the Holy Spirit. This radical statement caused a reaction among the orthodox members of the Mennonites and Quakers, which see in the absence of Holy inspiration a complete secularization of the religious community. Nonconformity assumed therefore for the Collegiants a double meaning: on one side it was an elaboration of anticonfessional criticism through the statement of the absence of holy influence on the religious life, on another side it represented a deep criticism of priestly authority conceived as a secularized power acting as constraint of consciences. The absence of Holy Gifts was, for the Collegiants, the demonstration that no Church or Congregation could pretend to be the true or original one. The reaction of Dutch orthodoxy appears, indeed, completely justified, because Collegiants\'' religious nonconformity presents itself not only as conscious antiauthoritarian criticism but also as a statement of the full secularization of the Church. Nonconformity was, for Abrahamsz and Spruyt, not only an unavoidable state, but also a necessary behavior to unmask the inauthentic religious life. This position represented the core of Collegiants\'' practice, the reason for their continuous redefinition and, on the same level, for their refusal of any type of identification. The recognition of the secularized status of common religious life arose among the Collegiants accompanied by an ample debate about free-prophecy and Bible exegesis, stressing the possibility of an individual form of salvation. A central role, in this direction, was played by reflection on the veridiction as a form of conformity between the inward conscience and the external behavior. Although there emerged from the sources a controversial statement about how to approach and read the Scriptures, through the free-prophecy the Collegiants organized a form of collective exegesis that had its principal aim to avoid charismatic and authoritarian leadership but also to realize a form of community close to the first apostolic Church. The communitarian discussion also involved a debate on salvation, which had no more to be tied to the simple membership in a confession but developed as an articulated discussion on the significance of the ethical and religious life. A good Christian had to reinterpret and bring alive the first teaching of the Gospel, which can be summarized as love for others and in the propagation of tolerance as ethical and interpersonal behavior. Collegiants\'' reflections on religious life, organization of communities, and their continuous effort to maintain equal relations in the absence of charismatic gifts in the Church institution, never turn to consideration of society or political forms. This absence was even more significant in a cultural and social context in which theological questions involved directly or indirectly political questions. In the same period, furthermore, Hobbes\'' reflections on jusnaturalism challenge for the first time the divine legitimacy of political power, establishing the basis of a new vision of the political community. Collegiants understood religious community as deprived from any form of divine inspiration and conceived it as a human association, nevertheless they never outline a political parallelism to this situation. The most evident reason of this absence is probably the lack of a strong monarchy in the 17th century United Provinces. However the relationship between secular and religious ideology did not fail and was well summarized by the situation after the Synod of Dordrecht, which created a rupture in Dutch society with the consequent convergence of the religious position with the political one. The intervention of Grotius in favor of the Arminian party testified to a clear identification between theological opposition to predestination (which meant a challenge to Calvinist orthodoxy) and antimonarchical opinion. This fracture remained invisible in Collegiants sources that debated the secularization of Churches and consider religious congregations as human institutions, but never tried to define the legitimacy of political institutions. It is possible, however, to find in the history of the Collegiants one significant exception: Cornelius Plockhoy\''s attempt to promote a religious-social project in the Dutch colonies of Delaware . Plockhoy\''s work illuminates the relationship and the fruitful parallels that it is possible to make between the United Provinces and England, especially during the time of the Cromwellian Commonwealth. Plockhoy\''s most significant works were written, indeed, in England, some years before the fail of Cromwell, and testify to a particular social and political engagement in the construction and definition of a community with a religious basis. It is interesting to note that only after the English experience did Plockhoy returned to Holland, following the end of the Commonwealth, to propose a similar project to the city of Amsterdam. This chapter suggests an analysis of his English and Dutch sources, stressing the differences and the modifications to his proposal. The importance of this author lies in the possibility of deducing from his position a possible Collegiant\'' thinking on politics and social organization. This contribution is certainly not descriptive of Collegiantism as a whole but represents the only explicit trace of the modification of Rijnsburger\''s religious reflections on the secular field. The description of Plockhoy\''s community in many respects echoes a certain irenicism sourced form the reading of Rosicrucian text; however it reflets and refers principally to his Collegiant experience . Although Plockhoy\''s account of the community project is never exclusively religious, the confessional element appears as prominently in both his Dutch and English projects. His religious and political project emerge clearly from his letters to Cromwell: it is essentially devoted to resolving the problem of religious conflict and the disturbance of social peace. It is, indeed, clear that Plockhoy\''s aim was not that of describing an ideal society or forming a separate community in order to conserve a purist religious ideal, but to propose a paradigmatic alternative to the religious turmoil and the social injustices of his time. The relation between political and religious arguments in Plockhoy\''s solution to religious turmoil highlights the interconnection between religious tolerance and colonial criticism, social injustice and authoritarianism. Plockhoy\''s meticulous pedagogic description of his project, his underlining of the necessity of economic independence for women and the possibility of them participating in collective work are expressions of an outlook that includes an aware judgment of his contemporary society. The last part of this chapter is dedicated to criticizes two approaches dominant in the literature about Plockhoy: one is the description of his project as a classical form of Utopia the other one is the reading of the Delaware religious community interpreted as a triumph of the work ethic. The third chapter of this dissertation deals with the tolerance, a fundamental and central concept to understand the nature of the Collegiants. It is our intention to show how during the 17th century there emerged in the Netherlands, in the religious context, a new concept of tolerance inspired by Castellio\''s works. The publication and translation, in the first half of the 17th century, of some of Castellio\''s work testify to the major interest that the French author had in the United Provinces, especially for the oppositors to the intolerant and orthodox Calvinist tradition. For the Collegiants, Castellio represented a predecessor in the struggle for religious peace. His work against the persecution of the heretics, supported by Biblical argumentation, represented a constant source of inspiration for the partisan of religious toleration. As suggested by Voogt , Castellio\''s deconstruction of the concept of heresy, as it was used by the Calvinist orthodoxy, in order to redefined it to signify a person who acts and believes differently from the mainstream, represented Collegiants\'' basis to rethink the concepts of rationality and truth. The peculiarity of the Dutch concept of vedraagzaamheid (tolerance), in opposition to how tolerance was defined and discussed in the European mainstream debate, was certainly due to the elements of reciprocity and mutuality that this particular form of tolerance included. In the 17th century, tolerance (especially religious tolerance) was used to label negative behavior, to identify indifferentism or libertinism, intolerance was, on the contrary, a sign of unity, integrity, and orthodoxy. Furthermore, arguments for religious intolerance were justified by the biblical example of the Mosaic theocracy, while religious tolerance represented the interests of the emerging mercantile elite, which supported the Republican experiment and advocated cities\'' autonomy. Tolerance became, in the 17th century, a concept contested because of its pejorative meaning; the progressive introduction of the pro-tolerance position, in order to contrast with this negative predominant vision, supported the idea that tolerance was not a menace to the integrity and peace of the Dutch Republic but the principal reason for its prosperity. The concept of tolerance became, afterwards, the battle-field on which the best juridical, economical and political form of the United Provinces was decided. The penetration of this debate about tolerance and intolerance in the Collegiants movement was adapted into an anticonfessional and irenic orientation focusing on religious and social peace. The defense of an unlimited and mutual tolerance represented, for the Collegiants, a proposal of pacification in the pluralistic dimension of the Dutch religious life, which was perceived, by their coeval, as a source of division and instability. The practice of nonexclusive tolerance and the extensive reception of different confessions inside the movement was a pragmatic attempt to find a solution to the problematic turbulence inside the Doopsgezinden and more generally to the religious disputations in the United Provinces. The central figure investigating the conduct and the limits of this debate inside the Collegiants was Jan Bredenburg. This chapter will, indeed, analyze the trouble arising from Bredenburg\''s position on tolerance and his extensive use of Spinozist concepts and language. This debate about the extension and the limits of tolerance involved, indirectly and directly, a discussion regarding religious organization, freedom of speech, and charismatic authority. In his works, Bredenburg, with his continuous redefinition of the discussion about tolerance, shows all the ambiguity and ambivalence of this term. Unlimited and mutual tolerance finds its limits in the continuous exigence of a normative delimitation of it, in the distinction of necessary and unnecessary dogma, but also, in a trivial way, in the impossibility of tolerating the intolerant. In the case of the Collegiants the adversaries of the unlimited and mutual tolerance undermined Collegiants\'' nonexclusivism with their proposals to identify with a confession of faith. Pressures in the direction of identification and exclusivism were, however, only a part of the tolerance problem. With the “Bredenburgse Twisten” (Bredenburg controversy) the limits and the ambiguities of the concept of tolerance and the limits of the penetration of Spinoza\''s philosophy in Collegiant\'' movement become clear. These limits concerned especially the necessity and priority of contrasting skeptical and atheist tendencies in the field of belief. The final chapter of this dissertation is dedicated to a question that underlines the problems of anticonfessionalism, tolerance, and secularization. The question asked in this conclusive part regards the possibility to trace the emergence of rational argument in Collegiants understanding of the divinity. To answer this question it was necessary to make some preliminary remarks about the diffusion and vernacularization of Descartes\'' and Spinoza\''s philosophies in the 17th century Netherlands. Short descriptions of the two most influential systems of thought of the epoch are two methodological steps useful in understanding not only the degree of penetration of these philosophies into Collegiants but also the nature and meaning of the concept of rationality at that time. The definition of the relationship with the divinity, after the XIX Arikelen\''s statement of the unholy Church, is represented, in the history of the Collegiant movement, by a precise moment: the discussion and dispute between the Rijnsburgers and the Quaker missionaries in the United Provinces. The debate with the Quakers assumes a specific meaning not only because it shows the proximity and similarity between the two religious movements but also because it testifies to the emergence of a central concept: the light. Central text to determine the nature of this relationship and to define the meaning that for the Collegiants had the concept of light, is Balling´s Het licht op den Kandelaar (The Light on the Candlestick). Balling\''s answer to Quakers represents a penetration of Spinozist language into the definition of religion as knowledge of God but also a singular affinity and fascination for the Quakers\'' concept of light. The question of contact with the divinity appears in the text as an individual experience, not mediated by any human instrument via language or the empirical experience. The approach to God is certainly described as an epistemological progression but the perfect comprehension of God is defined with the vocabulary of the affections rather than as full rational understanding. This text is certainly highly controversial and the continuous shift between philosophical and Quakers\'' language make its interpretation problematic. Het licht op den Kandelaar reflects Collegiants\'' position as a sum of philosophical argumentation, mysticism, and the irreconcilable reference to God as an infinite and unknowable creature. What emerges with force in the analysis of this source is the impossibility of understanding Balling\''s description of the relationship with God as purely rational. Balling, however, stresses the possibility of the constant perfectionism of human knowledge and self-emancipation and, furthermore, proposes new terms for religious thought. What he calls the “true religion” is described as ethical behavior constructed with the combination of tolerance, equal participation in the religious life, and the refusal to countenance formal conformism to Church institutions. Collegiants\'' acceptance of a Church without God does not necessary involve a pure absence of divine work, on the contrary, the proximity to God is progressively researched in an interior sphere which involve a process of knowledge. The legitimacy of the “Truth” is, then, given no more by the transcendental gift of the divinity but in the accordance of personal conviction and ethical behavior, the religion is, indeed, redefined according to these terms. True religion is, for Balling, a continuous inquiry into the natural and internal principle that each individual possesses in order to achieve full comprehension of God\''s word. This statement testify not only of a new conception of the Religion but also reaffirm the minoritaire core of Collegiants´nature; religion, in their understanding, is not more matter of concord, unity, orthodoxy but source of knowledge, problematization and continuous questioning about its own identity. Nonconformity and cultural dynamics: some preliminary remarks Before starting the presentation of the Collegiants\'' argument about tolerance, Church organization, and rationalism, to fully understand some choices and the approach of this dissertation, and to comprehend how Collegiants sources have been read, some methodological remarks are necessaries about the emergence and development of the historical phenomenon called nonconformity and how was it received and transformed in 17th century Holland. Nonconformity is, as will be shown, one of the central concepts developed by the Collegiants to justify their antiauthoritarianism and anticonfessionalism. The concept appears more interesting if we look at the number of meanings and social phenomena that it includes. It first developed in England in the juridical context and was named in the later 17th century as a defined religious movement that opposed the Act of Uniformity. In the English sources it is possible to retrace the history of this concept, demonstrating how the significance and arguments regarding nonconformity changed in one hundred years. Not far from England, in the United Provinces, the evolution of the concept of nonc

In Zusammenhang mit der Heroisierung und Stilisierung Spinozas durch die Philosophen des deutschen Idealismus gewinnt ein altes Motiv der Spinozalektüre wieder an Kraft: es ist der im Begriff des 'Spinozismus' mitschwingende Vorwurf des ,'Pantheismus'. Noch im 18. Jahrhundert mit Atheismus weitgehend identisch, scheint der Begriff im 19. Jahrhundert eine bestimmte philosophische Radikalität zu bezeichnen. Keiner, der über Spinoza im 19. Jahrhundert schreibt, läßt ihn außer Betracht, viele verwenden ihn affirmativ, einige kritisch.

Was im späten 18. Jahrhundert mit der Spinoza-Begeisterung von Johann Wolfgang Goethe, Johann Gottfried Herder und Friedrich Heinrich Jacobi begann, setzt sich im 19. Jahrhundert fort: Es ist das Jahrhundert einer intensiven Beschäftigung mit Spinoza und seiner Philosophie. Die spezifische Intensität dieser Beschäftigung wirkt bis heute nach, wie im folgenden gezeigt werden soll. Was im 19. Jahrhundert stattfindet, ist keine Spinoza-Rezeption, keine bloße Interpretation von Leben und Werk, sondern der Anfang eines historischen Begreifens, das Rezeption wie Interpretation bis heute bestimmt. In der Beschäftigung mjt Spinoza hat das 19. Jahrhundert Formen des philosophiehistorischen Denkens ausgebildet, die immer noch prägend sind.

[pt] O objetivo do presente texto é demonstrar a impossibilidade da dedução tanto da finitude quanto do movimento no sistema da Ética de Spinoza. O interesse por trás desse objetivo é fornecer razões que justifiquem a pertinência de atualizar a filosofia de Spinoza. Para tal o método empregado será uma leitura imanente desta obra, buscando, sempre que possível afastar compreensões exógenas de seu conteúdo. Assim, o texto se divide em cinco partes. Primeiramente, há uma introdução na qual se apresentam estes objetivos, o método empregado e a estrutura básica do trabalho. Em segundo lugar, há uma apresentação dos pressupostos relevantes para a demonstração pretendida, tais como os conceitos de: substância, atributos, modos infinitos, modos finitos, princípio de razão suficiente e conhecimento verdadeiro. Na terceira parte o problema é delimitado mais precisamente em três etapas. Inicialmente, diferenciando-o da acusação de acosmismo, feita por Hegel contra Spinoza. Em seguida, apontando a troca epistolar entre Spinoza e Tschirnhaus como instância da posição precisa dos problemas considerados, cujas formulações são lapidadas resultando em três questões. Após isso, na terceira etapa desse terceiro capítulo, se busca defender a legitimidade de se colocar tais questões, contra as pretensões de dois comentadores contemporâneos. Então, o texto segue para seu quarto ato, em uma série de etapas. Primeiramente são apresentadas e avaliadas treze tentativas contemporâneas de solucionar o problema. Elas são agrupadas em três conjuntos, cada um relacionado mormente a uma das três questões alcançadas na etapa anterior. Da consideração dessas tentativas, surgem outras críticas no interesse de estabelecer a impossibilidade de demonstrar o movimento e a finitude no sistema da Ética. Depois disso, todos os resultados obtidos nesta etapa são consolidados, num tratamento individualizado das três questões citadas, cada uma submetida a quatro etapas. Inicialmente se explica a legitimidade ou não da questão. Em seguida, se mostram os pressupostos relevantes para a questão considerada. Após isso, se demonstra positivamente o que a interpretação avançada por esta tese julga poder ser demonstrado segundo Spinoza. Por fim, se incluem as demonstrações polêmicas, em que se apresentam as insuficiências das demonstrações positivas propostas à luz dos pressupostos avançados e outros argumentos. Findo este momento do texto, o quarto capítulo segue para suas duas últimas etapas. Primeiramente a apresentação de mais duas críticas às noções de movimento e finitude em Spinoza. Após isso, para encerrar esta etapa, se inclui um diagnóstico, onde se pretende determinar o que ocasionou as dificuldades tratadas. Por fim, em quinto lugar, o texto conclui recapitulando as contribuições deste trabalho e propondo princípios sumários para uma filosofia que abre mão dos pressupostos considerados problemáticos e que, portanto, poderia lidar de outra forma com os temas do movimento e da finitude. Além disso, se apresentam algumas questões que esta direção de pensamento deixa em aberto, apontando para desenvolvimentos posteriores, enfim encerrando este trabalho. / [en] The aim of the present text is to demonstrate the impossibility of the deduction of both finitude and motion in the system of Spinoza s Ethics. The interest behind this objective is to provide reasons that justify the pertinence of updating Spinoza s philosophy. To this end, the method employed will be an immanent reading of this work, trying, whenever possible, to avoid exogenous understandings of its content. Thus, the text is divided into five parts. First, there is an introduction in which the objectives, the method used, and the basic structure of the work are presented. Secondly, there is a presentation of the relevant presuppositions for the intended demonstration, such as the concepts of: substance, attributes, infinite modes, finite modes, the principle of sufficient reason and true knowledge. In the third part the problem is delimited more precisely in three steps. Initially, differentiating it from the accusation of acosmism, made by Hegel against Spinoza. Then, pointing out the epistolary exchange between Spinoza and Tschirnhaus as an instance of the precise position of the problems considered, whose formulations are polished resulting in three questions. After that, the third stage of this third chapter seeks to defend the legitimacy of posing such questions, against the claims of two contemporary commentators. Then the text proceeds to its fourth act, in a series of steps. First, thirteen contemporary attempts to solve the problem are presented and evaluated. They are grouped into three sets, each related primarily to one of the three questions reached in the previous step. From the consideration of these attempts, further criticism arises in the interest of establishing the impossibility of demonstrating motion and finitude in the system of the Ethics. Thereafter, all the results obtained in this stage are consolidated, in an individualized treatment of the three questions cited, each subjected to four stages. Initially, the legitimacy or not of the question is explained. Next, the assumptions relevant to the issue under consideration are shown. After that, what the interpretation advanced by this thesis believes can be demonstrated according to Spinoza is positively demonstrated. Finally, the polemical demonstrations are included, in which the inadequacies of the positive demonstrations proposed in light of the presuppositions advanced and other arguments are presented. At this point in the text, the fourth chapter moves on to its last two stages. First the presentation of two more critiques of the notions of motion and finitude in Spinoza. After this, to close this stage, a diagnosis is included, where it is intended to determine what has caused the difficulties treated. Finally, in fifth place, the text concludes by recapitulating the contributions of this work and proposing in brief principles for a philosophy that gives up the assumptions considered problematic and that, therefore, could deal differently with the themes of movement and finiteness. In addition, some questions that this direction of thought leaves open are presented, pointing to further developments, finally closing this work.

[pt] O trabalho dissertativo aborda os mais representativos marcos da recepção do pensamento do filósofo Barukh de Spinoza no Brasil. Tal recepção não foi realizada apenas por acadêmicos da filosofia. Dentre os elencados aqui neste trabalho, eles não são nem mesmo a maioria. Hoje, esta recepção possui mais de cento e sessenta anos de história, abarcando diferentes momentos da vida intelectual nacional. As diferentes realidades e suas transformações – no âmbito acadêmico e cultural –, pelas quais o país passou, implicam diretamente naquilo que é publicado e também no provável público para o qual se destina. Este trabalho contextualiza a realidade na qual cada obra foi escrita. Quanto mais antiga é a obra, maior é a preocupação com o contexto no qual ela se deu. Neste percurso histórico vemos a construção do campo acadêmico nacional. Vemos assim uma produção filosófica anterior à própria academia. Também há nestas páginas a tentativa de olhar para o público interessado. Estando a leitura no lugar de onde não se ecoa, esta dissertação apenas consegue apresentar indícios sobre a massa crítica. O apelo à realidade das editoras é apenas uma tentativa de fornecer pistas sobre a existência de possíveis leitores. / [en] The argumentative work addresses the most representative landmarks of the reception of the thought of the philosopher Barukh de Spinoza in Brazil. Such a reception was not made only by scholars of philosophy. Among those listed, they are not even the majority. Today, this reception has more than one hundred and sixty years of history, covering different moments of the national intellectual life. The different realities and their transformations - in the academic and cultural spheres - that the country went through, directly imply in what is published and also in the probable audience for which it is intended. This work contextualizes the reality in which each publication was written. The older the work, the greater the concern with the context in which it took place. In this historical path we see the construction of the national academic field. We thus see a philosophical production prior to the academy itself. There is also an attempt on these pages to look at the interested public. Being the reading in the place where it is not echoed, this dissertation can only present indications about the critical mass. The appeal to the publishers reality is just an attempt to provide clues about the existence of possible readers.

[pt] O presente trabalho busca analisar o conceito de multidão e a possibilidade de pensá-la como um sujeito político na pós-modernidade, tendo como referência a concepção espinosana do termo e as interpretações contemporâneas daí decorrentes. O ponto de partida é o pensamento de Antonio Negri, que, ao observar as formas de poder e de organização política após a década de 1990, propõe o conceito de Império para explicar a política na contemporaneidade e o conceito de Multidão como um sujeito político capaz de agir no interior do Império e construir uma democracia em escala global. Em seguida serão analisadas as referências ao termo multidão na obra do próprio Spinoza, dando especial atenção à expressão quae una veluti mente, contida no Tratado Político. A partir desta expressão será apresentada a discussão existente entre pensadores como Alexandre Matheron que a tomam como referência para sustentar que a multidão seria um sujeito natural, possuindo uma existência singular; e pensadores como Lee Rice e Den Uyl que a criticam e apontam que a existência do termo quae na expressão foi utilizada exatamente para diferenciar a multidão de um sujeito natural. Por fim, tomando como referência os escritos de Gilbert Simondon, Etienne Balibar e Paolo Virno, serão articulados os conceitos de multidão, transindividualidade e individuação coletiva para responder criticamente à proposta de Antonio Negri e apontar as dificuldades em considerar a multidão um sujeito político. / [en] The present work intends to analyze the concept of multitude and the possibility of thinking it as a political subject in postmodernity, having as reference Spinoza s conception of the term and the contemporaneous interpretations that follows it. The starting point is Antonio Negri s arguments, who observing the forms of power and political organization after 1990s proposes the concept of Empire to explain the politics in contemporaneity and the concept of Multitude as a political subject capable to act in Empire s interior and to construct a democracy in global scale. Next, will be analyzed the references to the term multitudo in Spinoza s own work, paying special attention to the expression quae una veluti mente, contained in Political Treaty. From this expression will be presented the discussion that exists between thinkers like Alexandre Matheron that takes it as reference to sustain that the multitude would be a natural subject, possessing a singular existence; and thinkers like Lee Rice and Den Uyl that criticizes it and defend that the existence of the term quae in the expression was used exactly to differentiate the multitude of a natural subject. Finally, taking as reference the writings of Gilbert Simondon, Etienne Balibar and Paolo Virno, will be articulated the concepts of multitude, trans-individuality and collective individuation to respond critically Antonio Negri proposal and to point out the difficulties in considering the multitude a policital subject.

Notre contribution présente les éléments caractéristiques de l’interprétation deleuzienne de la métaphysique de Baruch Spinoza effectuée dans Spinoza et le problème de l'expression et montre quels prolongements elle trouve dans les travaux suivants de Gilles Deleuze que sont Différence et répétition et Logique du sens. Pour bien comprendre le contexte et la particularité de l’interprétation deleuzienne du spinozisme, nous nous intéressons dans un premier temps à l'interprétation qu'en a offerte Martial Gueroult à la même époque dans Spinoza. I, Dieu (Éthique I). Nous accordons alors une attention particulière à sa lecture des premières propositions de l'Éthique et ainsi à sa thèse de l'existence d'une infinité de substances-attribut réellement distinctes et constitutives d'une Substance absolument infinie, c'est-à-dire Dieu ou l'ens realissimum. Nous nous attardons ensuite à la lecture expressionniste de Deleuze qui aborde directement le problème de l’unité de la substance et de la diversité des attributs en posant la question du type de distinction qui s'applique à l'absolu, question qui est au centre de la problématique de la relation de l'un et du multiple. Pour Deleuze, c'est l'univocité des attributs qui permet d’expliquer l’unité de la diversité des attributs dans la Substance de telle sorte que pour ce dernier, comme pour Gueroult, Dieu est unité d'un divers. Finalement, nous considérons que Deleuze s’approprie le maillage conceptuel qu’il dégage de l’expressionnisme de Spinoza et qu'il s’engage dans un travail de perfectionnement de celui-ci qui constitue selon nous une quête de l’univocité qui le mène au fondement d’une véritable ontologie univoque. Cette réappropriation qui passe par un aplanissement du spinozisme implique des déplacements que nous proposons d’aborder à partir de trois éléments clefs de sa lecture de Spinoza, soit sa conceptualisation de l'essence de mode comme degré intrinsèque d’intensité, l’assimilation de la distinction réelle à une distinction formelle et, dans un cadre plus général, la conception génétique de Dieu présentée dans les premières propositions de l’Éthique. Dans chacun des cas, nous relions la lecture deleuzienne et les prolongements qu'elle trouve dans ses travaux avec l’interprétation que propose Gueroult dans le premier volume qu’il dédie à Spinoza. En définitive, c'est principalement deux aspects de la métaphysique deleuzienne qui sont traités, soit la multiplicité substantive et la synthèse disjonctive, en montrant comment la logique de la distinction, l’univocité de l’être ainsi que l’immanence de l’un et du multiple sont intimement interreliées par l’expressionnisme qui permet conséquemment d'aboutir à la fameuse formule pluralisme = monisme.

<p>The study aims to explain the role of external causes in René Descartes’s (1594–1650) and Benedictus de Spinoza’s (1632–1677) accounts of the mastery of the passions. It consists in three parts: the mind-body union, the passions and their classification, and the mastery of the passions. </p><p>In the first part I argue that Descartes’s conception of the mind-body union consists in two elements: mind-body interaction and the experience of being one with the body. Spinoza rejects the first element because there cannot be psychophysical laws. He accepts the second element, but goes beyond Descartes, arguing that the mind and body are identical.</p><p>In the second part I discuss the classifications of the passions in the <i>Passions of the Soul</i> and the <i>Ethics</i> and compare them with the one Spinoza presents in the <i>Short Treatise</i>. I explain that <i>hilaritas</i> is an affect that expresses bodily equilibrium and makes it possible for the mind to be able think in a great many ways. Furthermore, I consider the principles of imagination that along with imitation and the striving to persevere provide a causal explanation for the necessary occurrence of the passions. </p><p>In the last part I argue that in Descartes the external conditions do not have a significant role in the mastery of the passions. For Spinoza, however, they are necessary. Commentators like Jonathan Bennett fail to see this. <i>Hilaritas</i> requires a diversity of sensual pleasures to occur. As Medea’s case shows, reason is not detached from Nature. Spinoza attempts to form a stronger human nature and to enable as many people as possible to think adequately. His recognition of the need for appropriate external conditions and a society in which ideas can be expressed freely allows him to present an ethics with a practical application, instead of another utopia or fiction.</p>