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The Global ETD Search service is a free service for researchers
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Networked Digital Library of Theses and Dissertations.
Our metadata is collected from universities around the world. If you manage a university/consortium/country archive and want to be added, details can be found on the NDLTD website.
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Showing 71 to 77 of 77 (0.15 seconds)Spelling suggestions: "subject:"then binternational monetary und"" "subject:"then binternational monetary fund""
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國際貨幣基金的組織與功能 / The Organization and Functions of the International Monetary Fund王瑤瑛, Yao-ying Wang Unknown Date (has links)
布列敦森林機制的成形與運作是基於國際社會對一九三０年代經濟大恐慌所記取的歷史教訓。國際社會要捨棄「以鄰為壑」的歷史錯誤，期以國際協調與合作解決國際經濟秩序不穩定的問題。但是在建立布列敦森林機制的過程中與布列敦森林機制的運作上，顯現出國際政治權力與國家利益才是最重要的考量。美國以其在兩次世界大戰中發展出的國力，主導了布列敦森林機制的設計，將大部分的國家納入此項體系中，並以此體系中的規範、準則來約束所有成員的行為。透過此機制的槓桿運作，美國得以將其在政治上與經濟上的力量發揮到極至，從而維護美國繼續作為霸權國的國家利益。布列敦森林機制成為戰後國際合作的基礎架構，會員國所簽訂的國際貨幣基金協定條款成了體系成員的行為準則。制約條件與監督會員國的經濟政策之權是國際貨幣基金兩項最重要的武器。然而，制約條件所產生的政經效應，卻讓國際貨幣基金倍受批評。影響制約條件成效不彰的原因包含有國際貨幣基金的組織結構因素、國際環境因素與執行制約條件的國家的內部因素。國際社會將所有的責任都歸於國際貨幣基金，實在是隔靴搔癢，同時也無助於解決當今資本全球化所引發的問題。
目 錄
序言 壹
圖表目錄 參
第一章 緒論 1
第二章 國際貨幣基金之成立 4
第一節 布列敦森林機制的起源 4
第二節 布列敦森林機制前的國際貨幣體系 9
第三節 懷特方案與凱因斯方案 12
第四節 小結 17
第三章 布列敦森林機制的制度分析 21
第一節 國際貨幣基金的制度 21
第二節 國際貨幣基金的組織 26
第三節 美國霸權與布列敦森林機制 34
第四章 國際貨幣基金角色的轉變 50
第一節 國際經濟環境的變遷 50
第二節 國際貨幣基金協定條款的修訂 54
第三節 特別提款權的運作 59
第四節 國際貨幣基金的監督功能 61
第五章 國際貨幣基金的制約條件 67
第一節 什麼是制約條件 67
第二節 制約條件的發展 71
第三節 制約條件與調整政策 76
第四節 制約條件的政經效應 79
第六章 一九八０年代的拉丁美洲債務危機 92
第一節 拉丁美洲債務危機的起源 92
第二節 處理拉丁美洲債務危機的國際行動 96
第三節 處理拉丁美洲債務危機的成效與政經意涵 102
第七章 一九九七年東亞金融危機 111
第一節 東亞金融危機的起源 111
第二節 東亞國家的政治經濟結構 117
第三節 處理東亞金融危機的國際行動 119
第四節 國際貨幣基金穩定方案的檢討 123
第五節 小結 132
第八章 結論 138
參考書目 143
圖表目錄
圖
圖3-1 國際貨幣基金組織結構圖 45
表
表6-1 拉美國家的貿易平衡、經常帳與資本基本轉移
的情況，1977—1987 105
表6-2 接受IMF融資計畫的拉美國家之經濟表現 105
表6-3 接受IMF融資計畫的拉美國家之債務情況 106
表7-1 泰國、印尼與南韓三國外匯存底的變動，
（1997年6月—19982月） 112
表7-2 東亞四國的債務情況 114
表7-3 東亞四國的經濟表現，1997—1999 131
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Vybrané aspekty hospodářských vztahů Evropské unie a Čínské lidové republiky na prahu 21. století a jejich reálný dopad na světovou ekonomiku / Selected aspects of economic relations between the European Union and the People's Republic of China at the beginning of the 21st century and their real impact on the world economySmola, Filip January 2014 (has links)
The main aim of this dissertation is to analyze selected economic activities and economic relations occurring between the European Union and China. This dissertation is divided into four main chapters to ensure coherence and continuity throughout the research. The first chapter deals with the historical development of mutual cooperation between Europe and China. This chapter emphasizes recent events. The most extensive part of this work, the second section, addresses key areas of cooperation between the EU and China. Most of the research focus is devoted to trade economic relations and investment relations. Further, the second chapter addresses controversial areas within the mutual EU-China relations. In contrast with the second chapter, which looks at the mutual relations from the perspective of the whole EU, the third chapter distinguishes bilateral relations between two EU countries and China. The purpose of the third chapter is therefore to highlight the different approach of individual EU member countries. In the last chapter, I try to assess the growing influence of both the EU and China within the global economy. Finally, I outline the possible future development of the research topic.
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Pitfalls of national development and reconstruction : an ethical appraisal of socio-economic transformation in post-war MozambiqueMatsinhe, David Mário 06 1900 (has links)
Mozambique is undergoing intensive socio-economic reforms to reconstruct war
damages and develop the nation. The reforms consist of economic liberalisation through structural
adjustment and monetarist economic stabilisation, e.g. government withdrawal from economic
activities, privatisation, deregulation, reduction of tariff levels on imports and tax on
investments, cuts of expenditure on social services, restrictive credit system, focus on
monetarism, increased taxation on individual income, etc. The nature of these reforms, on the
surface, leads to morally questionable conditions. There is social chaos and disintegration, high
indices of corruption, subtle recolonisation, decline of civil services, etc. At the
bottom lie the market ethics and fundamentalist theological discourse by dint of which the
World Bank and the International Monetary Fund deny historical consciousness, lack institutional
memory, vest themselves with unquestionable international authority, dictate and impose policies
without accountability for the social consequences. If there is any hope for Mozambicans, it lies
in development ethics which relies heavily on the liberation motif, historical consciousness, and
African Heritage. / Philosophy, Practical & Systematic Theology / M. Th. (Theological Ethics)
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| 74 |
Pitfalls of national development and reconstruction : an ethical appraisal of socio-economic transformation in post-war MozambiqueMatsinhe, David Mário 06 1900 (has links)
Mozambique is undergoing intensive socio-economic reforms to reconstruct war
damages and develop the nation. The reforms consist of economic liberalisation through structural
adjustment and monetarist economic stabilisation, e.g. government withdrawal from economic
activities, privatisation, deregulation, reduction of tariff levels on imports and tax on
investments, cuts of expenditure on social services, restrictive credit system, focus on
monetarism, increased taxation on individual income, etc. The nature of these reforms, on the
surface, leads to morally questionable conditions. There is social chaos and disintegration, high
indices of corruption, subtle recolonisation, decline of civil services, etc. At the
bottom lie the market ethics and fundamentalist theological discourse by dint of which the
World Bank and the International Monetary Fund deny historical consciousness, lack institutional
memory, vest themselves with unquestionable international authority, dictate and impose policies
without accountability for the social consequences. If there is any hope for Mozambicans, it lies
in development ethics which relies heavily on the liberation motif, historical consciousness, and
African Heritage. / Philosophy, Practical and Systematic Theology / M. Th. (Theological Ethics)
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Summerhill school is it possible in Aotearoa ??????? New Zealand ???????: Challenging the neo-liberal ideologies in our hegemonic schooling systemPeck, Mikaere Michelle S. January 2009 (has links)
The original purpose of this thesis is to explore the possibility of setting up a school in Aotearoa (New Zealand) that operates according to the principles and philosophies of Summerhill School in Suffolk, England. An examination of Summerhill School is therefore the purpose of this study, particularly because of its commitment to self-regulation and direct democracy for children. My argument within this study is that Summerhill presents precisely the type of model Māori as Tangata Whenua (Indigenous people of Aotearoa) need in our design of an alternative schooling programme, given that self-regulation and direct democracy are traits conducive to achieving Tino Rangitiratanga (Self-government, autonomy and control). In claiming this however, not only would Tangata Whenua benefit from this model of schooling; indeed it has the potential to serve the purpose of all people regardless of age race or gender. At present, no school in Aotearoa has replicated Summerhill's principles and philosophies in their entirety. Given the constraints of a Master's thesis, this piece of work is therefore only intended as a theoretical background study for a much larger kaupapa (purpose). It is my intention to produce a further and more comprehensive study in the future using Summerhill as a vehicle to initiate a model school in Aotearoa that is completely antithetical to the dominant neo-liberal philosophy of our age. To this end, my study intends to demonstrate how neo-liberal schooling is universally dictated by global money market trends, and how it is an ideology fueled by the indifferent acceptance of the general population. In other words, neo-liberal theory is a theory of capitalist colonisation. In order to address the long term vision, this project will be comprised of two major components. The first will be a study of the principal philosophies that govern Summerhill School. As I will argue, Summerhill creates an environment that is uniquely successful and fulfilling for the children who attend. At the same time, it will also be shown how it is a philosophy that is entirely contrary to a neo-liberal 3 mindset; an antidote, to a certain extent, to the ills of contemporary schooling. The second component will address the historical movement of schooling in Aotearoa since the Labour Party's landslide victory in 1984, and how the New Zealand Curriculum has been affected by these changes. I intend to trace the importation of neo-liberal methodologies into Aotearoa such as the 'Picot Taskforce,' 'Tomorrows Schools' and 'Bulk Funding,' to name but a few. The neo-liberal ideologies that have swept through this country in the last two decades have relentlessly metamorphosised departments into businesses and forced ministries into the marketplace, hence causing the 'ideological reduction of education' and confining it to the parameters of schooling. The purpose of this research project is to act as a catalyst for the ultimate materialization of an original vision; the implementation of a school like Summerhill in Aotearoa. A study of the neo-liberal ideologies that currently dominate this country is imperative in order to understand the current schooling situation in Aotearoa and create an informed comparison between the 'learning for freedom' style of Summerhill and the 'learning to earn' style of our status quo schools. It is my hope to strengthen the argument in favour of Summerhill philosophy by offering an understanding of the difference between the two completely opposing methods of learning.
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“Accumulation by Dispossession” by the Global Extractive Industry: The Case of CanadaKinuthia, Wanyee 13 November 2013 (has links)
This thesis draws on David Harvey’s concept of “accumulation by dispossession” and an international political economy (IPE) approach centred on the institutional arrangements and power structures that privilege certain actors and values, in order to critique current capitalist practices of primitive accumulation by the global corporate extractive industry. The thesis examines how accumulation by dispossession by the global extractive industry is facilitated by the “free entry” or “free mining” principle. It does so by focusing on Canada as a leader in the global extractive industry and the spread of this country’s mining laws to other countries – in other words, the transnationalisation of norms in the global extractive industry – so as to maintain a consistent and familiar operating environment for Canadian extractive companies. The transnationalisation of norms is further promoted by key international institutions such as the World Bank, which is also the world’s largest development lender and also plays a key role in shaping the regulations that govern natural resource extraction. The thesis briefly investigates some Canadian examples of resource extraction projects, in order to demonstrate the weaknesses of Canadian mining laws, particularly the lack of protection of landowners’ rights under the free entry system and the subsequent need for “free, prior and informed consent” (FPIC). The thesis also considers some of the challenges to the adoption and implementation of the right to FPIC. These challenges include embedded institutional structures like the free entry mining system, international political economy (IPE) as shaped by international institutions and powerful corporations, as well as concerns regarding ‘local’ power structures or the legitimacy of representatives of communities affected by extractive projects. The thesis concludes that in order for Canada to be truly recognized as a leader in the global extractive industry, it must establish legal norms domestically to ensure that Canadian mining companies and residents can be held accountable when there is evidence of environmental and/or human rights violations associated with the activities of Canadian mining companies abroad. The thesis also concludes that Canada needs to address underlying structural issues such as the free entry mining system and implement FPIC, in order to curb “accumulation by dispossession” by the extractive industry, both domestically and abroad.
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“Accumulation by Dispossession” by the Global Extractive Industry: The Case of CanadaKinuthia, Wanyee January 2013 (has links)
This thesis draws on David Harvey’s concept of “accumulation by dispossession” and an international political economy (IPE) approach centred on the institutional arrangements and power structures that privilege certain actors and values, in order to critique current capitalist practices of primitive accumulation by the global corporate extractive industry. The thesis examines how accumulation by dispossession by the global extractive industry is facilitated by the “free entry” or “free mining” principle. It does so by focusing on Canada as a leader in the global extractive industry and the spread of this country’s mining laws to other countries – in other words, the transnationalisation of norms in the global extractive industry – so as to maintain a consistent and familiar operating environment for Canadian extractive companies. The transnationalisation of norms is further promoted by key international institutions such as the World Bank, which is also the world’s largest development lender and also plays a key role in shaping the regulations that govern natural resource extraction. The thesis briefly investigates some Canadian examples of resource extraction projects, in order to demonstrate the weaknesses of Canadian mining laws, particularly the lack of protection of landowners’ rights under the free entry system and the subsequent need for “free, prior and informed consent” (FPIC). The thesis also considers some of the challenges to the adoption and implementation of the right to FPIC. These challenges include embedded institutional structures like the free entry mining system, international political economy (IPE) as shaped by international institutions and powerful corporations, as well as concerns regarding ‘local’ power structures or the legitimacy of representatives of communities affected by extractive projects. The thesis concludes that in order for Canada to be truly recognized as a leader in the global extractive industry, it must establish legal norms domestically to ensure that Canadian mining companies and residents can be held accountable when there is evidence of environmental and/or human rights violations associated with the activities of Canadian mining companies abroad. The thesis also concludes that Canada needs to address underlying structural issues such as the free entry mining system and implement FPIC, in order to curb “accumulation by dispossession” by the extractive industry, both domestically and abroad.
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