Submitted by Pedro Henrique Giocondo Guerra (pedrogiocondoguerra@gmail.com) on 2014-03-31T18:28:41Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação_de_mestrado_Pedro_Guerra.pdf: 1750136 bytes, checksum: 780ca20cad31dcd4db57da366f768bd8 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by PAMELA BELTRAN TONSA (pamela.tonsa@fgv.br) on 2014-03-31T18:31:47Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação_de_mestrado_Pedro_Guerra.pdf: 1750136 bytes, checksum: 780ca20cad31dcd4db57da366f768bd8 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2014-03-31T18:36:18Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação_de_mestrado_Pedro_Guerra.pdf: 1750136 bytes, checksum: 780ca20cad31dcd4db57da366f768bd8 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-02-27 / The work offers a historical analysis of the recent measures adopted by the Brazilian federal government for the development of the railways sector, with an aim to verify if the Programa de Aceleração do Crescimento, PAC, represented a paradigm shift. We conclude that the PAC itself did not represent a shift from the paradigm inaugurated with the privatization of the sector that occurred between 1996 and 1998. Nonetheless, it represented the strengthening of the state in its planning role, which had started with the PNLT, in its entrepreneurial role, with the strengthening of Valec and, indirectly, in its regulating role, with the edition of resolutions by ANTT, which aimed to integrate the railway networks under the care of private companies and make them more competitive. / O trabalho analisa historicamente as recentes medidas do governo federal para o desenvolvimento do setor de ferrovias, buscando verificar se o PAC representou uma mudança de paradigma. Conclui-se que o PAC, em si, não rompeu com o paradigma inaugurado pela desestatização do setor, ocorrida entre 1996-1998. No entanto, reforçou o papel do Estado como planejador, iniciado com o PNLT, como empresário, com o fortalecimento da Valec e, de maneira indireta, como regulador, com o a edição de novas resoluções pela ANTT, em resposta a seus objetivos de integrar as malhas ferroviárias concedidas e de torná-las mais competitivas.

The UN has a goal to gender-mainstream all politics, but its politics in climate change is not gender-sensitive. The Swedish government has the same goal concerning gender mainstreaming, but does the Swedish politics of climate change reach this goal? The aim of this paper is to examine the relations between the Swedish politics of gender and climate change. In addition, the aim is also to investigate how gender is constructed in the climate politics. To reach these aims, an institutional, policy and gender analysis is used. The paper concludes that the climate change politics is built upon several policy processes, however the gender policy process has little influence in the climate change policy. Generally, gender is not constructed in the climate change policy, it appears that gender is only constructed in a context of poverty.

This study focuses upon the new societal objects that are termed public private partnerships where the public sector forms strategic alliances with the private sector and the civil society to manage the wicked issues of today. An exampel of such cooperation is Vänerhamn AB where the municipalities around the lake of Vänern and the private shipping companies got togheter to handle an economic crisis of the shipping buisiness. The partnership Vänerhamn has developed from a problematic activity to a healthy company and the aim of this thesis is to illuminate this development through an historical institutional approach, focusing critical juncture to discover if the governance theory can be used to understand the partnerships positive process.   This will be done through research questions about the organisation of the partnership, about the members interests with the partnership and about eventually coordination problems in the partnership. The questions derive from dimensions in governance theory, central for the activity of partnerships. Interviews with central informants where held and it was complemented through a document analyses in order to search for indications of the dimensions and that is the methodological approach of the study.   The conclusion of this thesis is that the governance theory can be used to understand Vänerhamns postive development since the members interest with the partnership to a begining was not at all conformed and that led to obvious coordination problems. With more conformed interests the coordination problems were almost absent and the partnership made success. In this case the organisation of the partnership did not matter as it was a registered company during the whole time. The central sapiency of the thesis is that the public sector has to learn more about the private sector and vice versa.

The essay aims to compare Swedish and Finnish decisions regarding refugee policies by tracing them back to the critical junctures when the policies were established, in order to explain why there are big differences prevalent today. The questions asked involve the motivations of the refugee policies and how they have changed over time. The theoretical framework employed is based on historical institutionalism and path dependency. By using a most similar system design and process tracing, material in the form of government declarations and government bills are studied and summed up in two analytical models. The results show that there might be a weak path dependency in the case of Finland. However it is more apparent in the case of Sweden, with frequent statements of a generous refugee policy that is characterised by humanity. The conclusions drawn are that the differences between the refugee policies might be due to the fact that the refugee policies are motivated in different ways in the two countries. Furthermore, Sweden has had an established policy for a long time whereas Finland has only just started developing this program.

The aim of this thesis is to study state regulation of anti-democratic parties, i.e. party regulation. The term ‘Party regulation’ refers to laws that may regulate the activities and behavior of political parties. This thesis uses a comparative method, conducted on three European countries which regulate anti-democratic parties differently. The cases studied are Germany, Spain and Sweden.The basis for understanding state regulation of anti-democratic parties rests on a historical institutionalist perspective along with theories of democratic tolerance. The analysis reveals that states regulate anti-democratic parties differently as a result of their historical past which has made them adopt different ideas of how political parties should be seen. Further, the analysis shows that there is no connection between the party regulation adopted and the effect it has on the anti-democratic parties.

This Ph.D. thesis discusses the evolution and current situation regarding availability of healthcare for third countries migrants in the Czech Republic. In terms of methodology, the author has chosen a qualitative approach. The research design is a historical case study. The thesis uses a combination of "desk research" and empirical survey based on 56 in-depth interviews with migrants, healthcare providers and experts who come into contact with migrants during the course of their work. Based on the approach of historical institutionalism, the author is explaining policy of migrants' health insurance evolution in Czech Republic since 1993 till today. The author identifies the key events and the roles of particular actors within the observed "sub- system" of public policy. From the viewpoint of migrants and healthcare providers, the thesis also presents how the current institutionalised set-up of migrants' health policy transfers into the real access to healthcare for migrants. It also identifies the main barriers to health care accessibility and the consequences of possible health care unavailability. Key words: migrants, health care availability, health insurance, historical institutionalism, barriers to health care access

The purpose of this study is to analyse the parliamentary structure and tasks of Bosnia and Herzegovina to see the limitations it has on the progress to democracy. By studying the Dayton accords appendix four (the constitution) and article four (the parliamentary assembly). In the analysis two theories was used, historical institutionalism and rational choice theory to help find answers to the purpose. With the thematic analysis method to analyse the material and to find themes in the data these three themes was put together, complex parliamentary structure, discrimination against minorities and the balance of power between the various institutions and actors. The material was some scientific reports and books by a variety of different authors and the Dayton accords. The analysis shows that the parliament structure is structured in a non-democratic way, the function of the structure is to keep and preserve the peace in the region. In conclusion the Dayton accords is the main reason for the structure of parliament and that it was made for peacekeeping, not necessarily to create a democratic state. Why there has not been any reform or change in the structure is because the political elite has it easier to gain their own interest with this structure rather than a democratic structure.

TĚLUPIL, Vojtěch. Vliv historické zkušenosti na současná politická rozhodnutí: rozdíl v českých a slovenských postojích k uznání Jeruzaléma jako hlavního města Izraele. Praha, 2022. 50 s. Diplomová práce (Mgr.). Univerzita Karlova, Fakulta sociálních věd, Institut mezinárodních studií. Katedra německých a rakouských studií. Vedoucí diplomové práce doc. Mgr. Tomáš Weiss, M.A., Ph.D. Abstract The question of the different attitudes towards Jerusalem and the historical relationship with Israel between the Czech Republic and Slovakia seems to be primarily a question of stabilization and destabilization of power (and differently applied ideological control) of communist Czechoslovakia of 1948-1989, with the radical break with in 1989, resp. after its division in 1992 into two successor states. The main goal of this thesis was to compare these attitudes using methods and approaches of historical institutionalism. The way in which the institutional environment for foreign policy-making was set up at the beginning of the 1990s in the form of a commitment to continuity with Czechoslovak foreign policy after 1992. Natural non-institutional factors such as the specific role of the presidency or the stability of the executive environment in the successor states naturally played another role, but from the point of view...

台灣解嚴之後，社會運動團體除了抗爭行動外，漸漸以體制內的修訂法律為主要手段。婦女運動團體也不例外。婦運團體推動的婦女法案，立法過程大部分都需要花很長一段時間和政府機關周旋。家庭暴力防治法則是一個特殊的例子，因為它在立法院裡，從提案到通過只花費一年多的時間，而且相關行政單位並沒有提出相對版本一起競逐。 筆者從歷史制度主義切入，觀察家庭暴力防治法（包含其前身―婚姻暴力防治法）的立法過程。最開始婚姻暴力議題因為鄧如雯殺夫案而受到注目；之後婦女新知基金會接受內政部補助，著手研究婚姻暴力，但研究報告出來後卻完全停擺；半年後現代婦女基金會以高鳳仙法官翻譯的美國模範家庭暴力法為藍本，擬定家庭暴力防治法草案；最後家暴法在立法院內經過數次政黨協商後，三讀通過。這中間的四年，對於婚姻暴力議題的宣導而言，因為受制於新聞熱潮的快速消退，整個政治環境被修憲、選舉、反核四等議題綁住，以及傳統家庭倫理和兩性相處觀念，所以受到的注視和討論有限。法案擬定方面，則因為有大環境有彭婉如案和白曉燕案的刺激，國際社會的風潮，制度上則有趨於健全的政黨協商機制和現代婦女基金會的董事長潘維剛佔有有利的政治地位（即身為執政黨資深立委，政府單位願意與其合作），加上推法策略上刻意隱藏性別問題，因此法案可以快速通過。 本研究發現，整個家暴法的立法過程，因為整個社會環境對法案擬定的刺激，強於政治環境的影響，制度上有政黨協商機制可以暫時調解警察和司法兩機關的權力鬥爭，策略上避開父權體制忌諱的性別意識，因此家暴法才能夠異於其他婦女法案，在立法院內順利審查、快速通過。

本文要旨在回答中國大陸的能源戰略是如何形成，並探討此一戰略如何影響中國大陸的石油安全。本文主從歷史制度主義的觀點主張中國能源體制是決定中國的石油戰略最重要的因素。解釋中國的能源部門在經濟改革與國際化的內、外部環境下，產生制度變遷，進而形成不同時期的石油戰略。在回答中國大陸日益龐大的石油需求與進口石油依賴，使得政府制訂出提升能源使用效率、節約能源、能源多元化與確保海外石油供應 但由於中國為保護國有石油企業的壟斷角色，對於「迎進來」的市場進入條件設下許多條件限制，對外又採取積極的石油外交，使得國際社會對中國產生重商主義與保護主義的疑慮。 中國的能源部門自1980年以來已經歷幾個階段的改革，第一階段是從1982年至1987年，強調要計畫經濟為主、市場力量為輔的能源制度改革；第二階段是從1988至1992年，重點在於國有企業的改革，鼓勵國有企業集團化；第三階段是從1993至1997年，重點在政企分離，並把配置資源的基礎性職能轉移給市場；第四階段是從1998至2002年，重點在加強國有資產的監管與國有企業經營，並初步建立宏觀能源調控體系；第五階段則是自2003年以降，主要的改革目標在建立跨部門的能源協調機制與對外的競爭力。 本文但由於「漸進主義」式的制度變遷使得能源部門體制改革仍存在許多問題，諸如能源部門分散、能源監管部門眾多、國家安全思維與既得利益等，使得政府部門考量其能源安全時，政府干預仍多於市場思維，即便自改革開放以來國家能力已不斷衰退。但在能源辦與發改委能源局的人力有限以及能源部門缺乏效率的情形下，擁有龐大資源的三大國有石油企業（中石油、中石化、中海油）無疑「挾持」政府的決策，例如理論上中央政府可完全控制與審核國有企業的海外投資，但實際國有企業通常是在海外投案案定局後才通知發改委與國務院。中國的能源決策中的缺乏效率常來自於既得利益者的把持，而不願在整體的政治與經濟政策上肩負起更多的政策責任，例如中央政府與國企對於戰備儲油到底由誰出資的內部爭論。 未來中國的能源戰略會持續採取「迎進來、走出去」的方向；近年來政府試圖改革其能源決策程序，透過建立跨部會的決策協調機制試圖重奪能源決策的主導性，因此於2005年5月正式成立「能源領導小組」，並積極透入政府能源白皮書與能源相關法案的草擬，政府的舉動等於是將能源政策的制訂再度「中央化」。未來中國能源戰略的最大挑戰仍來自於能源體制能否深化改革，並且制訂出對外、對內策略一致的能源戰略，以因應中國未來的石油需求以及消減國際社會的疑慮。 / The new facet of global oil politics and China’s surging oil demand have forced the Chinese government and state-owned enterprises to secure foreign oil supplies and to implement energy efficiency. However, systemic level or state-centered theories have provided limited theoretic orientation to explain China’s state behaviors and foreign behavior. It is essential to explore China’s energy institution and energy strategy behind its quest for oil security. That is, China’s foreign strategy should be put into broader context of China’s institutional evolution and domestic/foreign energy policy-making process. This research applies historical institutionalism to look at history evolution of China’s energy institution and energy strategy (especially oil strategy). Chinese energy institution has experienced four main stages of institutional evolution since 1980s. The main themes of four stages have emphasized different administrative, institutional, and energy goals. Meanwhile, institutional critical junctures and feedbacks (formation and reproduction) also have existed in every stage. The first phrase (1980-1992) emphasized how to integrate market forces into China’s bureaucratic institution with socialist characteristics and the market oriented reforms faced several institutional challenges due to necessity of central planning; the second phrase (1993-1997) was characterized by slight and limited institutional restructuring within the energy sector because market force did not gain political support from the leadership. The Chinese government established both the State Energy Commission (SEC) (1980-82) and the Ministry of Energy (MOE) (1988-93) in the wake of acute energy shortages to re-centralize authority over the energy sector. However, neither institution could effectively coordinate and implement energy policy, partly because they could not overcome the vested interests in sectional industries. The third phrase (1998-2002) was characterized by radical institutional reforms on conglomerating SOEs and delimiting administrative power. The National Development and Reform Commission (NDRC) along with the Energy Bureau within it have taken over full governmental regulatory and public sector responsibility from SOEs. However, NDRC functions not as powerful as SOEs do. Therefore, the fourth phrase (2003 until now) then put attention on the establishment of a super-ministerial interagency, revivification of administrative power, and emphasis of foreign competitiveness. The establishment of State Energy Leading Group (SELG) aims at regaining strong central authority and to correcting turbulent oil strategies made on a base of institutional constraints. Above all, China’s institutional evolution is characteristic of state-regulated marketization, limited property right reforms, strategic preference, and departmentalism in China’s energy sector since 1980s. The institutional evolution has constrained China’s energy institution from planning a long-term national energy strategy. China’s energy sector continuously confirms institutional formation by the support of highest leadership and mainstream ideology, and confirms institutional reproduction between the directive and liberal forces, between the government and market forces. Meanwhile, international responses to China’s hunting behaviors are to play either a conductive role in impelling China’s institutional reforms and in adjusting its foreign behaviors. To prevent serious energy competition and to enhance international cooperation, China has shown its willingness to communicate with other nations on oil issues. However, China also needs to show its determination to implement domestic demand-side measures and a market approach instead of implementing protectionist “welcome-in” and aggressive “going out” policies. Ongoing institutional reforms still determines whether the China’s energy institution will ensure the country’s energy security. In the short term, the establishment of the central authority in the energy sector will improve departmental coordination and policy persistance. However, in the long term, China’s ongoing institional reforms need to integrate more market forces, proceed property right reforms, and reshape relationship between the government and market. Without deeper institutional reforms, energy bureaucrats and SOEs would be dragged into institutional process of formation and reproduction but gain limited results in meeting China’s oil security.