<p>The purpose of this paper is to analyse and discuss clinch-nails found at an excavation at terrace II in the Garrison of Birka, on the island of Björkö in Sweden. This type of clinch-nails is common in Viking age Sweden and is usually interpreted as coming from boats. The study will try to show that these types of nails could have been used in several kinds of wooden constructions. It will also show how the nails were made and what kinds of tools were used by the Viking smiths. The study has shown that this type of nails were used in several different types of wooden constructions such as boats, sleds, cart bodies, coffins, Birka's ramparts and buildings. Nothing confirms the use of rivets in Viking age buildings but the material from terrace II probably contains clinch-nails from the other categories. The largest portion of the clinch-nails comes from disused boats and from the ramparts surrounding Birka's hill fort Borg. The tools for making nails have not been found in the Birka Garrison.</p>

In the year of 2012 a unique three dimensional figurine was found in Hårby, Denmark depicting what seems to be a woman holding a sword and a shield. Immediately it was defined as a Valkyrie, a female servant of the Viking god Odin. However, this is most likely a simplified interpretation since most female figurines from the Viking age is interpreted in this way. This thesis questions this interpretation, creating an identity crisis for the Valkyries due to their interpretation no longer being obvious and simple. Instead this thesis recognizes the gender ambiguous features of the Hårbyfigurine and tries to determine what it can tell about the perception of gender during the Viking Age. The purpose of this thesis is thus to present how gender theory, queer theory and a comparative method can be used to interpret a gender ambiguous object from the Viking Age. This is done based on the Hårbyfigurine and its different attributes and concludes that the arguments against that female figurines from the Viking Age depicts Valkyries are more numerous than the arguments that support this identification. Alternative interpretations for the figurine is therefore suggested. The thesis also shows that the interpretations gender theory, queer theory and comparative method can produce differs in its complexity and in how they handle the gender ambiguous qualities of the Hårbyfigurine. The conclusion drawn from this is that gender ambiguous objects cannot be interpreted in one single way but must be tackled with a variety of theories and methods to be able to tell something about the worldview of the people who lived in the Viking Age. The term gender ambiguous is also re-evaluated throughout the thesis and turns out to be an interpretation applied to objects based on a modern way of defining gender and sex and is not a trait of the object itself. This means that gender is not defined in the same way today as it was in the Viking Age. Gender is thus strongly connected to the ruling culture and not stable, but ever changing.

This thesis examines the use of various osseous raw materials in craft activities in the Mälaren region during the Middle Ages. Places studied are: Birka, Sigtuna, Nyköping, Strängnäs and Uppsala. The aim is to capture both chronological and spatial changes in the use of osseous raw materials. Species and materials used reflect regional as well as international networks and how they change during time. The spatial distribution of waste from craft activities, its materiality and temporality mirror activities in different social contexts.  Quantitative and qualitative changes in the handling and exploitation of raw materials reflect varying and changing views of its value and how craft and exchange is affected by both a social and economic agency. In Birka, osseous waste material associated with craft was collected by Hjalmar Stolpe in the 1870s. An examination of the assemblage shows that imported material comprises a significant part of the collection. About a third of the waste consists of imported antler of red deer and reindeer. Red deer is particularly abundant (21%), signifying the importance of southern trading networks. The presence of whalebone can also be linked to south-western trading routes. The waste material collected during excavations in Sigtuna and representing the period c. 980-1300 has a different composition, reflecting different networks and perhaps different means of trade and production. As in Birka, elk antler constitutes the main bulk of the raw material used. Red deer antler is extremely limited, forming less than 1% of the material, appearing continuously though in small amounts from c. 1020-1300.  Reindeer antler is distinctly present in the oldest phase, c. 980-1000. This occurrence might represent a relic of the northern network manifested at Birka. An isotopic study indicates an origin in a forested biotope. After this initial phase the use of reindeer antler becomes as rare as that of red deer until the second half of the 12th century, indicating that the antler craft operated on a minor scale without any demand for long-distance trade in raw materials. A change occurs in the last quarter of the 12th century when large quantities of reindeer antler appear once more. Isotope signatures indicate an origin in more mountainous regions. This coincides with the introduction of another traded raw material of an arctic origin: walrus tusk. The craft had become more marked oriented. This is manifested in larger deposits of debris, a wider range of materials used, including bones from various domestic animals, but also the handling and exploitation of the material changes indicating a different view of production, trade and the value of raw materials than previous. This shift coincides with the introduction of minted silver. Western influences are evident both in the material culture and in the faunal assemblage. It is likely that a majority of the reindeer antler as well as the walrus tusk present in these later phases have a Norwegian origin. In the late 1100s and early 1200s craft in osseous material occur in other towns that emerge in the region but it seems to appear in new social contexts. Small assemblages of antler debris have been found in Uppsala, but the activities they represent lack the spatial continuity that exist in contemporary environments in Sigtuna and Strängnäs, indicating short lived occasional activities in a loosely regulated urban environment. Craft activities dependent purely on bone from domestic animals appear in the 1200s in Nyköping, Uppsala and Strängnäs. They represent craft activities in a new social context outside the private sphere of the local elite and instead subordinated other craft activities where domestic animals have been exploited on a large scale beyond the domestic household. Antler craft represents a social practise in the realms of the local elite with a continuity stretching back to the Iron Age. Monetization and an increasingly feudal society redefine social relations and practise. This can be seen in the occurrence of craft in new contexts in the late 1100s and 1200s, reflecting heterogeneity in social and economic functions in and between the towns in the region.

This essay provides a study of five Swedish locales in the Mälar Valley and Öland, namely Arkels tingstad, Aspa löt, Tingstad flisor, Anundshög and Signhilds kulle/Fornsigtuna, and their possible use as sites of Viking Age thing assemblies. Historical texts, place names and archaeological excavations are queried through the aid of a theoretical assemblage drawing on De Landa, Deleuze &amp; Guattari, as well as Icelandic, British and Scandinavian research. Following this, I propose that the locales chosen as thing sites were communicational nexuses localised on commons in borderzones between land domains. Thus, space commonly understood as in the elite's periphery insteadbecomes of central importance.

This thesis studies the famous boat graves in Valsgärde, Sweden and Sutton Hoo, England.  Its purpose is to understand the affects these graves had on the people who surrounded and visited them. Affect describes the first reaction when a person experience somthing new. The other focus of this thesis is the boat graves that seemingly lack buried people, and why the bodies in the graves are missing. There are some fragments of both humans and animals in the Valsgärde graves. In Sutton Hoo there are small amounts of remains from humans or animals, the osteologists have not been able to ascertain which of the two. There are some theories that the burials have been open for everyone to see, the question is then why and if this is the case, how did people react to this phenomenon, that is the boat-graves affects. The thesis concludes that the now missing bodies may have been exposed in the open for a long time, before they were buried. The soil´s acidity at Sutton Hoo is at pH 3,8 at the lowest, which has an impact on how well bodies are preserved in the ground. Both the soil and the exposing of the bodies might have done an equal amount of damage to the bodies.

There is something about horses. Something that through the ages has made people see these animals as something special, almost magical. The use, care and murder of these animals contain information of high value for archaeology. Information that can be hard to find in other materials.These animals and their final resting places bear traces of the emic values and inner worlds of the people that once put them there. People’s thoughts, values and traditions can be visualised from the bodies of the horses that once served them, at times gave their lives for them.The purpose of this essay is to study possible regional similarities and differences in the tradition relating to living and dead horses. This is done through osteological analysis of skeletal remains mainly of horse (Equus) and analysis of the archaeological contexts.The initial hypothesis was that the reason for a somewhat scarce representation of skeletal remains of horse in some places, perhaps relates to how the people in these places handled the bodies of the horses due to tradition and norms within their society.The study also sets out to examine what has made up the foundation for an interpretation of sacrifice and ritual, problematise the application of the concept of sacrifice as well as how archaeology as a research field has been affected and influenced by these notions.A delamination was made to Iron Age since the use of horses for man’s benefit and enjoyment was well established by that time. Geographically a delamination has been made to the islands of Gotland, Stora Karlsö and Öland with the intention of creating a distinct island perspective, where peculiar and unique traditions as well as more general similarities are allowed the same presuppositions. For this reason, three materials from the chosen geographical areas have been subject to osteological analysis; Stormyr in Bäl Parish on Gotland, Norderhamn in Eksta Parish on Stora Karlsö and a material from Löt Parish on Öland.The results show a general pattern in handling as well as in how both living and dead horses were perceived in the studied locations. However, it is also clear that regional differences occur in these areas.No osteological markers that can indicate any difference in type between the analysed horses have been found. There is however some trauma that indicates that some horses may have been used as workforce and means of transportation for example.The result also show that several factors in the represented cases could have affected the basis of estimation that led to a ritualistic interpretation, for example the frequency of finds, the extent of exploitation of an area, education, the development of methodology over time, etc.

Figurines with a human shape have been created in almost every culture all throughout human history. In this thesis one such group of figurines is under investigation, Viking age female figurines. These figurines are most often interpreted as representations of the Valkyries – shieldmaidens of the god Odin – or as the goddess Fröja. Interpretations made through comparative studies with the medieval written sources. However, these interpretations always privileges some attributes of the figurines over others, creating simplified and general interpretations. The purpose of this thesis is to (re)interpret the figurines beyond the concept of representation, and instead focus on what the figurines, through their various attributes (size, motive, material), do and how they influence human actions. This is realized through the creation of a catalogue of all currently known female figurines from the Viking age (53 pieces), a correspondence analysis and through the use of symmetrical archaeology and embodiment theory. The result shows that the most important attributes of the figurines is their physical bodies, through which they can interact with the world, trigger emotions, hold memory, become animated and be part of the performative practice of upholding individual identity as well as upholding both the social- and cosmological worlds.

<p>Abstract: Previous research on the Viking Age trade centre of Birka has suggested the parallel use of two harmonising standard weight units, differing in mass by five percent. As an explanation to this phenomenon, this paper puts forward a hypothesis of a trading fee, embedded in the weights. This is corroborated through a hypothetical deductive study; including a reassertion of earlier results by means of a new method for archaeometrological analysis, using a 3D scanner and Computer-Aided Design. Further, the role of silver, as a preferred unit of payment in Birka, is supported through a spatial analysis of the distribution of Islamic coins and Oriental beads in the provinces of Middle Sweden. Plausible manufacturing sites for the cylindrical lead weights, adhering to the Birka mitqal, are discussed as a possible way of falsifying the hypothesis. The results suggest that a trading fee was extracted, using the Birka mitqal for imports and the Islamic mitqal for exports. The metrological analysis was also expanded to weights from Sigtuna, which proved the Birka mitqal, as well the dual metrics system, continued to be in use there until, at least, the first half of the 11^th century. Finally, a short study on the origins of the Scandinavian/Islamic weight system suggests that the direct influence for the system primarily can be attributed the Volga-Bulgarians.</p>

<p>This paper deals with the connection between food and burial habits during the late Iron Age in present-day Sweden. The archaeological material used in the study consists of 16 potsherds from a burial site at Alsike hage, Alsike parish, in the province of Uppland in east-central Sweden. On these potsherds have been conducted FTIR- and GCMS-analyses, in order to see what types of food have been deposited in the burials. Furthermore, the result of the GCMS-analyses has been compared to contemporary material from both burial sites and settlement sites, in order to establish whether differences between the compared materials exist. The analyses show that there are differences between the material from burial sites compared with the material from settlement sites, but not any particular differences between the material from different burial sites. Among these differences we can see that the settlement sites show: a higher amount of total lipid content, a higher amount of vessels which contained lipids indicating that food was heated in them, a higher amount of vessels which contained lipids from crop products as the only content, and a higher amount of vessels which contained lipids from ruminant animals. The interpretation of these results is also discussed in the paper. Furthermore, the results of the FTIR-analyses also shows a good correlation with the results from the GCMS-analyses, it seems that the organic “foodcrusts” analysed with FTIR indeed stem from the same meal indicated by the GCMS-analyses.</p>

<p>Mitt syfte med denna studie av Häckelsängsringen är att ta reda på om den verkligen är från vikingatiden samt om den har haft en eds-, rit- eller kultfunktion? Finns det någon vikingatida kult i området som kan komma ifråga när det gäller denna ”mystiska ring”? Till min hjälp har jag tagit litteratur som talar om ringar och eder till exempel de Isländska eddorna. För att se om det finns en vikingatida kult i området har jag besökt Hamrånge socken, både själv och tillsammans med arkeologer. Jag har studerat länsmuseets faktarum och fornminnesregistret. I fornminnesregistret har jag hittat platser såsom en reliklund med mycket gamla lindar, en tänkbar offerkälla, en stenlagd cirkel som kan vara en tingsring samt att i närheten finns ett område som på gamla kartor kallas Lundåker, en tydlig odling av hassel. Allt detta sammantaget tyder på en vikingakult i området. Järnringen har krokar på insidan och dessa har jag försökt att tolka. Det jag kommer fram till är att dessa krokar kan symbolisera olika saker beroende på vad man skulle ha den till för stunden. Det finns ett tydligt mönster som visar ett vikingaskepp mellan två krokar. Krokarna i sig själv anser jag symboliserar eldstål och dessa tillskriver jag vikingaguden Tor.</p>