Sexual violence perpetrated against women during armed conflicts represents a severe violation of their fundamental human rights. This heinous act not only inflicts significant harm on the women themselves but also results in the birth of children conceived due to wartime rape. Previous research has marked that children born of war encounter various forms of discrimination, stigma, neglect, abuse, and sometimes limited access to education and healthcare. As a vulnerable group, children born of war often have single mothers who have experienced sexual violence, resulting in potential lack of support from their family and communities. This paper investigates the circumstances and obstacles faced by children born of war but also what is necessary to properly support these children, according to the five organisations interviewed. It shines light on the need for comprehensive support systems to address their specific needs in the future, such as the urgent need for early interventions and psychological support, along with providing children born of war the opportunity to connect with their biological heritage to foster a sense of identity amongst others.

Organisationer satsar på ledarskapsutveckling och organisationer behöver förändras för att anpassa sig till omvärldens krav eller andra förändrade behov. Syftet med denna uppsats är att skapa mer kunskap om huruvida en satsning på ledarskapsutveckling i en statlig organisation kan bidra till att förändra ledarskapet i en organisation och att identifiera vilka organisatoriska förutsättningar som behöver vara på plats för att åstadkomma en förändring av organisationens ledarskap. Uppsatsens tillvägagångssätt är en kvalitativ fallstudie med abduktiv och tolkande ansats och datainsamlingen har bestått av semistrukturerade intervjuer med 15 chefer i organisationen. Insamlade data har analyserats genom denna studies analysmodell som kombinerar ledarstilar med organisatoriska förutsättningar. Slutsatserna pekar övergripande på vikten av ledningens och medarbetarnas engagemang, kommunikation, dialog och delaktighet i samband med förändringar. Slutsatserna indikerar att en satsning på ledarskapsutveckling kan bidra till en förändring av ledarskapet bl.a. om utrymme skapas så att chefer kan arbeta aktivt med det egna ledarskapet. Slutsatserna visar också att ett utvecklat ledarskap kan vara svårare att tillämpa om det inte tillämpas av samtliga berörda i en organisation. Slutsatserna indikerar att tid, organisatorisk struktur eller otydlighet kan motverka en förändring av ledarskapet i organisationen. Avseende vilka organisatoriska förutsättningar som behöver vara på plats för att kunna åstadkomma en förändring av organisationens ledarskap visar slutsatserna att det bör skapas utrymme för tillit på alla nivåer i organisationen inklusive förtroende för organisationens olika professioner. Slutsatserna antyder att olika arbetssätt inom organisationen kan utmana organisationens vi-känsla. Slutsatserna antyder också att en organisations beslutsprocesser försvåras av otydlighet och osäkerhet men att detta kan motverkas av god kännedom om en organisations olika verksamheter. Vidare antyder slutsatserna att organisatorisk struktur har betydelse för ett transformativt ledarskap som är utvecklande och tillitsbaserat, men att det delvis går att tillämpa även om den organisatoriska strukturen begränsar. / Organisations invest in leadership development and organisations need to change to adapt to the demands of the outside world or other changing needs. The purpose of this essay is to create more knowledge about whether an investment in leadership development in a government organisation can contribute to changing the leadership in this organisation and to identify which organisational conditions need to be present to bring about a change in the organisation's leadership. The essay's approach is a qualitative case study with an abductive and interpretative approach and the data collection has consisted of semi-structured interviews with 15 managers within the organisation. The collected data has been analysed through a model which combines leadership styles with organisational conditions. The conclusions point generally to the importance of management's and employees' commitment, communication, dialogue, and participation in connection with changes. The conclusions indicate that an investment in leadership development can contribute to a change in leadership i.a. if space is created for managers to work actively with their own leadership. The conclusions also show that a developed leadership can be more difficult to apply if it is not applied by all concerned in an organisation. The conclusions indicates that time, organisational structure, or lack of clarity can counteract a change in leadership in the organisation. Regarding the organisational conditions which need to be present to be able to bring about a change in the organisation's leadership, the conclusions show that there should be room for trust at all levels in the organisation, including trust in the organisation's various professions. The conclusions suggest that differing ways of working within the organisation can challenge the organisation's sense of collective identity. The conclusions also suggest that an organisation's decision-making processes are made more difficult by ambiguity and uncertainty, but that this can be counteracted by a good knowledge of an organisation's various activities. Furthermore, the conclusions suggest that organisational structure is important for a transformative leadership that is developmental and trust-based, but that such a leadership can be partially applied even if the organisational structure is limiting.

No / The article aims to provide a synthesis of key discussions within scholarship that is critical of Mainstream Institutionalism. It adopts a thematic approach to chart debate and areas of convergence about key issues. The first section of the article briefly charts the rise to prominence of the mainstream 'collective action' school. Each of the themes identified as central to the alternative critical approach is then examined in turn. These are the 'homogenous community' critique, the avoidance of politics critique (further divided into ideational politics and politics of local empowerment) and the sociological critique. The article concludes by reflecting on the challenge of 'making complexity legible' that faces the nascent critical tradition in institutional analysis.

The purpose of this dissertation was to provide knowledge of how issues of social work policy and practice are being raised in the responses to the Scottish Government’s public consultation ‘Review of the Gender Recognition Act 2004’ from 2017. Further, the purpose was to understand how sex and gender were described in the responses, and how these descriptions may relate to concepts of power and discourse in regards to social work practice. The dissertation is based on the 32 opposing organisational responses to the public consultation. The material was processed through a qualitative content analysis, generating ten categories that this dissertation labels as (1) sex as a biological reality, (2) on the post-structuralist view of gender, (3) gender mainstreaming, (4) the magnitude of the decision and regret,(5) diagnosis criteria as a quality assurer for trans care, (6) trans people without gender affirming surgery, (7) the challenge for professionals, (8) biological males, single-sex spaces and the risk for exploitation, (9) cis women’s rights and (10) cis women’s vulnerability. The categories were later condensed into three themes labelled as (1) understanding gender identities and self-declaration, (2) the shift towards self-declaration and (3) the threat to cis women. The themes and categories were analysed through the theoretical framework of Judith Butler’s queer theory. The analysis was followed by a discussion that integrated the theoretical framework with previous research, aiming to enhance the applicability of the findings to the dissertation's purpose and the future of social work research. The findings of the dissertations show that the opposing organisation’s often described sex and gender using biological essentialist discourse, perceiving sex and gender as an innate biological feature that cannot be changed. Further, the findings show little mention of issues of social work in the organisation's responses to the public consultation. Drawing from previous research, the dissertation critiques this by arguing that civil society organisations should pay attention to discourse around legal gender recognition and its implications for the shaping of social work since they are key stakeholders for the development of social work policy and practice. / Syftet med denna uppsats var att bidra till kunskap om hur frågor kring socialt arbete lyfts fram i remissvaren till den skotska regeringens remiss ‘Review of the Gender Recognition Act 2004’ från 2017. Syftet var vidare att förstå hur begreppen kön och genus beskrivs i remissvaren, samt hur dessa beskrivningar relaterar till begreppen diskurs och makt i förhållande till socialt arbete. Uppsatsen baseras på 32 remissvar från de organisationer som motsatte sig den skotska regeringens syn på juridisk könstillhörighet. Materialet bearbetades genom en kvalitativ innehållsanalys vilket genererade tio kategorier som i denna uppsats benämns (1) kön som en biologisk verklighet, (2) om den poststrukturalistiska synen på genus, (3) genus-mainstreaming, (4) beslutets magnitud och ånger, (5) diagnoskriterier som kvalitetsgaranti för transvård, (6) transpersoner utan könsbekräftande kirurgi, (7) utmaningen för yrkesverksamma, (8) biologiska män, separatistiska utrymmen och risken för exploatering, (9) ciskvinnors rättigheter och (10) ciskvinnors sårbarhet. Kategorierna kondenserades sedan till tre teman som i denna uppsats benämns (1) förståelsen av könsidentiteter ochsjälvbestämmande, (2) övergången till självbestämmande och (3) fara för ciskvinnor. Temana och kategorierna analyserades med hjälp av Judith Butlers queerteori. Analysen följdes av en diskussion som integrerade det teoretiska ramverket med tidigare forskning, med avsikten att öka tillämpbarheten av resultaten för uppsatsens syfte och den framtida forskningen inom socialt arbete. Uppsatsens resultat visar att organisationerna ofta beskrev kön och genus med hjälp av en könsdeterministisk diskurs, som förstår kön och genus som inneboende biologiska egenskaper som inte kan förändras. Resultatet visar vidare att frågor kring socialt arbete lyfts fram i låg utsträckning i organisationernas remissvar. Uppsatsen kritiserar detta genom att argumentera för att civilsamhällesorganisationer bör uppmärksamma remissen simplikationer för utformningen av socialt arbete i relation till frågan om juridisk könstillhörighet eftersom civilsamhällesorganisationer är viktiga aktörer för utvecklingen av socialt arbete.

Mémoire numérisé par la Direction des bibliothèques de l'Université de Montréal.

Créée en 2002 en remplacement de l’OUA, l’Union africaine affiche l’ambition de trouver des solutions africaines aux problèmes africains en ajoutant l’article 4 dans son Acte constitutif. Cet article lui donne le droit de déployer une force militaire au sein d’un État membre pour protéger les civils lors de violations de droits de l’homme, de génocide ou de crimes contre l’humanité. Tandis que les conflits intraétatiques continuent de faire rage sur le continent africain, l’UA et ses États membres n’ont jamais autorisé — sans y renoncer — une intervention humanitaire contre l’un de ses membres. Ce mémoire vise à connaitre les raisons pour lesquelles les dirigeants africains ont renoncé à déployer une force militaire pour protéger les civils burundais en 2015, et ce, malgré le fait que l’UA l’a initialement recommandé quelques semaines plus tôt. En s’inspirant de la théorie réaliste des relations internationales, cette étude du conflit burundais de 2015 démontre que la non-intervention de l’UA est avant tout liée à un manque de volonté de la part des dirigeants africains qui ont privilégié leurs intérêts personnels ainsi que les intérêts économiques de leur pays au détriment de l’urgence humanitaire au Burundi. De plus, plusieurs dirigeants africains, qui ont un contentieux avec Paul Kagamé et qui voient le Burundi comme un contrepoids à l’influence rwandaise, se sont positionnés contre la MAPROBU pour léser le Rwanda. Ensuite, l’abandon de la MAPROBU s’explique aussi par le fait que le Conseil de Paix et de Sécurité est totalement dépendant de la volonté des États membres et ne dispose pas de l’autonomie institutionnelle nécessaire pour autoriser le déploiement des troupes de l’UA au Burundi. / Created in 2002 to replace the OAU, the African Union’s desire to find African solutions to African problems was demonstrated by the addition of Article 4 to its Constitutive Act, which gives the Union the authority to deploy a military force within a member state to protect civilians from human rights violations, genocide or crimes against humanity. While intrastate conflicts are still devastating the African continent, the AU has never authorized a humanitarian intervention against one of its members. This master’s thesis seeks to explain why the African leaders did not authorize the deployment of a military force to protect Burundian civilians in 2015, despite the fact that the AU had initially recommended it a few weeks earlier. Based on the realist approach in International Relations, this case study demonstrates that the decision not to intervene in Burundi is primarily due to a lack of commitment from African leaders who have prioritized their own interests as well as economic interests over the humanitarian urgency in Burundi. In addition, many African leaders, who see Paul Kagame as a rival, perceive Burundi as a counterweight to Rwanda’s influence. Therefore, their position against MAPROBU is also intended to undermine Rwanda. Secondly, the decision not to deploy MAPROBU could be explained by the fact that the Peace and Security Council (PSC) is totally dependent on the will of member states and does not have the necessary institutional autonomy to authorize the deployment of AU troops in Burundi.

This study uncovers the reactions and responses of Swedish civil society organisations to the abolition of the Swedish feminist foreign policy. Sweden, a pioneer in 2014 as the first country to develop and adopt a feminist foreign policy, took a surprising turn in 2022 by becoming the first to abolish it. Through qualitative methods of document analysis and key informant interviews, this study aims to understand how these crucial foreign affairs actors responded to this policy shift. The findings reveal deep-seated disappointment and concern about the negative development of Sweden’s foreign affairs, as the government dismantled Sweden’s gender equality commitments without offering new, measurable strategies. By engaging with feminist international relations theory, the results illuminate potential regression in global gender equality achievements, human rights, and democratic values as the government severs dialogical and financial ties with civil society.

Esta disertación trata sobre cómo es vivida la noción de ciudadania por los jóvenes integrados al organismo no gubernamental llamado Proyecto Axé, situado en la ciudad de Salvador, en el Estado de Bahia, al norte del Brasil. Precisamente, este estudio explora las maneras en que la ciudadania es percibida e incorporada por ninos que vivieron una situación de calle. Para alcanzar este objetivo, las historias de vida de los jóvenes son colocadas en perspectiva, mostrando al lector la evolución del pensamiento efectuado a medida que estos ninos y adolescentes participan a la propuesta educativa del organismo. De esta manera, este trabajo realiza un anâlisis multidimensional de las experiencias vividas, identificando los momentos claves y situândolos en un contexto social de violencia estructural y cultural. Diferentes aspectos de la experiencia de la calle son mostrados, a fin de comprender les condiciones estructurales que favorecen la marginalización de estos jóvenes. / Ce mémoire traite de la notion de citoyenneté et de comment elle vécue par les jeunes intégrés à l'organisme non gouvernemental appelé Projet Axé, situé dans la ville de Salvador, dans l'État de Bahia, au nord du Brésil. Plus précisément, cette étude explore les diverses perceptions de la citoyenneté et comment elle est incorporée par les enfants ayant vécu en situation de rue. Pour accomplir cet objectif, les histoires de vie des ces jeunes sont mises en perspective, montrant au lecteur la façon dont s'effectue l'évolution de la pensée au fur et à mesure que ces enfants et adolescents participent au projet éducatif de l'organisme. De cette manière, ce travail fait une analyse multidimensionnelle des expériences vécues, en identifiant les moments clés et en les situant dans un contexte social de violence structurelle et culturelle. Divers aspects de l'expérience de la rue sont montrés, afin de comprendre les conditions structurelles qui favorisent la marginalisation des ces jeunes.

Thèse en cotutelle entre l'Université Laval, Québec, Canada et l'Université de Bordeaux, Talence, France / Le vaste mouvement de massification des universités et d'internationalisation du recrutement de leurs publics fait, de nos jours, des mondes étudiants des communautés marquées par le pluralisme ethnoculturel. Cette recomposition interne s'établit, en outre, dans un contexte marqué par une polarisation des sociétés fondée sur l'identité culturelle. Cette situation interpelle au premier chef les universités qui présentent une longue tradition de négligence en matière de gestion ouverte de la différence ethnoculturelle. Cette thèse entend, par l'usage d'une méthodologie mixte, analyser l'expérience de la différence ethnoculturelle vécue par les étudiants étrangers en mobilité individuelle, réalisant leur cursus universitaire à l'Université de Bordeaux (France) et à l'Université Laval (Québec) (2020-2023). Elle ambitionne également d'analyser les politiques universitaires de gestion de la diversité dans une double perspective, émique et étique. À l'aide d'une approche constructiviste, nous cherchons à étudier les processus d'exo-catégorisation conduisant au sentiment de discrimination chez le minoritaire (frontière en soi) et d'endo-catégorisation susceptibles de motiver un engagement dans des réseaux communautaires (frontière pour soi). Notre étude fait recours principalement au concept de frontière qui permet d'appréhender l'expérience des étudiants étrangers en situation de minoration, articulée aux problématiques d'enracinement et de reconnaissance dans les domaines corporel, linguistique et religieux. Les données de cette recherche sont constituées de 2 824 réponses à un questionnaire qui a été diffusé auprès des populations étudiantes dans les deux universités et de 82 entretiens réalisés avec des étudiants (59) et des responsables universitaires (23), ainsi que des données secondaires recueillies à l'aide d'un relevé de traces, d'une observation directe et indirecte et d'une analyse des documents institutionnels (plans d'action, rapports, sites numériques, etc.). Les résultats de notre recherche révèlent le taux du sentiment de discrimination fondé sur des marqueurs d'origine ethnique des étudiants et démontrent les mécanismes et les effets liés au traitement inégalitaire dans le milieu universitaire en particulier et dans la société en général. Paradoxalement, l'expérience de minoration peut conduire un nombre important d'étudiants à s'engager dans des réseaux communautaires. On assiste dès lors à l'émergence d'une solidarité collective, accentuée en l'absence d'une politique universitaire structurée d'accueil, d'accompagnement et d'inclusion, notamment pour le cas français. Les réseaux communautaires imposent une réflexion profonde sur l'usage de la culture d'origine et de la croyance religieuse comme leviers de socialisation, d'enracinement et de promotion des particularismes dans la société d'accueil. Ces réseaux deviennent ainsi un lieu d'affirmation identitaire et participent à l'établissement, au renfoncement ou à l'affaiblissement des frontières ethnoculturelles dans les mondes étudiants. / The shift towards university massification and the globalization of student recruitment have transformedstudent communities into resulting in a marked increase in ethnocultural diversity. This internalreconfiguration occurs within a context characterized by societal polarization based on cultural identity. Universities, which traditionally overlooked the need of proactive management of ethnoculturaldifferences, now face challenges in adapting to this evolving situation. This thesis adopts a mixed methodology to analyze the ethnocultural experiences of internationalstudents pursuing their higher education at the University of Bordeaux (France) and Laval University(Québec) during the period spanning from 2020 to 2023. It seeks to explore university policiesconcerning diversity management from both experiential and organizational lens. Employing a constructivist framework, we explore the processes of exo-categorization leading tofeelings of discrimination among minority individuals (external boundaries) and endo-categorizationthat may motivate engagement in community networks (internal boundaries). Our study primarily reliesupon the concept of boundaries as a means of comprehending the experiences of international studentsin contexts of marginalization, focusing on issues related to phenotype, language, and religious. The research data comprises a total of 2,824 questionnaire responses obtained from th studentpopulations at both universities, accompanied by 82 interviews that were conducted with students (59) and university officials (23). Additionally, supplementary data were acquired through trace surveys, direct and indirect observations, as well as analysis of institutional documents (action plans, reports, digital platforms, etc.). The results of our study highlight the prevalence of discrimination rooted in ethnic markers amongstudents, offering insights into the mechanisms and effects related to unequal treatment within theuniversity environment and society at large. Paradoxically, experiences of marginalization can lead asignificant number of students to engage in community networks. Therefore, there is an emergence ofminority solidarity, particularly in the absence of a structured university policies of support andinclusion are lacking, notably in the context of France. These community networks necessitate deepreflection on the use of one's cultural origin and religious beliefs as tools of socialization, integration, and promoting distinctiveness within the host society. Consequently, these networks serve as platformfor identity affirmation and contribute to either the strengthening or weakening of ethnoculturalboundaries within student communities

Diese Arbeit untersucht in einer vergleichenden Perspektive das neu entstehende Feld der Vertretung der Selbständigen in Italien und Deutschland. Dabei stehen sowohl die traditionellen als auch die neuen Organisationen und ihre Vertretungsstrategien im Mittelpunkt. Der theoretische Ansatz basiert auf der Idee, dass sowohl die neuen als auch die traditionellen Organisationen in das gleiche neu entstehende strategische Handlungsfeld eingebunden sind (Fligstein & McAdam, 2012). Der Begriff des Feldes wird ausgehend von der bahnbrechenden Arbeit von Pierre Bourdieu über den theoretischen Ansatz, der von der Neo-Institutionalistischen Schule vertreten wird, erörtert. Die Theorie der neu auftauchenden "strategischen Handlungsfelder" wurde durch die von Barbara Czarniawska (1992, 2004, 2009) vorgeschlagene ethnographische Perspektive auf komplexe Organisationen ergänzt, um die Gründe und Motivationen für deren Entscheidungen und Standpunkte vollständig zu verstehen. In dieser Hinsicht war der klassische Ansatz zur Untersuchung von Organisationen, der sich auf den Sensmaking-Prozess konzentriert (Weick, 1979, 1995, 2009), grundlegend. Formen, Strukturen, Regeln, die die Organisationen sowie ihre Ressourcen bestimmen, wurden ebenfalls berücksichtigt. Danach wurden die Vertretungsstrategien sowohl innerhalb verschiedener Organisationen im gleichen Land als auch zwischen ähnlichen Organisationen in Italien und Deutschland analysiert und verglichen. Das äußere Umfeld, das von Verbündeten, Gegnern und anderen relevanten Akteuren wie öffentlichen Institutionen besetzt wird, wurde aus der Sicht der Hauptakteure und durch die Analyse von Dokumenten berücksichtigt. Schließlich wurde die städtische Dimension, eine der relevanten Variablen, die den Strukturierungsprozess der Vertretung der Selbständigen beeinflussen, berücksichtigt. / This work explores, in a comparative perspective, the emerging field of self-employment representation in Italy and Germany. In doing so the traditional organizations and the new ones are the main focus as well their representation strategies. The theoretical approach is based on the idea that both new organisations and the traditional ones are involved in the same emerging strategic action field (Fligstein & McAdam, 2012). The concept of field is discussed starting from the seminal work of Pierre Bourdieu, passing through the theoretical approach promoted by the Neo-Institutionalist School. The theory of emerging ‘strategic action fields’ has been complemented by the ethnographic perspective on complex organizations proposed by Barbara Czarniawska (1992, 2004, 2009) in order to fully understand the reasons and motivations for their choices made and their positions. In this regard, the classic approach to the study of organizations that focuses on the sensmaking process (Weick, 1979, 1995, 2009) was fundamental. Shapes, structures, rules governing the organisations as well as their resources have also been considered. After that the representations strategies have been analysed and compared both within different organisations in the same country and between similar organisations in Italy and Germany. The external environment populated by allies, enemies and other relevant players such as public institutions has been taken into account through the point of view of the key actors and through the analysis of documents. Finally the urban dimension, one of the relevant variable that influence the structuring process of self-employment representation has been considered.