Dans le cadre d'une politique publique presque universelle, la sécurité routière, cette thèse se consacre à une catégorie précise de conducteurs, les motocyclistes. Ceux-ci forment à la fois un groupe distinct d'usagers de la route, objet à ce titre de réglementations spécifiques, et, du moins quand ils sont et se considèrent comme motards, un groupe social. Dans les années 1970, au moment de son institutionnalisation, la politique de sécurité routière rencontre avec ces motards un problème inédit. La moto, disparue durant les années 1960, revient en effet massivement dans les rues avec de nouveaux, et jeunes, utilisateurs. Il lui faut alors inventer une façon de gérer le risque inédit qu'ils représentent, ce qu'elle fera en choisissant, parmi plusieurs options, une politique répressive dont on montrera comment elle a évolué jusqu'à nos jours, en la justifiant à l'aide de considérations morales et d'un appareillage statistique dont on montrera ce qu'il a d'inapproprié, de lacunaire et, parfois, de fictif.S'attaquant à un groupe social décidé à se défendre, cette politique va susciter une opposition organisée qui, au gré des alternances politiques, parviendra à en infléchir plus ou moins le cours, et formera toujours un adversaire avec lequel elle devra composer. Pour traiter un sujet de cet ordre il semble donc pertinent de s'appuyer sur la sociologie interactionniste, d'analyser de façon diachronique cette politique à partir de 1972, de l'étudier à divers échelons, de procéder enfin à des comparaisons diverses, entre États, entre capitales, mais aussi avec une politique publique qui traite de façon fort différente les utilisateurs d'un autre deux-roues, la bicyclette. / This thesis is devoted to an aspect of road safety policy, an almost universal public policy, and to a particular category of drivers, namely motorcyclists. They represent both a distinct road users' group, subject as such to specific regulations, and, at least when there are and do consider themselves as motorcycle riders, a social group. When the French road safety policy was designed, in the early 70's, motorcyclists turned out to be an unexpected problem. After vanishing during the 60's, the motorcycle was back in large numbers with new and young users. The state therefore invented a way of dealing with the unprecedented risk they represented. Among several options, it chose a repressive policy whose evolution we will trace from the 1970s to today. This policy was grounded on moral justifications and strengthened by an inadequate, incomplete and sometimes fictitious statistical body.This policy endangered a social group ready to defend itself, thus creating an organized opposition able to reorientate it partially. To this day, motorcycles remain an opponent the state has to cope with. To deal with this subject, it seems relevant to use the findings of interactionist sociology and to analyse this policy from a diachronic point of view, starting in 1972. We will study this subject at different scales and proceed to various comparisons between countries or capitals. Furthermore, we'll see how it compares to public policy that deals, in a very different manner, with users of another two-wheel vehicle, the bicycle.

Le recours croissant à des anticipations stratégiques territorialisées, participatives et mobilisatrices comme étapes du processus d’élaboration des politiques publiques territoriales, par le Conseil régional de Bretagne, le Gouvernement du Pays-de-Galles et le Gouvernement du Québec, peut être analysé comme un investissement, par ces pouvoirs territoriaux « intermédiaires », d'un champ jusqu'alors réservé à l’État central et aux élus nationaux : la promesse du futur. Dans un contexte de remise en question du modèle de l’État-Providence centralisé, accentué par la crise économique et la crise de la dette de la fin des années 2000, la capacité et la légitimité politique des États centraux à garantir la prospérité territoriale et l'espoir d'un futur meilleur se sont étiolées. Les administrations régionales – au sens large – investissent donc cet espace désormais disponible pour mettre en avant une vision infranationale du futur et du territoire, tant auprès de la population que des partenaires de l'action publique. Les démarches d’anticipation stratégique étudiées produisent et reproduisent des discours sur la vision du futur et du territoire, sur le sens de l’action publique et des institutions régionales. Ces registres participent tous d’un investissement de l’avenir par le pouvoir politique, c’est-à-dire d’une économie politique du temps. L’approche par l’investissement politique du futur permet donc d’étudier la fabrique et le gouvernement d’un territoire politique. Les récits projectifs territorialisés que nous avons pu étudier articulent en effet plusieurs dimensions de la légitimation d’un espace politique : un processus de circonscription du territoire (territory making process), un processus de mobilisation d’une communauté territoriale (community making process), et un processus de redéfinition de la dynamique et de l’espace de la légitimité (polity defining process). Cette perspective de recherche permet d’étudier plusieurs dimensions du changement : la transformation interne des espaces politiques nationaux, la convergence internationale de l’action publique infranationale, et enfin la redistribution de l’autorité politique dans des États Nations en recomposition. / The increasing use of spatialized, collaborative and mobilizing strategic anticipations as steps of the public policy process by the Regional Council of Brittany, the Welsh Government and the Government of Quebec can be seen as an investment, by these "intermediate" territorial powers, of a field hitherto monopolized by central States and national representatives: the promise of the future. In a context of reconfiguration of centralized Welfare State’s model, accentuated by the economic crisis and the debt crisis of the late 2000s, the central states' capacity and political legitimacy to guarantee territorial prosperity and the hope for a better future has subsided. Regional administrations - in a broad sense - are therefore investing this space now available to put forward a sub-national vision of the future and of the territory, both among the population and the partners of the public action. The strategic anticipation processes studied produce and reproduce discourses on the vision of the future and territory, on the meaning of public action and regional institutions. These narratives are all caracterized by a political investment of the future, that is to say, a political economy of time. The approach by the notion of political investment of the future therefore helps to achieve a better understanding of the making-process and governing-process of a political space. Spatialized projective narratives that we have been able to study articulate several dimensions of the legitimization process: a territory-making process, a community-making process, and a polity defining process. This research perspective helps to study several dimensions of change: the internal transformation of national political spaces, the international convergence of subnational public action, and finally the redistribution of political authority in changing Nation-States.

Depuis une perspective théorique au croisement de la sociologie économique et de la sociologie de la connaissance, cette thèse a pour objectif d’examiner les mécanismes sociaux à l’œuvre au moment de la conversion vers l’agriculture biologique. Sur la base de l’étude empirique et de l’analyse d'un réseau complet qui révèle les interdépendances entre plus de 60 viticulteurs certifiés ou en cours de certification à l'agriculture biologique en Côte de Beaune, sont analysés les processus d’apprentissage collectifs sur lesquels s’appuie cette transition. Cette thèse montre l’existence de deux processus-Type d’apprentissage qui se définissent en fonction des frontières des groupes de référence (ou niches sociales) ; elle analyse le rôle des pionniers du milieu étudié comme pivot de l’action collective dans ces deux processus d’apprentissage, et explore enfin les régularités qui structurent les échanges au sein du milieu. Ces régularités permettent de constater que les viticulteurs intègrent dans leur raisonnement des aspects identitaires qui différencient les viticulteurs bio « de la première heure » des novices, au-Delà d'aspects économiques liés à une tendance à la « coopétition ». / This PhD dissertation combines the approaches of economic sociology and sociology of knowledge in order to analyze the social mechanisms underlying the conversion into organic farming. Based on an empirical study and analysis of a complete social network describing the interdependencies among over 60 wine producers certified in organic farming or in the process of getting the official certification in French Côte de Beaune, this research analyzes the collective learning process on which this transition relies. The thesis proves the existence of two types of learning process, which are defined by the social borders of reference groups (or social niches); it analyzes the key role of pioneers of the social milieu in both learning processes and studies the regularities structuring social exchanges. These regularities allow us to confirm that wine producers take into account in their reasoning both the identity aspect related to their conversion to organic farming and their economic position, in a trend towards “coopetition”.

Cette thèse prend pour objet d’étude les administrateurs salariés en France, soit les représentants du personnel élus par les travailleurs, le plus souvent sur liste syndicale, pour siéger au conseil d’administration [CA] ou de surveillance [CS] de leur entreprise avec les mêmes droits et devoirs que les autres administrateurs, y compris le droit de vote sur les décisions stratégiques. A partir d’une méthodologie croisant différentes techniques d’enquête (l’analyse documentaire, deux études monographiques, la passation d’un questionnaire et l’observation participante), nous interrogeons la régulation sociale qui se joue dans les entreprises alors dites « démocratisées ». Parce que le sujet prête encore à confusion, nous commençons par une double mise en contexte : conceptuelle, en opérant un retour sur la définition de la « participation des salariés aux décisions » pour souligner la singularité du CA ou CS comme espace participatif ; historique, en analysant la dynamique de l’institutionnalisation saccadée des administrateurs salariés pour en éclairer sa dimension de jure. Nous nous intéressons ensuite à sa dimension de facto. Nous interrogeons en premier lieu l’effectivité de la règle et constatons d’une part que son application est directement dépendante de son ancrage dans une source de droit contraignant et, d’autre part, que la singularité de ce dispositif se reflète dans le profil des syndicalistes appelés à siéger au CA ou CS qui présentent, dans leur grande majorité, un capital militant particulièrement développé. Et ce parce que l’action de l’administrateur salarié, que nous observons en second lieu, a pour particularité de s’inscrire à la fois au sein du système de gouvernement d’entreprise et des relations professionnelles. Si sa capacité d’action dans le premier est le plus souvent limitée à la sphère de l’influence, le CA ou CS peut néanmoins constituer un espace pertinent de l’action collective à la condition d’un effort d’articulation des différentes scènes de représentation du personnel par l’organisation syndicale. Nous montrons ainsi que la participation des salariés aux décisions stratégiques ne conduit pas mécaniquement à un rééquilibrage des pouvoirs dans l’entreprise, mais qu’elle peut produire une reconfiguration des relations professionnelles pour peu que les différents acteurs en présence s’en saisissent. / This thesis focuses on the study of board-level employee representatives, i.e. employee representatives elected by the workforce under trade union nomination who serve on their company’s board of directors [BoD] or supervisory board [SVB] with the same rights and duties than that of other directors, including the right to vote on strategic decisions. Thanks to a methodology which combines different survey techniques (documentary analysis, two case studies, questionnaire distribution, participant observation), we question the nature of the social regulation which takes place within such so-called “democratised” companies. As this subject continue to lead to misunderstanding, we start setting the scene against a twofold context: a conceptual one, going back to the definition of “workers’ participation in decision-making” in order to underline the idiosyncrasy of the BoD or SVB as a participatory scene; an historical one, analyzing the non-linear dynamics of board-level employee representation’s institutionalisation in order to shed light on its de jure dimension. We then turn to its de facto dimension. First, we question the effectiveness of this rule and we observe that, on the one hand, its application directly depends on its anchorage in a source of binding law and, on the other hand, that the uniqueness of this provision is reflected in the profile of the union members selected to serve on the board whose great majority has a particularly well-developed “activist capital”. This is because, secondly, board-level employee representative’s action specificity lies both in the corporate governance and the industrial relations systems. If his/her capacity of action is limited to the sphere of influence in the former, the BoD of SVB could however be deemed a relevant arena of collective action provided that the trade union engages in an effort aimed at articulating the various scenes of workers’ representation. We demonstrate that workers’ participation in strategic decision-making does not automatically lead to a rebalancing of power within the company, but that it can produce a reshaping of industrial relations as long as the various involved actors seize it.

A presente dissertação tem como tema o processo de formação de um coletivo de estudantes da Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul, intitulado Grupo de Trabalho de Ações Afirmativas (GTAA), que se propôs a estudar e reivindicar a implementação do sistema de cotas, nas modalidades étnico-racial e socioeconômica, na referida universidade. O intuito foi o de investigar tal processo, buscando fatores que explicassem sua ocorrência no contexto estudado, envolvendo os indivíduos participantes, o período histórico e as condições estruturais da instituição que permitiram seu surgimento. Aliando propostas teóricas sobre a ação social a partir da constituição de “projetos” individuais e coletivos e de estudos sobre ações coletivas a partir da noção de “estrutura de oportunidades políticas”,interrogou-se o objeto de estudo para captar o que concedeu sustentação a esta organização. A conclusão a que chegou-se é a de que a pauta cotas, menos do que por seu conteúdo intrínseco, foi adotada pelos membros do grupo como forma de atribuírem significados às suas atuações enquanto graduandos, face à disponibilidade encontrada para tal proposta, demonstrando que são nas “situações sociais” que produzem-se os fundamentos para o surgimento de ações políticas que buscam suas transformações. / The theme of this essay is the process of forming a collective of students from the Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul, entitled Working Group on Affirmative Action (GTAA), which proposed to study and claim the implementation of the quota system, in modalities ethnic-racial and socioeconomic, at that university. The aim was to investigate this process, seeking factors that explain its occurrence in the context studied, involving individuals who participated, the historical period and the frame conditions of the institution that allowed its emergence. Combining theoretical proposals about the social action from the constitution of “projects” individual and collective and studies about collective action based on the notion of "political opportunity frames," the object of study was questioned to found what gave sustention to this organization. The conclusion arrived is that the agenda of quotas, less than its intrinsic content, was adopted by the group members as a way to assign meanings to their actions as graduates, given the availability found for this proposal, showing that are in the "social situations" that are produced the elements for the emergence of political actions that seek their transformations.

Submitted by Timothee Bouyer (tim.bouyer@gmail.com) on 2017-04-19T22:08:23Z No. of bitstreams: 1 FGV Final revised version 19_04.pdf: 1217717 bytes, checksum: 77001b2736323e90abaf88ece7941b89 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Josineide da Silva Santos Locatelli (josineide.locatelli@fgv.br) on 2017-04-20T11:40:43Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 FGV Final revised version 19_04.pdf: 1217717 bytes, checksum: 77001b2736323e90abaf88ece7941b89 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-04-20T12:08:45Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 FGV Final revised version 19_04.pdf: 1217717 bytes, checksum: 77001b2736323e90abaf88ece7941b89 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-03-13 / Brazil partially shifted from state-led development to market economy following its switch to democracy. This affected the economy in two ways: first the state initiated a wave of privatization in the wake of the fiscal crisis under President Collor. Second, the economy started opening up to international competition through the enactment of certain trade reforms. However, the economy still displays erratic levels of protectionism. The literature on rent seeking argues that organized interest groups devote resources to capture and try to influence and neutralize the liberalization of the economy, which would endanger the rents they benefit from under existing rules. After decades of state nurturing under the ISI model, the business sector in Brazil was crucial to shaping the path for a new growth model. However, their role in promoting trade openness was far more nuanced. The present work looks at business groups in Brazil since the second half of the twentieth century and the role they played before and during the transition and how their opposition to trade reforms suggests potential rentseeking behaviors. The transition to democracy witnessed the emergence of new business organizations with independent actions that I will account for in this paper. Business organizations were not united at the time of economic reforms and thus reacted differently according to the interests of their members. Institutional factors, amongst which the rise of a new civil society, as well as conjectural factors further constrained the path of economic reforms. / O Brasil sofreu uma parcial mudança, do desenvolvimento estatal à economia de mercado, em seguimento à sua transição à democracia. A economia abriu-se para o comércio internacional, mas ainda hoje apresenta níveis erráticos de protecionismo. O fenômeno da rent-seeking (“busca de renda”) destaca a tentativa de grupos organizados em captar recursos estatais para atividades improdutivas. Como consequência direta, este fenômeno dificulta a realização de reformas comerciais, como grupos de pressão organizados (lobbies), com o fim de proteger os seus próprios interesses. Depois de décadas de modelo de industrialização via substituição de importações (ISI model) incentivado pelo Estado, o setor de negócios no Brasil demonstrou-se crucial para moldar o caminho em direção a reformas econômicas. O presente trabalho analisa o papel desenvolvido pelos grupos empresariais, antes e durante esta transição, e examina como a sua oposição a abertura econômica sugere provável busca de renda. Este trabalho argumenta que as limitações da estrutura corporativa combinadas com o surgimento de novos grupos de pressão, concorrentes entre si, fragmentou a intermediação de interesses. Paradoxalmente, essa fragmentação de interesses e fraqueza coletiva de grupos de pressões limitou os obstáculos as reformas econômicas. O surgimento de uma nova sociedade civil e os fatores institucionais do regime democrático são outros fatores quem dificultaram a criação de reformas econômicas.

Submitted by Solange Gualberto da Mata Machado (solange@amcham.com.br) on 2011-12-01T14:58:06Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação Pirataria e Estrategia final.pdf: 4390913 bytes, checksum: ab554846db1bf424095d0d63fb460706 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Gisele Isaura Hannickel (gisele.hannickel@fgv.br) on 2011-12-01T18:10:51Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação Pirataria e Estrategia final.pdf: 4390913 bytes, checksum: ab554846db1bf424095d0d63fb460706 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2011-12-02T13:14:22Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação Pirataria e Estrategia final.pdf: 4390913 bytes, checksum: ab554846db1bf424095d0d63fb460706 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-11-04 / Multinational companies that make investments in emerging countries where the institutions responsible (Government and Society) cannot suppress piracy suffer a loss of market and find themselves compelled to develop new strategies to create value and to improve performance in this adverse market. To study this phenomenon were studied three pharmaceutical companies, drug makers of erectile dysfunction who suffer the impact of piracy. Baron (1995) mentions that in order to succeed companies need to work in an integrated manner, combining market strategies with non-market strategies. In all three cases studied, the evidences showed that there is integration between the two types of strategies, but the integration is only consolidated at the international level. Locally companies are responsible for implementing global strategies. According to Hillman and Hitt (1999), on the formulation of the non-market strategies, companies can configure their competencies developing them internally or hiring them externally. In the case of piracy, the investigation efforts are outsourced to specialized companies, and there is therefore, no in-house skills developed. Hillman and Hitt (1999) define the institutional approach of the non-market strategies as transactional and relational. And, also propose that firms with greater financial resources and / or intangible assets such as knowledge of political influence are more likely to use individual actions regardless of the approach chosen. In Brazil, the evidences of the cases studied showed that the companies use collective actions to coordinate discussions with the government regardless of the available resources. And they use either the transactional approach of providing information to the government institutions, whenever there is an apprehension, or the relational approach to maintain an active political relationship, confirming Hillman and Hitt (1999). / As empresas multinacionais que fazem investimentos em países emergentes onde as instituições responsáveis (Governo e Sociedade) não conseguem reprimir a pirataria sofrem com a perda de mercado e se vêem compelidas a desenvolver novas estratégias para gerar valor e aumentar a sua performance neste mercado adverso. Para estudar o impacto da pirataria na gestão estratégica das empresas multinacionais, foram pesquisadas três empresas do setor farmacêutico, fabricantes de medicamentos de disfunção erétil que sofrem com a ilegalidade. Baron (1995) menciona que para se obter sucesso, as empresas precisam trabalhar de forma integrada, unindo as estratégias de mercado com as estratégias de não-mercado. Nos três casos estudados, as evidências mostraram que existe a integração entre os dois tipos de estratégias – mercado e não-mercado – porém, ela só se consolida no âmbito internacional. Localmente as empresas são responsáveis pela implementação das estratégias globais de nãomercado. Na formulação das estratégias de não-mercado, segundo Hillman e Hitt (1999), as empresas podem configurar as suas competências desenvolvendo-as internamente ou contratando-as externamente. No caso da pirataria, as evidências mostraram que as ações de investigação são terceirizadas para as empresas especializadas, não havendo, portanto, competências desenvolvidas internamente. Hillman e Hitt (1999) denominam o relacionamento institucional das estratégias de não-mercado em transacional e relacional. Os autores também constatam que as firmas com maiores recursos financeiros e/ou recursos intangíveis, tais como conhecimento de influência política, têm maior probabilidade de usar a participação individual independente da abordagem escolhida. No Brasil, as evidências mostraram que as empresas pesquisadas usam as ações coletivas coordenadas para dialogar com o Governo independente dos recursos disponíveis. E, utilizam a estratégia de prover informação para as Instituições Governamentais. Através da abordagem transacional, no caso de apreensão, ou a abordagem relacional para manter um relacionamento político ativo, confirmando Hillman e Hitt (1999).

Esta pesquisa tem como principal objeto de estudo os repertórios de ação e mobilização utilizados durante e ao redor da Ocupação da Câmara de Vereadores de Porto Alegre (10-18 de julho de 2013). A partir da experiência etnográfica e do engajamento militante no Bloco de Lutas pelo Transporte Público, busca-se compreender de que formas o Bloco se organizou e quais são os valores que nortearam esta organização. Ao mesmo tempo, atenta-se para os sujeitos responsáveis por essas práticas e por esses meios, procurando identificar as redes sociais que os aproximam e suas trajetórias de vida. Assembleias, atos, comissões, ocupações, redes sociais e cine-debates servem para analisar as disputas dentro do Bloco de Lutas e ao redor da Ocupação da Câmara de Vereadores de Porto Alegre. É priorizado o recorte etnográfico e o diálogo com outros autores que pensam as práticas de governo e os sentidos das políticas nesses tempos e nesses espaços. Finalmente, identificam-se as divergências estratégicas como o principal problema do Bloco, as ocupações como uma forma de ação coletiva integral e a potencialidade da antropologia pública e das camadas de autoria. / This research has as its main object of study the repertoires of action and mobilization used in and around the Occupation of the City Council of Porto Alegre (10-18 July 2013). From the ethnographic experience and militant engagement in the Fight Block for Public Transportation, we seek to understand what this Block was organized like, and what values are the ones that guided this organization. Meanwhile, we focused on the subjects responsible for these practices and means, trying to identify social networks that link them and their life trajectories. Meetings, acts, commissions, occupations, social networks and cine-debates served to analyze disputes within the Fight Block and about the Occupation of the City Council of Porto Alegre. It is prioritized the ethnographic research and dialogue with other authors who think government practices and senses of policies in these times and spaces. Finally, it identifies the strategic divergences as the main problem of the Block, the occupations as a form of full collective action and the potential of public anthropology and authory layers.

L'usage politique d'Internet et des réseaux socionumériques (RSN) ne cesse d'augmenter depuis plus d'une décennie. Le recours à des réseaux tels que Facebook, Youtube, Twitter, Skype, Instagram etc., se manifeste comme un passage obligatoire, tant pour les acteurs politiques que pour les citoyens « ordinaires ». La présente recherche retrace l'usage politique et les logiques de mobilisation et de la production de parole politique sur les RSN dans le contexte de la crise syrienne en 2011. Elle questionne, à travers l'analyse de cas de la page The Syrian Revolution 2011, les possibilités que ces RSN offrent aux usagers dans l'instauration d'espaces de mobilisations et d'interactions collectives. Notre analyse s'est organisée pour couvrir deux périodes : la première s'étale de 18 janvier au 14 mars 2011, quant à la seconde, elle s'étend du 15 mars au 30 avril 2011. Ce découpage permet de comprendre le passage d'un mode opératoire à un autre en fonction du changement du contexte politique et de la dégradation de la situation dramatique en Syrie. Notre recherche question également la place de la discussion politique en ligne dans l'élaboration des cadres d'action collective. Elle montre que ces derniers sont, activés, adoptés et diffusés à travers des logiques propres aux pratiques sociotechniques offertes par les RSN. Ainsi, notre étude peut apporter une contribution, nous l'espérons, originale dans le champ de l'analyse des RSN. Elle montre comment ces derniers peuvent constituer un espace de mobilisation d'information à travers duquel les usagers peuvent développer différentes pratiques communicationnelles. / During the last decade, the political use of the Internet and Social Network Sites (SNS) has tremendously increased. Using networks such as Facebook, Youtube, Twitter, Skype, Instagram, etc., has become a must for both political actors and ordinary citizens. Using as a framework the Syrian crisis in 2011, this research will follow the evolution of the political use of SNS in addition to the logics of mobilization and the production of the political speech in these networks. Through the analysis of the Facebook Page the Syrian Revolution 2011, it will question the possibilities that these SNS provide to the users to create mobilizations spaces and collective interaction. Our analysis covered two periods of time: the first one from January 18th to March 14th 2011, and the second from March 15th to April 30th 2011. This will help us better understand the change from one operational mode to another based on the change of the political context and on the degradation of the dramatic situation in Syria. Our research questions the place of the political discussion online and its parts on the creation of collective actions frames. It shows that these frames are activated, adopted and spread in ways that are specific to the social and technical practices provided by the SNS. From this perspective, we hope that our study can bring an original contribution in the analysis of the SNS field. It shows how these networks can be an area for mobilization of information that would help users develops various communication practices.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-12-01T19:11:33Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 120584.pdf: 2783226 bytes, checksum: e9e9f2367a62358a96dded6dc7202d02 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-12-02 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The Brazilian Movement Against Electoral Corruption (MCCE) has been promoting social innovations in the Brazilian public sphere, since its formalization, in 2002, leading mobilization towards the creation of the only two popular initiative laws in Brazil, Law Against Vote Buying (Law n. 9840/1999) and Clean Slate Law (Complementary Law 135/2010). The main objective of this dissertation is to comprehend how MCCE has been promoting social innovation, on the attempt of responding the public problem of electoral corruption in Brazil. To accomplish this objective, this dissertation is structured in seven chapters, including the introduction, which we present the research problem and its frame. In chapter two, we constructed a theoretical and analytical frame to better comprehend the collective action of civil society actors. To do so, we started with the social innovation debate and its perspectives. The chosen perspective for this dissertation was based on an understanding of social innovation analyzed as a process. Specifically, this perspective is understood as an expression of the collectives actors in self-reflexing, self organizing and self-reforming (CEFAÏ; TERZI, 2012). In this sense, having the pragmatic sociology as a theoretical reference (BARTHE et al, 2013), we promote a debate between the Actor-Network Theory (ANT) (CALLON; LATOUR, 1981; LAW, 1999; LATOUR, 2001 and 2012) and the studies about the experience of the public problems (CEFAÏ, 2002, 2009 and 2012; CEFAÏ; TERZI, 2012) to build our own an analytical and methodological frame. This frame, which moments will be detailed in Chapter 3, had an ethnographic posture that led the research field, since August 2013 until October 2014. It was made different research strategies that resulted in a data triangulation, involving direct observation on different scenes of MCCE and also through the internet. The research field also had six interviews, with founders, directors, technicians and other members of the movement. A documental analysis was based on following the news about the movement, other dissertations and official documents. The results are presented in Chapters 4 to 6, which respond to the specific objectives of the research. First we mapped the public arena of electoral corruption in Brazil, based on cartography of controversies (VENTURINI, 2010). We aimed to map this public arena in three fields: political (mapping the news), scientific (analyzing the peer-reviewed scientific papers) and technical-legal (with the analysis of the most important laws regarding the issue). The time span of this mapping was between the years of 1988, took as a reference to us, which represented a year of democratic opening in Brazil, and 2014. The mapping made us identify the main actors-network of the public problem of electoral corruption in Brazil, their main statements, the controversies that appear and the world visions that are built during the time around this public problem. The analysis of this chapter resulted in a visualization of configuration process (CEFAÏ, 1996) or translation process (LATOUR, 2012), which problem public faces and that is influenced in your definition and its forms of interpretation. We provide evidences, which actors-networks linked with MCCE were leaders in this process and a question is raised, on how the movement promotes this incidence, focusing the analysis of the movement s experience. This is made in Chapters 5 and 6, which focus on the MCCE s experience, making a diachronic analysis (focusing on its trajectory) and synchronic (exploring its most recent experiences). The analysis of the trajectory showed us that the main mobilizations promoted by movement in the macro public arena and its developments. We could observe that, during the time, the movement constituted a network of different collectives, which they contributed for creating a transversal intelligence and a collective learning on coping with concrete problematic situations. The social innovations that appear on this process configure not only as final results , but as processes, which multiple collectives contribute and that involves a great dose of uncertainties (LATOUR, 2012). In Chapter 6, this network is then followed closely, aiming to identify how the movement is organized, its particularities and the main controversies endured nowadays. This chapter focuses on following the collective action on its course, making it possible to comprehend what characterizes the movement. In Chapter 7, the final considerations of this dissertation are presented, linking the previous analysis, focusing the interfaces between the MCCE network and the greater public arena of electoral corruption. The chapter finalizes with some questions about the study and the future perspectives of new research about the subject. / O Movimento de Combate à Corrupção Eleitoral (MCCE) vem provocando inovações sociais na esfera pública brasileira, desde antes da sua formalização, em 2002, tendo sido protagonista na mobilização para elaboração e aprovação das duas únicas leis de iniciativa popular no país ¿A Lei da Compra de Votos¿ (Lei 9.840/1999) e a ¿Lei da Ficha Limpa¿ (Lei Complementar 135/2010). Essa dissertação tem como objetivo geral buscar compreender como o MCCE vem promovendo inovações sociais ao responder ao problema público da corrupção eleitoral no Brasil. Para cumprir este objetivo, esta dissertação estrutura-se em sete capítulos, incluindo a introdução, na qual apresentamos a problematização e o quadro geral da pesquisa. No capítulo dois, construímos um enfoque teórico-metodológico próprio para compreender melhor a ação coletiva dos atores da sociedade civil na esfera pública e o seu papel na promoção da inovação social. Para tanto, partimos do debate sobre inovação social e suas correntes. Adotamos uma perspectiva de análise da inovação social como processo, ou seja, como expressão da capacidade dos próprios coletivos de se autorefletir, auto-organizar e auto-reformar (CEFAI; TERZI, 2012). Desse modo, tendo por fundamento a sociologia pragmática (BARTHE et al), promovemos um debate entre a Teoria do Ator-Rede (TAR) (CALLON; LATOUR, 1981; LAW, 1999; LATOUR, 2001 e 2012) e os estudos sobre as experiências dos problemas públicos (CEFAI, 2002, 2009 e 2012; CEFAÏ; TERZI, 2012) para construir um caminho analítico-metodológico próprio. Tal caminho, cujos momentos são detalhadamente apresentados, no capítulo três, teve por base uma postura etnográfica que norteou o trabalho de campo realizado de agosto de 2013 a outubro de 2014, no qual foi feita uma triangulação de diferentes estratégias de pesquisa, envolvendo a observação direta de cenas e eventos do MCCE e de sua atuação, in loco e também por meio da internet, seis entrevistas com fundadores, diretores, técnicos e outros membros do movimento, além de ampla análise documental, de notícias sobre o movimento, dissertações, além de documentos oficiais. Os resultados são então apresentados nos capítulos quatro a seis, que respondem aos objetivos específicos da dissertação. Primeiramente, realizamos um mapeamento da arena pública da corrupção eleitoral no Brasil, por meio da ¿cartografia de controvérsias¿ (VENTURINI, 2010). Buscamos mapear a arena pública em três campos: político (por meio do mapeamento das mídias), científico (por meio da análise dos artigos científicos publicados) e técnico-legal (com a análise das leis mais importantes referentes a matéria). O mapeamento teve como ponto de partida ano 1988, marco que representou a abertura democrática no Brasil e foi feito até o ano de 2014. Tal mapeamento permitiu identificar os principais ¿atores-rede¿ porta-vozes do problema público da corrupção eleitoral no Brasil, suas declarações principais, as controvérsias que emergem e as visões de mundo que são construídas ao longo do tempo em torno do problema público. Tal análise, resultou numa visualização do processo de ¿configuração¿ (CEFAÏ, 1996) ou ainda de ¿translação¿ (LATOUR, 2012) que vive o problema público e que influencia na sua definição, nas formas de interpretá-lo e também de fazer face a ele. Evidenciase aqui que os atores-rede ligados ao MCCE foram protagonistas nesse processo e levanta-se a questão de como o movimento promove essa incidência, voltando-se para análise de sua experiência. Isso é feito nos capítulos cinco e seis, nos quais aborda-se a experiência do MCCE, por meio de uma leitura diacrônica (focalizando a sua trajetória) e sincrônica (explorando a sua experiência atual). A análise da trajetória permitiu evidenciar as principais ações de mobilização do movimento na arena pública mais ampla e seus desdobramentos. Pôde-se constatar como, ao longo do tempo, o movimento se constitui numa ¿rede¿ de coletivos que contribuem para criar uma ¿inteligência transversal¿ e um aprendizado coletivo no enfrentamento de situações problemáticas concretas. As inovações sociais que emergem nesse percurso configuram-se não apenas como ¿resultados finais¿, mas como processos, nos quais múltiplos coletivos parecem contribuir e que envolve uma grande dose de incerteza (LATOUR, 2012). No capítulo seis essa rede é então acompanhada mais de perto, buscando-se identificar como se organiza, as suas particularidades e as principais controvérsias enfrentadas atualmente. Esse capítulo busca acompanhar mais de perto a ação coletiva do MCCE, possibilitando compreender o que caracteriza o movimento. No capítulo sete as considerações finais são apresentadas, buscando religar as análises apresentadas, focalizando as interfaces entre a rede do MCCE e a arena pública mais ampla da corrupção eleitoral. O capítulo se encerra com o levantamento de algumas questões que este estudo suscita para novas pesquisas.