Let G = (V, E) be a graph and let S ⊆ V be a subset of vertices. The set S is a defensive alliance if for all x ∈ S, |N[x] ∩ S| ≥ |N[x] − S|. The concept of defensive alliances was introduced in [KHH04], primarily for the modeling of nations in times of war, where allied nations are in mutual agreement to join forces if any one of them is attacked. For a vertex x in a defensive alliance, the number of neighbors of x inside the alliance, plus the vertex x, is at least the number of neighbors of x outside the alliance. In a graph model, the vertices of a graph represent nations and the edges represent country boundaries. Thus, if the nation corresponding to a vertex x is attacked by its neighbors outside the alliance, the attack can be thwarted by x with the assistance of its neighbors in the alliance. In a different subject matter, [FLG00] applies graph theory to model the world wide web, where vertices represent websites and edges represent links between websites. A web community is a subset of vertices of the web graph, such that every vertex in the community has at least as many neighbors in the set as it has outside. So, a web community C satisfies ∀x ∈ C, |N[x] ∩ C| > |N[x] − C|. These sets are very similar to defensive alliances. They are known as strong defensive alliances in the literature of alliances in graphs. Other areas of application for alliances and related topics include classification, data clustering, ecology, business and social networks. iii Consider the application of modeling nations in times of war introduced in the first paragraph. In a defensive alliance, any attack on a single member of the alliance can be successfully defended. However, as will be demonstrated in Chapter 1, a defensive alliance may not be able to properly defend itself when multiple members are under attack at the same time. The concept of secure sets is introduced in [BDH07] for exactly this purpose. The non-empty set S is a secure set if every subset X ⊆ S, with the assistance of vertices in S, can successfully defend against simultaneous attacks coming from vertices outside of S. The exact definition of simultaneous attacks and how such attacks may be defended will be provided in Chapter 1. In [BDH07], the authors presented an interesting characterization for secure sets which resembles the definition of defensive alliances. A non-empty set S is a secure set if and only if ∀X ⊆ S, |N[X] ∩ S| ≥ |N[X] − S| ([BDH07], Theorem 11). The cardinality of a minimum secure set is the security number of G, denoted s(G). A secure set S is a global secure set if it further satisfies N[S] = V . The cardinality of a minimum global secure set of G is the global security number of G, denoted γs(G). In this work, we present results on secure sets and global secure sets. In particular, we treat the computational complexity of finding the security number of a graph, present algorithms and bounds for the global security numbers of trees, and present the exact values of the global security numbers of paths, cycles and their Cartesian products.

[pt] A presente tese debruça-se sobre a centralidade da produção do espaço como dimensão intrínseca para a emancipação social e para a revolução comunista. Para isso, objetivamos analisar a categoria de produção do espaço como central para a emancipação humana e, com isso, apontar caminhos teóricos para desenvolver uma teoria geográfica da revolução. Elegemos o materialismo dialético como base e fundamentação teórico-metodológica pelo seu enorme potencial de revelar o movimento contraditório do mundo, captar a real essência dos fenômenos e criar as condições para a superação do existente. Dividimos a tese em três momentos: o primeiro tem como principal objetivo fazer uma reflexão crítica sobre as formas e estruturas espaciais de dominação que impedem e/ou constrangem os processos de emancipação. Para isso, tratamos diretamente da relação entre dominação social e produção do espaço. Já no segundo momento, há uma centralidade na relação entre espaço e política a partir da diferença crítica que vamos estabelecer entre o que entendemos como política espacial progressista e uma política espacial radical. A intenção é buscar saídas teóricas e práticas para que a produção comunista do espaço não emperre no conformismo e na paralisia política. E por último, a terceira parte do trabalho dará centralidade para as categoriais utopia e emancipação. Qualificaremos a reflexão sobre utopia e emancipação os relacionando aos conceitos de direito à cidade, sociedade urbana e desvanecimento do Estado. O objetivo é sustentar o caráter processual e espacial da revolução comunista. / [en] This thesis focuses on the centrality of space production as an intrinsic dimension for social emancipation and for the communist revolution. For that, we aim to analyze the category of production of space as central to human emancipation and, due to that, point out theoretical paths to develop a geographical theory of revolution. We chose dialectical materialism as the basis and theoretical-methodological foundation for its enormous potential to reveal the contradictory movement of the world, capture the real essence of phenomena and create the conditions for overcoming the existing one. We divided the thesis in three moments: the first has as main objective to make a critical reflection on the forms and spatial structures of domination that prevent and/ or constrain the processes of emancipation. For this, we deal directly with the relationship between social domination and production of space. In the second moment, there is a centrality in the relationship between space and politics from the critical difference that we will establish between what we understand as progressive space policy and a radical space policy. The intention is to seek theoretical and practical solutions so that the communist production of space does not compromise in conformism and political paralysis. And finally, the third part of the work will give centrality to the categorical utopia and emancipation. We will qualify the reflection on utopia and emancipation relating them to the concepts of right to the city, urban society and state fading. The goal here is to sustain the procedural and spatial character of the communist revolution.

[pt] A pesquisa tem como objetivo analisar os efeitos ético-políticos de escolhas realizadas por mim na tradução do romance histórico Exílio, de Christina Baker Kline (2020). Enfoca, nessa análise, a tensão entre a perpetuação de uma dominação histórica e a possibilidade de reparação social, baseando-se, para isso, na teoria da invisibilidade e nas definições de tradução domesticadora e estrangeirizante, de Lawrence Venuti, no conceito de habitus, de Pierre Bourdieu, e em posições teóricas sobre a confiabilidade histórica, de Anthony Pym. Adotando como metodologia de pesquisa a abordagem microtextual proposta por Lambert e Van Gorp, o trabalho articula alguns conflitos linguísticos, culturais e ideológicos enfrentados nessa instância particular de tradução literária e como tais escolhas tradutórias apontam para diferentes direções de recepção na língua de chegada. / [en] The research aims to analyze the ethical-political effects of choices made by me for the translation of the historical novel The Exiles, by Christina Baker Kline (2020). It focuses on the tension between the perpetuation of a historical domination and the possibility of social reparation, based on the theory of invisibility and on the definitions of domesticating and foreignizing translation, by Lawrence Venuti, on the concept of habitus, by Pierre Bourdieu, and theoretical positions on historical reliability by Anthony Pym. Adopting the microtextual approach proposed by Lambert and Van Gorp as a research methodology, the work articulates some linguistic, cultural and ideological conflicts faced in this particular instance of literary translation and how such translation choices point to different directions of reception in the target language.

No description available.

Mémoire numérisé par la Direction des bibliothèques de l'Université de Montréal.

Les partenariats entre ONG du Nord et du Sud sont souvent considérés comme étant des relationsasymétriques entre deux types d’organisations aux caractéristiques fortement contrastées. Pour réelleque soit la nature de ces rapports, le recours à l’histoire des relations entre pays développés et sousdéveloppéset, dans certains cas, entre ex-colonisateurs et colonisés comme seule grille de lecture favorise une interprétation en termes de domination. Ainsi, des décisions provenant des ONG du Nord seraient imposées aux organisations du Sud qui, pour continuer à bénéficier des financements nécessaires pour leurs actions, se verraient contraintes de s’y conformer. Il semblerait, cependant, que cette façon de lire les relations interorganisationnelles Nord-Sud, dans le champ de la solidarité internationale, soit plutôt limitative et ne rende que très partiellement compte de la réalité de ces rapports. En effet, en adoptant une posture théorique comme celle proposée par l’approche stratégique des acteurs où le pouvoir est considéré comme une relation négociée au regard des objectifs et contraintes des différentes parties, les comportements des ONGimpliquées dans les partenariats devraient pouvoir être lus comme relevant d’un ensemble de « jeux » visant l’acquisition ou le renforcement d’une certaine légitimité qui leur garantit l’accès aux ressources. Dans cette logique, le modèle basé sur le recrutement de cabinets de consultants comme tierce partie dans les relations, souvent dyadiques, entre ONG du Nord et du Sud, devra être interprété au-delà de la simple manifestation de la domination des premières sur les secondes. En s’appuyant sur le cas des partenariats de Brücke·Le pont (Suisse), EED et Pain pour le Monde (Allemagne) au Togo, cette thèse met l’accent sur les besoins pratiques auxquels répond ce modèle et montre l’écart entre les comportements prescrits et ceux réellement adoptés par les acteurs, reflet des stratégies des uns et des autres en fonction de leurs enjeux / Partnerships between northern and southern NGOs used to be considered as asymmetric relations between two different types of organizations with many contrasting characteristics. As real as it can be, referring to the traditional relations between developed and developing countries or countries linked by colonization relations as the one best way to explain the nature of those interorganizational relations may induct a wrong interpretation. Indeed, in that perspective, their relations can only be read such as signs of domination. However, this way of reading the North-South inter-organizational partnerships is a limited andpartial point of view. But using theoretical approaches such as those proposed by the actor’s strategy analysis where power is considered as a negotiated relationship according to the constraints and challenges of the different organizations, these relations can be differently read. For example they can be interpreted as a set of strategies which aim to acquire or strengthen legitimacy which is such a guarantee for their projects and organizations to be funded. In this way, the model which consist in recruiting consultants as a third party in the partnerships between northern and southern, NGOs has to be interpreted more than a simple sign of domination. Based on the case of study of three European NGO’s partners in Togo, this thesis focuses on thepractical needs met by this model and shows the difference between behaviours prescribed and those actually adopted by the actors, reflecting the strategies of each other according to their stakes.

A problemática urbana sobre a qual nos debruçamos na presente pesquisa referese aos processos de degradação da vida dos habitantes da metrópole, não apenas material, mas, sobretudo, resultante do empobrecimento das possibilidades de apropriação dos lugares da cidade. Tal apropriação se reduz, dialeticamente, pelas estratégias de dominação do espaço, que impõem normas ao uso do espaço pelos habitantes como condição necessária a um espaço produto, condição e meio da acumulação capitalista. Todavia, a normatização da vida pelo regramento do uso do espaço não se realiza sem conflitos. A população urbana, nos momentos da vida cotidiana, transgride-a constantemente como meio de sobrevivência a uma cidade produzida sob a égide capitalista, que possui como centro a acumulação do capital, em detrimento da reprodução da vida. É nesta perspectiva de desvendar as estratégias de normatização do uso e as transgressões diante o processo de dominação do espaço que a pesquisa se insere, tratando de compreender a produção de um lugar na metrópole paulistana, que se apresenta contraditoriamente como um espaço de normatização e transgressão na medida em que se constituiu como uma centralidade na periferia. Esta reflexão se construiu a partir do conhecimento dos sujeitos que produziram o espaço da Favela Monte Azul - zona sul do município de São Paulo - destacando as ações de uma organização não governamental chamada Associação Comunidade Monte Azul, por entender seu papel de destaque na produção da singularidade desta favela diante as demais da metrópole. Para tanto, analisamos as bases de sua matriz discursiva, as estratégias e ações e, principalmente, as articulações entre os sujeitos existentes na favela por meio do processo de \"urbanização da favela\" e das atividades culturais - teatro. A hipótese orientadora da pesquisa fundamenta-se, portanto, na idéia de uma urbanização que aprofunda a degradação da vida, produzindo tensões e conflitos ainda mais violentos que podem impedir a reprodução das relações de produção, levantando \"barreiras\" ao processo de acumulação. Para não interromper o ciclo, uma das estratégias utilizadas é a dominação do espaço pela territorialização de instituições na periferia, que levam a cabo as normas elaboradas pela ordem distante (Estado/empresas privadas). Estas instituições, como as organizações não governamentais, tentam diluir as formas de organização e participação popular conforme introduzem a população às normas da cotidianeidade, isto é, às normatizações do uso através da legitimidade dada pela forma da propriedade e gestão dos serviços prestados. Contudo, essas mesmas instituições, na medida em que \"absorvem\" os conflitos, encontram-se em uma crise de sua própria reprodução. / The urban problematic into which we delve in this research is concerned with the process of degradation of metropolitan life resulting from shrinking possibilities of place appropriation in the city. This appropriation is dialectically constrained by the strategies of spatial domination, which impose rules to people\'s use of space as a necessary prerequisite to a space that is means, condition and product of capital accumulation. Nevertheless, the regulation of life through the control of spatial uses does not occur without contradiction. In everyday life, people are often violating these rules as a means of surviving in a city produced under capital\'s command and organized to meet the requirements of capital accumulation, instead of those of the reproduction of life. This research is, therefore, carried out with the aim of uncovering the strategies of regulation of uses and the transgressions that arise in the face of spatial domination, attempting to understand the production of a specific place in the city of São Paulo. This place presents itself contradictorily as a space of regulations and a space of transgressions, so long as it has become a centrality on the periphery. We derived such considerations from an understanding of the subjects that have produced the space of Monte Azul slum (southern area of the city of São Paulo), focusing on the actions of a non-governmental organization named Associação Comunidade Monte Azul (ACMA), which we considered to have a significant role in shaping the uniqueness of this place compared to others. We examined, therefore, the foundations of ACMA\'s discursive matrix, its strategies, its actions and the articulation of the subjects through the process of \"slum urbanization\" and through cultural activities (theatre). The guiding hypothesis of our research rests upon the assumption of an urbanization that intensifies the degradation of life, inevitably creating tensions and sparking ever more violent social conflicts that could pose threats to the reproduction of relations of production and erect barriers to accumulation. One of the strategies pursued in order to defend accumulation is the domination of space through the territorialization of institutions in the urban periphery. These institutions, such as non-governmental organizations, impose the rules set out by the distant order (State/corporations) and try to discourage collective participation and organization, all the while introducing people to the rules of everydayness, that is, to the regulation of uses through the legitimacy conferred by the type of propriety and management of the services offered. These very same institutions, though, as long as they \"internalize\" conflicts, find themselves sunk in a crisis of reproduction.

Tout au long de l'histoire du Pakistan depuis son indépendance, la domination budgétaire est restée une norme, à la fois dans les régimes démocratiques et militaires. Cette augmentation de la persistance du déficit budgétaire a dilué la performance du secteur réel et affecté négativement la balance des paiements, ce qui provoque l'inflation dans l'économie. L'expérience du Pakistan montre que d'importants déficits budgétaires ont conduit le gouvernement à des emprunts excessifs de la banque d'État du Pakistan (SBP) et par conséquent à une vaste impression de l'argent. Dans une telle situation, la banque centrale se retrouve avec peu d'espace pour exterminer les chiffres croissants d'inflation et d'assurer une croissance saine. Sur la base de toutes ces preuves et l'échec de la politique monétaire pour maintenir les prix dans des limites acceptables, l'économie du Pakistan est supposée victime de la domination budgétaire - également connu sous le régime de non-ricardienne. Cependant, il n'y a guère de preuves où une étude approfondie est menée pour prouver la domination budgétaire au Pakistan, puis définir une politique pour y remédier. Dans ce contexte, notre thèse porte sur la domination budgétaire et le niveau d'inflation élevé en conséquence, qui est resté élevé pendant presque une décennie. Nous allons mener quatre études, allant de l'identification de la domination budgétaire dans l'économie du Pakistan pour évaluer l'impact de la politique budgétaire sur la croissance et l'inflation. La première étude est liée à la littérature sur les théories de dominance fiscale, où la politique budgétaire agit activement et la politique monétaire suit passivement. Le deuxième modèle, la théorie budgétaire du niveau des prix (FTPL), affirme que la dette publique et la politique budgétaire déterminent principalement le niveau des prix dans une économie. Le troisième modèle examine la fiscalisation optimale et le revenu du seigneuriage. Le concept est basé sur Sidrauski (1967) modèle. La notion du modèle est que le niveau général des prix plus élevés déforme la demande de monnaie et augmente ainsi le bien-être. Lorsque les revenus du gouvernement sont en deçà de ses dépenses, le gouvernement finance son déficit budgétaire grâce à la génération des revenus de seigneuriages. Dans notre quatrième étude, nous mesurons la réponse de l'inflation et de la croissance à l'évolution de la politique budgétaire tout en tenant compte des comportements des détenteurs de dépôts et l'industrie bancaire. / The central bank uses policy rates for reducing inflation. However, policy rates become less affective in comparison to bond’s rates when convertibility between bonds of different maturities decreases. This makes monetary policy ineffective if the government borrows heavily from the domestic market and an active fiscal policy, aiming to increase the economic activity, stimulates inflationary pressure. Throughout the history of Pakistan since its independence, fiscal dominance remained a norm, both in the democratic and military regimes. During the last three decades, the economy of Pakistan is faced with serious fiscal deficit tribulations. Increasing public debt stock and dilapidated tax-to-GDP ratio are grave hurdles in reducing the widening fiscal deficit. This persistence increase in the fiscal deficit has diluted the real sector performance and negatively affected the balance of payments position, causing inflation in the economy. Further, it makes government dependent on huge borrowing from internal and external sources and pushed it to increased debt servicing intricacy. Despite recurring efforts on part of government, no evident success is witnessed to reduce the ever increasing fiscal deficit. Large fiscal deficits have led the government of Pakistan to excessive borrowing from central bank of the country (SBP) and consequently to extensive printing of money.Though, SBP imposed an upper ceiling on government borrowing to reduce its public borrowing from central bank. However, the government never respected these ceilings and compromised the independence of central bank. This dependence on local money market for financing budget deficit increased money base, caused crowding out of private sector, resulted in high printing of money and reduced the monetary policy space to exterminate high inflation. Such a situation restricts the monetary policy to offset the distortions existing in the economy and to achieve its desired goals. Such scenario advocates a dire need of fiscal and monetary policy coordination to strike an appropriate balance between growth and inflation. In this context, our thesis focuses on fiscal dominance and the consequent high inflation level, which remained lofty for almost a decade. We conduct four studies, ranging from the identification of fiscal dominance in the economy of Pakistan to gauging the impact of fiscal policy on growth and inflation.The first study is related to literature on fiscal dominance theories, where fiscal policy acts actively and monetary policy follows passively. To establish that the decades long high inflation in Pakistan is solely because of fiscal dominance, a second study is conducted to analyze the interest rate pass through mechanism in Pakistan. In the third step, it uses corporate governance proxies, capital structure proxies and ownership structure proxies to investigate their links with bank’s performance. In our fourth study, we gauge the response of inflation and growth to changes in fiscal policy while taking into account deposit holders behavior and banking industry.

Submitted by SBI Biblioteca Digital (sbi.bibliotecadigital@puc-campinas.edu.br) on 2018-04-13T17:02:28Z No. of bitstreams: 1 MIRI? JOYCE DE SOUZA SALES CAPRA.pdf: 1182210 bytes, checksum: a2d25865f4668b2ada5c633fc2706532 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-04-13T17:02:28Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 MIRI? JOYCE DE SOUZA SALES CAPRA.pdf: 1182210 bytes, checksum: a2d25865f4668b2ada5c633fc2706532 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-12-06 / The " Cult of the Princesses" by the pastor Sarah Sheeva and the tv program "Shielded Marriage" by the journalist Cristiane Cardoso raise questions about female empowerment, it's relationship with the liquid modernity, the media and the the conceptualization of weberian charismatic domination, thinking about the importance of the gender discussion on the religious field, an urgent and needed step. According to this, this dissertation tries to understand the the phenomenon of the charismatic domination of female religious leaders that use the media resources and which are the reason of this acceptance in a time that a revolution in gender relationships have been implemented mainly inside the religious field. In terms of research methodology, it was used a sociological analysis from videos available on their youtube channels, with the general goal to understand the acceptance of a conservative religious speech delivered by social medias. It was concluded that inside the liquid modernity proposed by Zygmunt Bauman, the agreement with the retrograde message, enunciated by two women by the media is accepted, because it proposes a kind of "confort", "safety" to the the ephemeral relations of this society. Contributing to interpret this religious phenomenon that makes pseudo female empowerment throught the binominal of modernity versus tradition. / O ?Culto das Princesas? da pastora Sarah Sheeva e o programa ?Casamento Blindado? da jornalista Cristiane Cardoso suscitam questionamentos no que tange ao empoderamento feminino, sua rela??o com a modernidade l?quida, a m?dia e a conceitua??o do tipo ideal de domina??o carism?tica weberiana, visto a import?ncia da discuss?o de g?nero no campo religioso, uma demanda urgente e necess?ria. Face a isso, a presente disserta??o procura compreender o fen?meno da domina??o carism?tica por lideran?as religiosas femininas que se utilizam de recursos midi?ticos e qual o motivo dessa aceita??o num momento em que se implementou uma revolu??o nas rela??es de g?nero principalmente dentro do campo religioso. No que tange ? metodologia de pesquisa, foi realizada an?lise sociol?gica a partir de v?deos dispon?veis no canal do youtube de ambas, com o objetivo geral de compreender a aceita??o de um discurso religioso conservador proferido atrav?s das redes sociais. Chegou-se ? conclus?o de que dentro da modernidade l?quida proposta por Zygmunt Bauman, a concord?ncia com a mensagem retr?grada, enunciada por duas mulheres atrav?s da m?dia, ? aceita, pois prop?e uma esp?cie de ?conforto?, ?seguran?a? ?s rela??es ef?meras pr?prias desta sociedade, contribuindo para interpretar esse fen?meno religioso que produz um ?pseudo? empoderamento feminino atrav?s do bin?mio modernidade versus tradi??o.

Em Crítica do Poder, Axel Honneth defende que aqueles que buscam realizar o projeto da teoria crítica têm de desenvolver um quadro conceitual que seja capaz de compreender tanto as estruturas da dominação social como os recursos sociais necessários à sua superação prática. Partindo de uma reconstrução do percurso de Honneth até Luta por Reconhecimento, procuramos inicialmente mostrar que a teoria do reconhecimento corresponde à tentativa do autor de realizar essas tarefas. Explicitando, no entanto, que seus esforços nesse momento se concentram nas tarefas de reconstruir a dinâmica normativa das relações intersubjetivas e o interesse estrutural dos seres humanos pelo reconhecimento, defendemos que Honneth acaba perdendo de vista o fato de que as relações sociais estão perpassadas por relações de poder. Retomando então as críticas dirigidas a Honneth por diversos autores, argumentamos que, tal como formulada em Luta por Reconhecimento, a teoria honnethiana do reconhecimento depende de uma compreensão redutora do poder. Tendo em vista que, após seu debate com Nancy Fraser, Honneth reconhece esse problema e reformula importantes elementos de sua teoria, dedicamos parte da tese à análise dessas reformulações. Ao fazermos isso, nosso objetivo é mostrar que, embora procure dar conta da relação entre reconhecimento e poder, Honneth acaba se afastando, em seus textos mais recentes, da noção de dominação social. Defendendo, por fim, o projeto crítico esboçado em Crítica do Poder, dedicamos a última seção da tese à discussão do trabalho de três diferentes representantes de uma nova geração de teóricos críticos, cujo objetivo parece ser exatamente o de realizá-lo. / In Critique of Power, Axel Honneth argues that those who seek to realize the project of critical theory today must develop a conceptual framework able to comprehend both the structures of social domination and the social resources for its practical overcoming. Starting with a reconstruction of Honneths theoretical development until Struggle for Recognition, our first aim is to show that the theory of recognition corresponds to the author\'s attempt to fulfill these tasks. Pointing out, however, that his efforts at this time are concentrated on the tasks of reconstructing the normative dynamics of intersubjective relations and the structural human interest for recognition, we argue that Honneth ends up losing sight of the fact that power permeate social relations. Resuming, at this point, the criticisms directed at Honneth by various authors, we aim to show that his recognition theory, as presented in Struggle for Recognition, depends on a reductive understanding of power. Considering that, after his debate with Nancy Fraser, Honneth acknowledges this problem and reformulates important elements of his theory, we devote part of this thesis to an analysis of the different strategies deployed by Honneth with this purpose. By doing this, our goal is to show that even thou Honneth tries to account for the relationship between recognition and power, in his most recent texts, he seems to abandon the concept of social domination. Advocating, finally, for the critical project presented by Honneth in Critique of Power, will devote the last section of the thesis to discuss the work of three different representatives of a new generation of critical theorists, whose purpose seems to be exactly to realize it.