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El presente Informe tiene como objetivo exponer y analizar algunos razonamientos de la Corte Interamericana de Derechos Humanos en la resolución del caso Vicky Hernández y otras vs. Honduras, la cual extiende su jurisprudencia en relación con la violencia por prejuicio -desarrollada en el caso de Azul Rojas vs. Perú-, pero en esta ocasión referida a la identidad y expresión de género. El caso es sumamente trascendental ya que es la primera vez que la Corte se pronuncia sobre la aplicación de la Convención de Belém Do Pará para la protección de mujeres trans. La Corte declaró a la República de Honduras como responsable de la violación del derecho a la igualdad y no discriminación, derecho a la vida, derecho a la integridad personal, derecho a una vida libre de violencia, derecho a la libertad personal, a la vida privada, derecho al reconocimiento de la personalidad jurídica, al nombre, derecho a la libertad de expresión, derecho a la protección judicial y a las garantías judiciales en perjuicio de Vicky Hernández, así como la violación del derecho a la integridad personal de sus familiares. Una de las principales líneas argumentativas de la Corte IDH se relaciona con el estándar de debida diligencia reforzada exigida para la investigación y juzgamiento de la violencia contra las mujeres trans. Asimismo, la Corte IDH ordenó reparaciones que, a diferencia del caso de Azul Rojas Marín y otra contra Perú, responden al contexto de discriminación estructural que posibilita la violencia hacia mujeres trans. Sin embargo, la Corte no aplicó un enfoque interseccional en todo su análisis y los votos singulares de la magistrada Odio y el juez Vio Grossi, constituyen una preocupación para el avance del reconocimiento de derechos de las personas trans en la región, debido a su postura esencialista y binaria sobre el sexo.

It is my contention that through activating participatory design and community engagement strategies, in conjunction with innovative construction methods that address issues of resource scarcity, the standard of living and level of accessibility to critical resources in impoverished portions of Honduras can be drastically improved. The newly provided model of construction can be done it such a way that it is cost effective in its building method, and provides highly sought after scarce critical resources. This allows participants to allocate more of their finances towards other necessary resources they normally would not be able to acquire. A new community center designed to address the issues of resource scarcity and job opportunities will stand as a first built model with the intent that the methods of construction and innovations employed will be replicated in further applications. The center will be innovative in its construction in such a way that it recognizes local building practices, and brings some new ideas to them allowing for a method of construction that is both improved and more affordable. The center will also take a fresh look at ways the community can address issues of food and water through architectural innovations. The intent is that the success of the center’s combined interventions will encourage local people to replicate the design ideas in their own residential applications. This will improve the quantity of resources available in the community and also start to build a new job market for installing the newly desirable systems. Resource scarcity has wreaked havoc on the typical Honduran villages’ sense of community. Hondurans are in constant competition with their neighbors for scarce critical resources required to sustain life. These resources include, food, water, shelter, and employment opportunities. Violent conflict often arises within communities as individuals compete with their neighbors for the basic necessities required to sustain life. While architecture alone cannot solve all the issues that contribute to the problem of violence, a new center with a program that builds community and provides needed resources stands to potentially curb neighborhood conflict and begin the community healing process. The center stands as not only a replicable model, but also as an immediate community element to bring neighbors back together physically in daily interactions and emotionally in the new resources being provided.

This article explores the beginnings of Mesoamerican civilization (meaning the origins of institutionalized, hereditary inequality, rank societies, and chiefdoms) during the Early Formative period (1900-100 BC). Before one can identify the processes of socio-political evolution it is first necessary to identify concrete examples of societies, and their attributes, which underwent this transformation. I outline data for six Mesoamerican cases of the shift from egalitarian societies to chiefdoms. Four of them are from the Tropical lowlands (Paso de la Amada, San Lorenzo, Puerto Escondido, and Cahal Pech), and two are from the Mexican Highlands (Tlapacoya and San José Mogote). / Este artículo trata acerca de los inicios de la civilización en Mesoamérica, es decir, los orígenes de la complejidad social, las desigualdades hereditarias institucionalizadas, las sociedades diferenciadas por rangos y las jefaturas durante el Periodo Formativo Temprano (c. 1900-100 a.C.). Antes de que se puedan discernir los procesos de evolución sociopolítica, primero es necesario identificar ejemplos concretos de sociedades, y sus atributos correspondientes, que experimentaron esa transformación. Aquí se resaltan los datos de seis casos del cambio de sociedades igualitarias a jefaturas de Mesoamérica: cuatro de tierras bajas tropicales (Paso de la Amada, San Lorenzo, Puerto Escondido y Cahal Pech) y dos de la sierra de México (Tlapacoya y San José Mogote).

本研究目的為擴大詳述目前與拉丁美洲相關的文獻，主要重點在於一些相同特性的國家，並可以普遍的將研究發現適用於其他地區。從拉丁美洲中的一般認知中，將宏都拉斯獨立選出，是考慮到能挑戰國家的負面印象，特別是關於2009年後所出現的政治危機。本研究檢視宏都拉斯民主化的過程，與國家和公民社會之間的正向互動。 拉丁美洲的一些主要國家因相同的要素而改變，也因此有很多重要的改變可以在這期間進行研究。因此在這研究中，發現有三個關鍵的要素可適用於相同歷史時間中的宏都拉斯與拉丁美洲一些主要的國家。本研究的重要性在於進一步了解，宏都拉斯公民社會在2009年之前與到2009年時危機發生之間的轉變。在此同時，也能發掘出民主治理的好處。 這三個關鍵的要素為:憲政工程、軍民關係與選舉，且這些要素在本研究中均有對宏都拉斯與其他拉丁美洲國家的公民社會賦權有所影響。另藉由自由之家(Freedom House)所提出的民主治理檢核表，來了解民主治理與公民社會賦權。 在拉丁美洲中此三個關鍵要素的變化，提供了建置良好的民主治理的可行性。然而，本研究也暗示了未來的相關研究，例如地方與區域性的治理，以及會產生直接影響的外部因素。研究發現也暗示了在宏都拉斯2009年政治危機之後透過了民主治理的好處，對公民社會賦權產生了正向的結果。

Submitted by Rosana Moreira (rosanapsm@outlook.com) on 2018-06-28T17:28:17Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Dissertacao_Caricatura_Honduras_Manifestacion.pdf: 4166565 bytes, checksum: 95d21e942c92cbea61d1cfadb87556a7 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Edisangela Bastos (edisangela@ufpa.br) on 2018-08-09T18:37:56Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Dissertacao_Caricatura_Honduras_Manifestacion.pdf: 4166565 bytes, checksum: 95d21e942c92cbea61d1cfadb87556a7 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-09T18:37:57Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Dissertacao_Caricatura_Honduras_Manifestacion.pdf: 4166565 bytes, checksum: 95d21e942c92cbea61d1cfadb87556a7 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-06-12 / CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The starting point of this work is to study the development of the caricature as an artistic expression in the local newspapers of the time, making an analysis of the discourse implicit in these cartoons. In a discussion about the importance that this had in the country between the 1960s and 1980s, an attempt will be made to interpret the socio-political context in which the cartoons were created, directly studying what happened in this period of history of the nation, highlighting the role played by the caricature as an element of criticism. / El punto de partida de este trabajo es estudiar el desenvolvimiento de la caricatura como manifestcion artística en los periódicos locales de la epoca, haciendo un análisis del discurso implícito en esas caricaturas. En una discusión sobre la importancia que ésta tuvo en el pais entre las décadas de 1960 y 1980, se hará un intento por interpretar el contexto sócio/político en el que fueron creadas las caricaturas, estudiando directamente lo que aconteció en este período de la historia de la nación, destacando el papel que tuvo la caricatura como elemento de crítica. / Personal, FJMD, Honduras

Despite the benefits of antiretroviral therapy in treating HIV/AIDS, government responses have varied substantially, from provisions guaranteeing nearly universal access to insufficient provisions providing almost no access. This research seeks to specifically examine primary explanations, such as economic capacity, and emerging explanations, such as the role of electoral accountability and the presence of stigma, and the coordination between the epistemic community and political leadership as potential causes for the variance in the government provision. By controlling for state economic capacity, this research furthers the importance of examining other explanations for state response in light of a public health crisis. While electoral accountability and the role of stigma had marginal impacts, the level of scientific coordination and understanding among the states political leadership had perceptible impacts. This research also tests broader aspects of the political economy such as the role of state capacity and subsequent government crisis response.

Orientador: Paulo José dos Reis Pereira / Banca: Edson Passetti / Banca: Samuel Alves Soares / O Programa de Pós-Graduação em Relações Internacionais é instituído em parceria com a Unesp/Unicamp/PUC-SP, em projeto subsidiado pela CAPES, intitulado "Programa San Tiago Dantas" / Resumo: Maras e pandillas são termos usualmente empregados em El Salvador, Guatemala e Honduras - que, juntos, compõem o chamado Triângulo Norte da América Central - em referência a gangues de rua, cujos membros são tradicionalmente jovens (e, em sua maioria, do sexo masculino) e compartilham de uma identidade comum, o que pode incluir desde o uso de formas de comunicação e expressão cultural específicas (entre gírias, gestos corporais, tatuagens, grafites em muros e ritmos musicais) até a aplicação de rigorosas normas de conduta. A expansão desses grupos pela região e sua responsabilização pela escalada da violência nas grandes cidades têm incitado a adoção de medidas não só domésticas, mas, também, internacionais, envolvendo, por conseguinte, tanto autoridades centro-americanas como instituições de outros países, como os Estados Unidos. Com base nessa constatação, questiona-se, nesta pesquisa, qual é o interesse dos Estados Unidos em atuar no combate a gangues de rua fora de suas fronteiras, considerando que isso é comumente visto como um problema de segurança pública do Estado em cujo território tais grupos operam. Através do método hipotético-dedutivo e a partir da consulta a relatórios oficiais e outras fontes do governo estadunidense - além da literatura específica sobre as gangues no Triângulo Norte e sobre a história recente e contexto atual da região -, testam-se ao menos quatro hipóteses, que se referem à possível percepção dos Estados Unidos de que as gangues I) têm ou almejam ter vínculos com grupos tidos como terroristas; II) atuam de forma expressiva no tráfico internacional de drogas, inclusive em cooperação com grandes cartéis da região; III) são grupos transnacionais do crime organizado, capazes de coordenar delitos em solo estadunidense ... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo) / Abstract: Maras and pandillas are terms usually employed in El Salvador, Guatemala and Honduras - which jointly comprise the so-called Central America Northern Triangle - with regard to street gangs, whose members are traditionally youngsters (and mostly men) and share a common identity, which can range from the use of specific forms of communication and cultural expression (including slangs, body gestures, tattoos, graffiti on walls and musical rhythms) to the enforcement of rigorous standards of conduct. The expansion of these groups throughout the region, and its accountability for the growth of violence in big cities have been prompting the adoption of not only domestic measures, but also international ones, which consequently involves both Central American authorities and institutions from other countries, such as the United States. Based on this finding, it is questioned, in this research, what the interest of the United States is in combating street gangs out of its borders, considering that this is commonly seen as a public security problem concerning the state in which territory such groups operate. Through the hypothetical-deductive method, and by the consultation with official reports and other American governmental sources - besides the specific literature on gangs in the Northern Triangle and on the recent history and current context of the region -, at least four hypothesis are tested, which refer to the United States possible perception that the gangs I) are (or are willing to be) tied to groups seen as terrorists; II) have a significant participation on the international illicit drug trade, even in collaboration with great cartels of the region; III) are transnational organized crime groups, capable of coordinating crimes on American soil with their peers established there; and that IV) the ...(Complete abstract click electronic access below) / Mestre

The doctoral thesis Czechoslovakia, Mexico and Central America 1945-1989 analyses political, economic and cultural relations between that country of the called Iron Curtain and the Mesoamerican countries during the Cold War in the twentieth century. The research is based mainly on unpublished archival materials, mainly of Czech origin. It is also complemented by fewer materials obtained at the Central American countries' official archives. The wider context of international politics is primarily outlined in the introductory chapters, which aims, on one hand, to inform readers about the development of the Czechoslovak diplomacy and foreign policy and how it was influenced by the Soviet Union and, on the other hand, to describe the unstable political situation prevailing then in the Central American countries, which were also under the constant scrutiny of the United States of America. Thereafter, the analysis focuses on the Czechoslovak-Mexican relations, which is thematically divided into political, cultural and economic sections. A special chapter is dedicated to the activities of the Czechoslovak secret service in Mexico, as a country conveniently located near to the United States. Other chapters study the bilateral relations between Prague and the individual capitals of Central America. The work...