Les prix de transfert représentent aujourd'hui un enjeu majeur dans l'internationalisation des affaires. Ces transactions intra groupe doivent respecter un principe universellement admis, le principe de pleine concurrence. Cependant, chaque Etat dispose de sa propre règlementation nationale créant ainsi un sentiment d'insécurité juridique. Les Etats ont pris des mesures nationales afin de faire face à un problème par nature international, fragilisant ainsi l'efficacité de la lutte contre l'évasion fiscale. Les pays misent désormais sur la coopération internationale afin de renforcer ces contrôles et d'améliorer la sécurité juridique des entreprises. / Multinationals have to respect the arm's length principle. Each state has his own regulation. The states had taken national regulations for an international problem. Now, the coutries try to resolve this by international cooperation.

Introdução: A história da enfermagem brasileira, ao longo de sua trajetória, sofreu forte influência americana. Sua concepção foi pensada e pautada, no início do século XX, no modelo de enfermagem americano. Entretanto, foi, na década de 1940, pelo acordo de cooperação em saúde entre Brasil e Estados Unidos da América que a influência ganha força maior. O acordo durou entre 1942 e 1961, incentivou a criação do Serviço Especial de Saúde Pública (SESP) e possibilitou o trabalho de profissionais americanos qualificados no Brasil, dentre eles, enfermeiras americanas que tinham como objetivo modernizar e ampliar as escolas e os serviços disponíveis, difundindo, assim, o conhecimento e a valorização da profissão de enfermagem em solo brasileiro. Objetivos: Historicizar os constituintes históricos que nortearam a vinda das enfermeiras americanas ao Brasil, no período entre 1942 e 1961; descrever suas atuações e trajetórias; analisar as relações de poder entre as grupos norte-americanos e brasileiros, os desdobramentos dessas relações e o papel dessas mulheres no desenvolvimento da enfermagem brasileira. Método: Trata-se de um estudo descritivo, de abordagem histórico-cultural, que utilizou como fontes os relatórios redigidos por enfermeiras americanas, que relataram suas impressões, sugestões, críticas e atividades desenvolvidas no País. Optou-se pela análise de discurso, proposto por Michel Foucault para o tratamento dos dados, que permite a análise das relações de saber-poder-subjetividade e as resistências que perpassaram os discursos e, no caso, permearam a atuação desse grupo de mulheres. O referencial foucaultiano permite pela análise histórica não só compreender o passado, mas também o presente e, por meio deles, pensar no futuro. Resultados e Discussão: O período estudado foi marcado pela expansão da enfermagem moderna no território brasileiro, pelo aumento do número de serviços de saúde e de escolas de enfermagem, pela mudança no currículo das mesmas, pela criação de outras categorias profissionais, pelas novas representações de classe e por mudanças na identidade e reconhecimento da profissão no País. Estas mudanças foram estimuladas pela presença das enfermeiras americanas que estavam no País por meio das atividades desenvolvidas pelo SESP e foram marcadas por embates de poder e controle entre brasileiras e americanas no que diz respeito à condução da profissão no País. Conclusão: O presente estudo permitiu apontar a contribuição das enfermeiras americanas no desenvolvimento da enfermagem brasileira e sua consolidação no período, através do discurso científico apropriado e da forte influência e controle exercidos por elas. Mas, o período e os discursos analisados permitiram apontar como a enfermagem brasileira resistiu à influência do modelo americano buscando, pouco a pouco, apropriar-se dos saberes e discursos da enfermagem da época, adaptando-se à realidade brasileira e desenvolvendo uma identidade própria da enfermagem / Introduction: The history of Brazilian nursing has suffered throughout its path strong American influence. Its design was conceived and guided, in the early twentieth century in the American nursing model. However, it was in the 1940s, through the cooperation agreement between Brazil and the United States that the influence gained more force. The agreement, which lasted from 1942 to 1961, encouraged the establishment of the Special Service of Public Health (SESP) and enabled the work of qualified professionals in Brazil, among them American nurses, which were aimed at modernizing and expanding schools and health services, thus expanding the knowledge and appreciation of the nursing profession in Brazilian soil. Objectives: Historicize the historical constituents that guided the coming of American nurses to Brazil, in the period of 1942-1961; describe their actions and trajectories; analyze the relations of power between the Brazilian and American groups and the ramifications of these relationships and the role of these women to the development of Brazilian nursing. Method: This is a descriptive study of cultural and historical approach, which utilized as source reports drafted by American nurses, who reported their impressions, suggestions, criticisms and activities in the country. The discourse analysis, proposed by Michel Foucault for the treatment of the data, was chosen because it allows the analysis of relations of power-knowledge-subjectivity and the resistance that permeated the discourses and, in this case, permeated the activities of this group of women. The Foucaultian framework allows for the historical analysis, not only to understand the past but also the present and, through them, think about the future. Results and discussion: The period studied was marked by the expansion of modern nursing in Brazil, through increasing the number of health services and schools of nursing, the change in the curriculum of these schools, by the creation of other professional categories, through the new representations of the profession and by changes in the identity and recognition of it in the country. These changes were stimulated by the presence of American nurses in the country through the activities developed by them through SESP and were marked by struggles for power and control between Brazilians and Americans regarding the conduct of the profession across the country. Conclusion: This study indicates the contribution of American nurses in the development of the Brazilian nursing and its consolidation in the period studied, through its appropriate scientific discourse and the strong influence and control exercised by them. However, the period and the discourses analyzed point out how the Brazilian Nursing resisted the influence of the American model trying, little by little, to appropriate the knowledge and discourses of nursing in that time, adapting it to the Brazilian reality and developing its own nursing identity

Recently, health has become a point of interest for International Relations analysts. In terms of economics, security and social justice issues, health is being debated as part of countries\' foreign policy formulation. Brazil, for example, recognizes the importance of health as part of its foreign policy, being a signatory of the Oslo Ministerial Declaration (2007) on Foreign Policy and Global Health, and having included the theme across various international negotiation contexts, both bilateral - for instance, in South-South Cooperation with African States - and multilateral - with the Union of South-American Nations or with the India, Brazil and South Africa Dialogue Forum. Moreover, since health is a constitutional right in Brazil, the country already possesses a legal framework which encompasses the development of international health cooperation. By establishing the concept of structured cooperation for health, Brazil emphasizes cooperation that strengthens the sanitary institutions of different countries. The main objective of this study is to analyze whether there is a specific foreign policy on health in Brazil in the period from 2003 to 2014, exploring the components, actors and principles of which it is made. Additionally, there will be an attempt to understand if Brazil\'s international action in the field of health converges with the principles of the country\'s own Unified Health System. Actors are mainly institutions part of either the MoH or MoFA. Regarding constituent elements and principles, certainly solidarity, universal health care, knowledge sharing and cooperation with global South countries were the bricks of all Brazilian actions in this Health Foreign Policy. There is also a deep commitment to the idea of structuring cooperation for health. / Cresce a relevância da saúde como tema das Relações Internacionais. Associada à economia, à segurança e à justiça social, a questão da saúde começou a ser debatida inclusive na formulação de política externa dos países. O Brasil reconhece a importância da saúde na política externa: é signatário da Declaração Ministerial de Oslo (2007) sobre Política Externa e Saúde Global, inserindo o tema em diversos âmbitos de sua ação internacional - como, por exemplo, na cooperação Sul-Sul com países na África - ou multilateral - como ocorre na União das Nações Sul-Americanas (UNASUL) ou no Fórum Índia, Brasil e África do Sul (IBAS). Por consagrar saúde como um direito em sua Constituição, o Brasil possui um marco regulatório que serve de base para o desenvolvimento de cooperação internacional com ênfase nesse assunto. O país criou a ideia de cooperação estruturante em saúde devido ao destaque que dá à cooperação que visa fortalecer instituições sanitárias de sistemas de saúde de outros países. Este estudo se propôs a analisar se houve uma política externa brasileira específica em saúde no período de 2003 a 2014, estudando quais componentes, atores e princípios a conformam. Da mesma forma, verificou se a ação internacional do Brasil em saúde se coadunou com os princípios do Sistema Único de Saúde (SUS). Constatou-se que os principais atores são o Ministério da Saúde, o Itamaraty e suas respectivas instituições. No que concerne elementos e princípios, solidariedade, acesso universal à saúde, compartilhamento de conhecimento e cooperação com países do Sul Global foram os pilares da atuação brasileira nessa Política Externa em Saúde. Houve também no período um profundo compromisso com a cooperação estruturante em saúde.

Redes Socioambientais e a Cooperação Internacional: GARSD apresenta a nova modalidade de organizações não governamentais: redes socioambientais internacionais. Os conceitos de redes, socioambientalismo e cooperação internacional caracterizam esta nova modalidade de organização, bem como, o objeto de estudo escolhido para delimitar com clareza este ator: Global Alliance for Recycling and Sustainable Development (GARSD). A sociedade contemporânea capitalista estabelece padrões de consumo associados ao uso intensivo dos recursos naturais e, que consequentemente, aumentam a quantidade de resíduos. Deste modo, sociedade de consumo torna-se sinônimo da sociedade de resíduos. O estudo de caso (GARSD), rede socioambiental internacional cuja missão é a gestão dos resíduos sólidos urbanos na escala internacional, traduz-se em novas possibilidades de arranjos internacionais na perspectiva das relações internacionais. Para a ciência geográfica abre a possibilidade para uma releitura das questões relacionadas ao conceito de rede. A afirmativa também é válida para a questão ambiental, pois evidencia que a geração e a gestão de resíduos é um problema a ser discutido em escalas do local ao global entrelaçado ao desenvolvimento sustentável e a dinâmica da sociedade de consumo capitalista. / Socioenvironmental Networks and International Cooperation: GARSD demonstrates new modality nongovernmental organizations: international socioenvironmental networks. The issues networks, socioenvironmental and international cooperation improve this new modality, as well as, studies object in this thesis: Global Alliance for Recycling and Sustainable Development (GARSD). The capitalist contemporary society establishes consumption standards associates to the powerful use of natural resources and, consequently, increase the quantities of waste. This way, consumption society is synonymous to a waste society. The studie case (GARSD), socioenvironmental network whose the mission is the urban waste management in international scale, it is expressed, and new possibilities of international arrangements to international relationships. To geographic science, it opens the possibility of rewriting those issues about networks. The affirmative is also valid to environmental issues, therefore it shows that generation and management of waste is a problem which will be discussed in local and global scales associated to the sustainable development and the dynamic of a capitalist consumption society.

A presente dissertação trata da dupla incriminação como condição para a extradição. A dupla incriminação surgiu nos contornos da gramática da extradição, com fundamento na aplicação da legalidade penal e em razões de reciprocidade. Atualmente, também se diz que a dupla incriminação embasa-se no princípio da solidariedade internacional. Todos os 27 tratados de extradição assinados pela República Federativa do Brasil possuem a cláusula da dupla incriminação em seus textos. O Supremo Tribunal Federal considera a dupla incriminação nas ações de extradição sob o viés da legalidade penal e mediante exame acurado dos elementos constitutivos do crime objeto da solicitação estrangeira. O Modelo de Tratado de Extradição da ONU recomenda que não se examine os elementos constitutivos do crime no conceito da dupla incriminação, a qual deve ser compreendida no seu sentido in abstrato. No âmbito da União Européia a dupla incriminação deixou de ser obrigatória para o rol de delitos previstos na Decisão-quadro n. 2002/584. O atual modelo de extradição no Brasil no tocante à dupla incriminação não alcança a efetiva proteção do indivíduo, tampouco reforça a cooperação internacional ou mesmo garante à vítima seu direito fundamental de acesso à Justiça. / The current research concerning to double criminality as a condition to extradition. The double criminality was emerged in the contours of the grammar extradition, was based on the application of criminal legality and reciprocity. Currently also says that the double criminality is based on the international solidarity principle. All of the twenty-seven treaties signed by Federative Republic of Brazil have the requirement of double criminality in their texts. The Brazilian Supreme Court takes into account the double criminality under the bias of the criminal legality and the scrutiny of crimes elements, which are subject the foreign requirement. The UN Draft Extradition Treaty recommends do not assess crimes elements under the double criminality concept, which might understand in the sense of in abstract. Within the European Union the double criminality is not obligatory requirement for some offences established in the Framework Decision n. 2002/584. The current Brazilian extradition model regarding double criminality not achieve the effective individual protection nether reinforces the international cooperation in criminal matters nor even ensures that victim his fundamental right of access to Justice.

Este estudo visa analisar a implementação, no Brasil, das Linhas Diretrizes da OCDE para as Empresas Multinacionais, documento que integra a Declaração sobre o Investimento Internacional e as Empresas Multinacionais. De acordo com os termos estabelecidos nessa Declaração, os Estados devem promover essas Linhas Diretrizes, bem como instalar um Ponto de Contato Nacional (PCN) mecanismo criado para consolidar os padrões de conduta e para receber reclamações atinentes à violação de seus termos por empresas multinacionais. A observância aos termos da Declaração é obrigatória para os Estadosmembros da Organização para Cooperação e Desenvolvimento Econômicos (OCDE) e condição para não membros participarem das atividades do Comitê de Investimentos situação na qual o Brasil se inclui. O ato internacional brasileiro de adesão à Declaração não se submeteu ao crivo parlamentar a que alude o artigo 49, inciso I, da Constituição Federal (CF) e, além disso, as medidas adotadas internamente para implementar as Diretrizes incluindo a instalação de PCN foram ordenadas por uma Portaria , que constitui ato do Ministério da Fazenda. Essas circunstâncias evidenciam como a cooperação e legitimidade fundada no consenso são base importante para que se promovam os direitos através das fronteiras sem desrespeitar a legislação brasileira, consoante este trabalho se propõe demonstrar. / This study analyses the implementation in Brazil of the OECD Guidelines for Multinational Enterprises, which constitute an integral part of the Declaration on International Investment and Multinational Enterprises. In accordance with the terms of the Declaration on International Investment and Multinational Enterprises, the states are to promote the Guidelines and install a National Point of Contact (NCP), the mechanism created to consolidate the Guidelines and receive complaints against the violation of their terms by multinational companies. Compliance with the terms of the Declaration is mandatory for the OECD member countries and the condition for non-members to participate in the activities of the Investment Committee like in the case of Brazil. The Brazilian international subscription act to the Declaration was not submitted to the approval of the parliament as per article 49, I of the Federal Constitution; in addition, the measures adopted internally to implement the Guidelines and install the NCP were ordered by Decreean act within the competence of the Ministry. These circumstances show how cooperation and legitimacy founded on consensus are an important basis for the promotion of rights across borders without infringing Brazilian Law. This is what the present study proposes to discuss.

Cette thèse analyse les raisons qui ont poussé le Japon à se retirer en 1936 du système de contrôle des armements navals établis en 1922. La littérature sur le sujet est particulièrement pauvre pour ce qui est de la science politique et ne parvient pas à systématiser les différentes variables afin de mieux comprendre l’extrême complexité du processus de décision japonais. Appréhender ce processus permet d'aborder une problématique plus générale, qui est de comprendre pourquoi les états mettent fin à des relations de nature coopérative, préférant poursuivre une politique de sécurité unilatérale malgré les coûts que cela peut engendrer. Le modèle théorique de cette thèse propose l’hypothèse suivante: certains changements dans le système international affectent l'influence relative des différentes institutions domestiques prenant part à la formulation des politiques étrangères. En cas de tensions internationales, l'expertise des forces armées prend de l’importance pour la formulation des politiques étrangères. Dans un tel scénario, il est probable que le pays se retire de l'accord de contrôle des armements si ses forces armées s’opposent au maintien de cet accord. Les forces armées désavouent l'accord si ce dernier est intrusif dans des domaines relevant de l'expertise de l’institution militaire au point de menacer sa capacité à répondre à une nouvelle menace extérieure. Le degré d'influence des forces armées et l'intensité du conflit entre militaires et civils pour ce qui concerne la politique de défense nationale constituent les deux variables qui déterminent la propension d'un état à privilégier une approche unilatérale de sa politique étrangère en matière de sécurité. / This thesis aims at assessing the causes of Japan's decision to withdraw in 1936 from the so-called Washington system of naval arms control. The existing literature is weak in the field of political science and fails to efficiently systematize the different variables to understand the highly complex Japanese decision-making process. To better understand this process helps in addressing a more general question: Why do states choose to pursue an independent and unilateral foreign security policy instead of a cooperative approach, despite the cost a withdrawal may engender? This thesis' theoretical framework is based on the academic literature on civil-military relations, and proposes the following hypothesis: Changes in the international system affect the relative influence different domestic institutions have on the formulation of foreign policy. In case of emerging international tensions, the military’s expertise acquires new importance for the formulation of foreign policy. In such a scenario, the arms control agreement does not survive if the military establishment advocates against the maintenance of the agreement. The military establishment opposes the agreement if it is so intrusive into its traditional sphere of responsibility that it negatively affects its ability to deal with a worsening security environment. The level of influence the military establishment possesses over the formulation of foreign security policy and the intensity of conflict in civil-military relations are the two variables of the thesis, which account for a state's propensity to privilege a unilateral approach to its foreign security policy.

Cette thèse retrace les trajectoires des politiques de régionalisation et de décentralisation au Chili ainsi que celles de leurs promoteurs/médiateurs. Ce faisant, elle montre que ces acteurs, constituant une « communauté réformatrice », agissent en réseau. Cette communauté devra non seulement imprégner l’administration pour agir sur elle mais elle devra aussi s’adapter et ajuster ses idées, révélant ainsi la fragilité d’un certain nombre de mécanismes institutionnels tant au niveau national qu’international, en particulier ceux relatifs à la coopération / This thesis follows the itineraries taken by regionalization and decentralization policies in Chile as well as those of their advocates and/or brokers.In doing so, it will be shown that those involved, making up a community for reform, form a network. This community was not only to permeate the administration in order to act upon it, but also to adapt and adjust its ideas, thus bringing to the fore the frailty of a certain number of institutional mechanisms as much at national as at international level, in particular those relative to cooperation.

L’intérêt pour l’Arctique s’est développé à travers l’environnement et les changements climatiques, avec avant tout la question du réchauffement climatique, qui bouleversent grandement cette région. Ces évolutions amènent aussi bien de nombreuses menaces que des opportunités importantes, qui demandent toutes une coopération approfondie pour y répondre. La protection de l’environnement, l’accès et la gestion des ressources (naturelles, énergétiques, halieutiques, etc.), l’utilisation des routes maritimes, la délimitation des limites maritimes et limites extérieures du plateau continental, le respect des droits de l’homme et des droits des peuples autochtones, l’aspect stratégique et militaire sont des exemples des nombreux enjeux qui existent en Arctique. La coopération arctique, qui se structure de manière plus prononcée depuis la fin de la Guerre froide, se trouve devant des défis importants qui demandent son approfondissement. Tous ces enjeux dépassent la seule coopération entre les Etats arctiques, d’autant plus que les conséquences et les intérêts présents sont mondiaux. A la multitude de domaines de coopération s’ajoute donc une congruence d’acteurs, arctiques et non-arctiques avec, de manière classique, les organisations internationales, les organisations non-gouvernementales et les multinationales, mais également les régions, les organisations interparlementaires, les peuples autochtones ou encore les associations scientifiques. La complexité de la situation se traduit au niveau de la coopération, qui fait face aux tensions aussi bien entre les acteurs arctiques qu’entre les acteurs arctiques et non-arctiques. Deux processus contradictoires semblent donc structurer la coopération avec d’une part une régionalisation et d’autre part une internationalisation. La coopération entre les acteurs arctiques se bâtit ainsi autour de nombreuses institutions internationales dont la structure et le rôle sont voués à évoluer, avec comme institution centrale le Conseil de l’Arctique, tout en se fondant sur des coopérations internationales globales, avec comme instrument essentiel la Convention sur le droit de la mer de 1982. La coopération arctique semble constituer un modèle intéressant reposant sur une flexibilité qui doit permettre une adaptation, d’autant plus importante dans une région exposée à des évolutions rapides. Elle utilise une structure unique mettant en avant une action multiniveaux et multi-acteurs en gardant un équilibre entre hard law et soft law. Si la coopération arctique structure une véritable région arctique avec une importance grandissante sur l’arène internationale, les liens entre le monde et cette région restent incertains. L’ouverture aux acteurs extra-arctiques est nécessaire, mais fait face à la réticence de certains acteurs arctiques. L’Arctique se pose comme un nouvel objet des relations internationales et peut même en devenir un acteur, mais doit répondre aux dangers qui peuvent exister pour la coopération dans cette région, dangers qui semblent avant tout venir de causes exogènes. La coopération arctique nécessite donc une analyse approfondie des enjeux qu’elle présente ainsi que des contradictions et paradoxes qui semblent y exister. Cette thèse vise ainsi à étudier la coopération arctique en mettant en exergue ses mécanismes et spécificités tout en analysant les relations qu’elle peut entretenir avec les acteurs extra-arctiques et la manière dont elle s’intègre dans les relations internationales. / The interest in the Arctic has grown through the environmental issues and climate change that deeply altered the region, especially with the impact of the global warming. These changes bring many threats but also important opportunities, and require a deeper cooperation to respond to them. The protection of the environment, the management of Arctic resources (natural, fishery, etc.), the use of sea routes, the delimitation of maritime boundaries, the respect of human rights and of indigenous peoples rights, the strategic and military aspects are all examples of the issues that coexist in the Arctic. They highlight the challenges that the cooperation in the Arctic is facing. None of these issues could solely be managed by the cooperation between the Arctic States, as their consequences and the interests at stake are global. In addition to the multitude of areas of cooperation, there is a congruence of actors: Arctic and extra-Arctic ones such as international organizations, non-governmental organizations, multinational corporations, but also regions, inter-parliamentary organizations, indigenous peoples or scientific associations. The complexity of the situation is perceptible in the way the Arctic cooperation is established. Tensions exist both among the Arctic actors and between Arctic and extra-Arctic actors. Two contradictory processes seem to structure the cooperation with the regionalization on the one hand, and the internationalization on the other hand. Thus, cooperation between Arctic stakeholders is built around many international institutions, which structures and roles will certainly evolve. The central structure of the Arctic cooperation is the Arctic Council – a regional institution. At the same time, the cooperation in the Arctic region is based on global international cooperations, with essential instruments as the Convention on the law of the sea of 1982. Arctic cooperation seems to be an interesting model based on flexibility that should enable adaptation, which is especially important in a region so deeply exposed to fast changes. It is based on a unique structure emphasizing multi-level and multi-stakeholder actions, keeping a balance between hard and soft law. If the Arctic cooperation builds a real Arctic region with a growing importance in the international arena, the ties between the world and the region remains uncertain. The inclusion of extra-Arctic actors is necessary but it is facing resistance from a part of the Arctic actors. Arctic arises as a new object of international relations and may even become a new actor, but it must respond to the dangers that may exist for cooperation in this region, dangers that seem to come especially from exogenous causes. Therefore, Arctic cooperation requires a thorough analysis of the issues it is faced with as well as its contradictions and paradoxes. This thesis aims to study the Arctic cooperation highlighting its mechanisms and particularities as well as to analyze relationships that it can develop with extra-Arctic actors and how it incorporates into international relations.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-22T17:26:52Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 carla.pdf: 2143552 bytes, checksum: 44ecb3e4941e784afc5561765506b301 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-02-20 / The present research is about the cooperation between Brazil and Uruguay in six twin villages on the border of both countries: Aceguá (BR) and Aceguá (UY); Barra do Quaraí (BR) and Bella Unión (UY); Chuí (BR) and Chuy (UY). In 2003 there is a change in the direction of the Foreign Affair Policy, where Brazil strengthen the relationship with its neighbor, based on the work of the Binational Committees, divided in work groups to discuss subjects like education, health, public safety and environment. Those groups formed by public administrators, consuls and representatives of the civil society groups produce documents that gives the direction of the annual meetings where they discuss the problems found in the border region and try to find cooperation possibilities to solve the dead-locks. Together with this scenario it is perceivable the unfolding of adjustments and agreements between the two governments resulting in investments on infrastructure and preventing aggravation. In the face of this new dynamic, the main target of this work is to identify and to characterize the Health Committees, Border Committees and other forums, that are working in those twin villages, which are concerned about health in order to identify how they articulate. The project also does a reflection about the concepts that permeate and determine those relations: territory, border line, cooperation, health systems, the Right to health. The methodology to choose those municipalities in Brazil took into consideration those factors: villages (maximum of 6.000 inhabitants); recently received political autonomy (created in the 90 s); have a restricted public health system linked where they are only responsible for the minimal primary assistance of their citizens, then they send the patients to other referenced hospitals or where it is accorded the assistance of medium or high level that are not available on their sanitary district. The Uruguayan villages are also recently created administrations elected from 2010, the number of the population in higher than the Brazilians ones and they have hospitals having the exception of Aceguá, who counts with a Local Administrative Council and does not have a hospital. Besides the bibliography research, interviews were made with local authorities, health professionals and other actors identified during the work. With this research one can realize that, despite of the interaction between them recognition of the infrastructure and the expertise of the neighbor in areas such as dentists, health prevention, exams and other specialties there are many difficulties to execute the exchange of services. Another point is the lack of putting in practice the agreements made, either because of bureaucracy as also because of the pressure of the corporative organizations / O presente trabalho versa sobre a cooperação em saúde em seis cidades gêmeas localizadas no Brasil e no Uruguai: Aceguá/Aceguá, Barra do Quaraí/Bella Unión e Chuí/Chuy. A preocupação com o tema decorre de mudança na condução da política exterior, a partir de que estreita os laços entre ambos os países, alicerçada em reuniões convocadas pelos consulados e chancelarias de ambos os países. Essas reuniões são formadas por grupos de trabalhos que tratam de temas como educação, saúde, segurança e meio ambiente, substituindo assim a atuação dos Comitês Binacionais de Fronteira formados em 1990. Esses grupos - formados por gestores, cônsules e sociedade civil - elaboram documentos que embasam reuniões anuais para debater os problemas enfrentados na fronteira e possibilidades de cooperação/sublimação de impasses. Concomitante a esse cenário, percebe-se desdobramentos de ajustes e acordos celebrados entre os governos brasileiro e uruguaio, investimento de recursos financeiros para ações conjuntas em saúde, abarcando infraestrutura e prevenção de agravos. Diante dessa nova dinâmica, o objetivo principal deste trabalho é identificar e caracterizar os Comitês de Saúde, Comitês de Fronteira e demais espaços de diálogo existentes nessas cidades gêmeas que se ocupem do tema saúde visando desvelar como ocorrem as articulações entre eles. Busca refletir também sobre os conceitos que permeiam e determinam essas relações: território, fronteira, cooperação, sistemas de saúde, direito à saúde. A metodologia para escolha destes municípios brasileiros levou em consideração alguns fatores: são municípios pequenos (de no máximo 6000 habitantes); são recentes - foram desmembrados de outros e emancipados na década de 1990; possuem uma rede municipal de atenção em saúde muito restrita, sendo responsáveis pela atenção primária em saúde dos seus habitantes, referenciando para outros municípios da sua Coordenadoria Regional - ou onde esteja pactuado o atendimento às necessidades de média ou alta complexidade que não estejam disponíveis em seu distrito sanitário. Os municípios uruguaios também são recentes - administrações eleitas a partir de 2010, possuem uma população maior que a brasileira e hospitais a exceção de Aceguá, que conta com a administração de uma Junta Local e não possui hospital. Além da pesquisa bibliográfica foram realizadas entrevistas com gestores, cônsules, profissionais de saúde e outras pessoas que foram identificadas durante o percurso como informantes chave. Pode-se perceber com a pesquisa que embora nesses territórios existam elementos para interação entre eles reconhecimento da infraestrutura e expertise do país vizinho em áreas como odontologia, prevenção de doenças, exames diagnósticos, especialidades médicas há muita dificuldade para que ocorra intercâmbio de serviços. Outro ponto fortemente apontado é a não operacionalização na prática de acordos celebrados, seja por conta da burocracia, seja por conta de pressões de entidades de classe