This thesis interprets the concept of human being in the work of Maimonides and ibn Rushd, two representatives of major Arab and Jewish medieval philosophy. It combines the ancient Greek philosophical tradition, especially Aristotle, with a religious context. When Maimonides and Ibn Rushd tried to harmonize these two traditions, they had to deal with many opposite views, that stemmed from the difference between religious and ancient world. Behind this intellectual ground have they created the original thesis and approaches to grasping reality, the world and the human being in it. The issue of human being is analyzed in three levels. The first level consists of the relationship between human being and creation, which addresses the question about origin of the world the human soul and the resurrection. The second level, i.e. the man and the world, is devoted to describing a scheme of the world, human knowledge and the theory of prophecy. Ethical and political views are analyzed on the third level, which represents the position of human being in relation to the polis. Keywords Ibn Rushd, Maimonides, Aristotle, Plato, neoplatonism, philosophy, religion, The Koran, Torah, human being, world, creation, eternity, soul, resurrection, emanation, knowledge, illumination, active intellect, prophecy, politics,...

Zwischen 1630 und 1650 vollzog sich ein Wandel in Athanasius Kirchers Vermittlung des musikalischen Wissens: Musik konzipierte er im Zusammenhang der Universalwissenschaft immer mehr als Zeichen des Weltbildes im Kontext einer christlich-neuplatonischen Pansemiose. Die Studie arbeitet dies am Beispiel der "Institutiones mathematicae" (ca. 1630), der "Mathematica curiosa" (ca. 1640) und der "Musurgia universalis" (1650) heraus. Besonderes Augenmerk gilt Kirchers Umgang mit seinen Quellen, insbesondere Nikolaus von Kues, Robert Fludd und der Tradition der Philosophia perennis. / Between 1630 and 1650, a change in Athanasius Kircher's way to communicate the knowledge of music took place: Within the context of universal science, he conceptualised music increasingly as a symbol for his world view and its Christian-Neoplatonic pansemiosis. This study discusses these issues based on Kircher's "Institutiones mathematicae" (c1630), "Mathematica curiosa" (c1640), and "Musurgia universalis" (1650). Special emphasis lies on Kircher's use of his sources, particularly Nicholas of Cusa, Robert Fludd, and the tradition of Perennial philosophy.

Zwischen 1630 und 1650 vollzog sich ein Wandel in Athanasius Kirchers Vermittlung des musikalischen Wissens: Musik konzipierte er im Zusammenhang der Universalwissenschaft immer mehr als Zeichen des Weltbildes im Kontext einer christlich-neuplatonischen Pansemiose. Die Studie arbeitet dies am Beispiel der "Institutiones mathematicae" (ca. 1630), der "Mathematica curiosa" (ca. 1640) und der "Musurgia universalis" (1650) heraus. Besonderes Augenmerk gilt Kirchers Umgang mit seinen Quellen, insbesondere Nikolaus von Kues, Robert Fludd und der Tradition der Philosophia perennis. / Between 1630 and 1650, a change in Athanasius Kircher's way to communicate the knowledge of music took place: Within the context of universal science, he conceptualised music increasingly as a symbol for his world view and its Christian-Neoplatonic pansemiosis. This study discusses these issues based on Kircher's "Institutiones mathematicae" (c1630), "Mathematica curiosa" (c1640), and "Musurgia universalis" (1650). Special emphasis lies on Kircher's use of his sources, particularly Nicholas of Cusa, Robert Fludd, and the tradition of Perennial philosophy.

Στόχος της παρούσας εργασίας είναι η εξέταση του δικτύου των σχέσεων, οι οποίες αναπτύσσονται εντός των σοφιστικών και φιλοσοφικών κύκλων που παρουσιάζονται σε δύο βιογραφικά corpora, στους Βίους Σοφιστῶν του Φιλοστράτου και στους Βίους Φιλοσόφων καὶ Σοφιστῶν του Ευναπίου, καθώς και του κεντρικού ρόλου που διαδραμάτισαν οι σχέσεις αυτές (κυρίως η σχέση δασκάλου και μαθητή) στη συγκρότηση των δύο συλλογών. Η μελέτη του δικτύου αυτών των σχέσεων στοχεύει στην ανάδειξη της μοναδικότητας των δύο συλλογών από άποψη δομής, η οποία καταδεικνύεται, επί παραδείγματι, από την ένταξη ορισμένων σοφιστών ή φιλοσόφων και τον αποκλεισμό άλλων. Ταυτόχρονα, διερευνάται πώς αυτές οι σχέσεις λειτουργούν ως μια βασική οργανωτική αρχή των Βίων και μας επιτρέπουν να διαμορφώσουμε μια σαφέστερη εικόνα για τη σοφιστική/φιλοσοφική ταυτότητα κατά την ελληνορωμαϊκή αυτοκρατορική περίοδο. Το πλέγμα σχέσεων που διαμορφώνεται ανάμεσα στους σοφιστές και τους φιλοσόφους, καθώς και ο τρόπος ταξινόμησής τους στα δύο βιογραφικά corpora μας επιτρέπουν να αναγνώσουμε τις συλλογές ως ρυθμιστικά, κανονιστικά κείμενα, τα οποία υπαγορεύουν και εξασφαλίζουν την επιβίωσή των βιογραφουμένων προσώπων για τις επόμενες γενιές. / The aim of this thesis is to examine the network of relationships developed among the sophists and the philosophers in two biographical corpora, Philostratus’ Lives of Sophists and Eunapius’ Lives of Philosophers and Sophists, as well as the pivotal role these relationships (especially those of master and student) played in the formation of the two collections. The study of the nexus of these relationships aims to demonstrate the structural singularity of these corpora, which is pointed, for instance, by the inclusion of certain sophists/philosophers and the exclusion of others; at the same time, these relationships are shown to constitute a major organizational principle of the Lives, allowing thus a sharper understanding of the sophistic/philosophical identity in the Graeco-Roman Imperial period. The two corpora are read as regulatory, canonistic texts, in the sense that they dictate and determine, to a great extent, the type of the biographised sophists and philosophers worth preserving for future generations.

Le présent mémoire constitue une tentative de circonscrire - par l’étude d’un corpus textuel principalement emprunté à l’œuvre vernaculaire (allemande) de Maître Eckhart de Hochheim (1260-1328) – le rôle joué par certains motifs conceptuels caractérisant la notion moderne de sujet-agent au sein de la pensée de ce philosophe, théologien et prédicateur. Plus précisément, il y est question de déterminer en quoi le « je » (ich) décrit en plusieurs lieux textuels de l’œuvre d’Eckhart présente les caractères d’autonomie et de transparence à soi qui sont l’apanage de la subjectivité telle que la conçoit majoritairement une certaine modernité postcartésienne. Notre argument, qui se déploie sur trois chapitres, adopte sur le corpus faisant l’objet de cette étude et la conceptualité qu’il déploie, trois perspectives différentes – lesquelles perspectives sont respectivement d’ordre ontologique (premier chapitre), existentiel ou éthique (second chapitre) et anthropologique (troisième chapitre). La première approche – ontologique – explicite le sens que donne Eckhart aux notions d’être, de néant, d’intellect et d’image, ainsi que la manière dont elles se définissent dialectiquement en rapport les unes avec les autres. Le second chapitre, dont l’approche est existentielle, expose les applications éthiques des concepts abordés au chapitre précédent, analysant la méthode de détachement prescrite par Eckhart pour parvenir à l’état de béatitude. Le troisième et dernier chapitre cherche, quant à lui, à définir de quelle manière l’homme se définit par rapport à l’union à laquelle l’invite Eckhart, et ce autant sur le plan spécifique que sur le plan individuel. / The following dissertation attemps to establish the presence of certain conceptual motives pertaining to the modern conception of subjectivity (as exemplified by the cartesian understanding of the self), in the middle-high german works of Master Eckhart of Hochheim, philosopher, theologian and predicator who was born in 1260 and died in 1328. In order to do so, it develops a three-fold argument taking place over three chapters, each of which presents a different approach - a different perspective - on Eckhart’s thought. The first chapter presents an ontological argument designed to explicitate the meaning of the key eckhartian notions of being, nothingness, intellect and image, whereas the second chapter exploits the existential consequences of Eckhart’s outlook on those notions – consequences which in ethical terms translate into the necessity for the human individual to practice a systematic annihilation of oneself in order to achieve an absolutely pure union with God. The third and last chapter of this dissertation attemps to explicitate de notion of “I” (ich), used by Eckhart to designate the identity that the detached human soul and God share, a type of identity in which we find similarities with the modern conception of the self – conception which Heidegger thought of as being entirely absent from precartesian philosophy.

En el contexto del siglo XII europeo, se impone la iconografía del Cristo Luz aureolado por una almendra mística, sosteniendo un libro abierto con inscripciones alusivas a una teología de la luz. La proliferación de la iconografía de la Maiestas Domini se produce en el contexto histórico de la reforma litúrgica canóniga agustiniana, cuyo origen se encuentra en san Rufo de Avignon y san Víctor de Marsella. Cataluña, se hace depositaria de la Regla se san Agustín, que propugna un ideal renovado de belleza mística neoplatónica.La llegada al Principado de manuscritos de la Homilía al Prólogo de Juan, escrita por Juan Escoto Eriúgena, es una prueba, en pleno siglo XII, de la relación entre una iconografía teológica de la luz y una tradición neoplatónica originada en el siglo IX en la corte carolingia. El texto de la Vox spiritualis aquilae representa la recepción de la teología de la luz en la iconografía de la Maiestas Domini y, con ella, una nueva forma de representar a Dios, al hombre y al mundo en el arte. / In the 12th century European context, predominates the iconography of Christ placed in a light mystic mandorla holding an open book containing inscriptions concerning a special theology of light.The Maiestas Domini iconography strongly arises together with the historical fact of the agustinian liturgical movement. The so called agustinian canonigas were originally born in saint Ruph of Avignon and saint Victor of Marseille holding the spirituality of the Rule written by saint Agustin himself and later moved into Cataluña renewing his original idea of neoplatonic mystical beauty. The arrival of collections of manuscripts into Catalonia containing the Homily to the Prologus of saint John by Scotus Eriugena is enough to proof the relationship between the theology of light iconography and the neoplatonic traditions originated in the 9th century Carolingian Court. The text of the Vox Spiritualis Aquilae involves a reception of the Theology of light within the Maiestas Domini iconography. It is a new way of representing God, man and world in art.

Le sujet de ce travail, c'est le De constructione d'Apollonios Dyscole, le premier traité de syntaxe de l'antiquité, et en particulier son premier livre, étudié par rapport au livre XVII de constructione des Institutions grammaticae de Priscien, qui s'est inspiré d'Apollonios au début du VIe siècle ap. J.-C. Le texte grec, imprimé selon l'édition réalisée par G. Uhlig en 1910, à l'occurence modifiée à cause de choix ecdotiques différents de ceux du philologue allemand, est suivi par sa première traduction en langue italienne ; de plus, pour permettre une comparaison avec le traité latin, on a imprimé et traduit en italien les passages correspondants du livre XVII de Priscien. Le commentaire a pour but d'expliquer les choix critiques, mais une attention particulière est aussi dédiée à l'ordre des parties du discours établi par Apollonios et à leurs rapports avec la tradition grammaticale grecque et latine, même sur papyrus. En ce qui concerne Priscien, on a transcrit - pour les parties traduites - le manuscrit Vaticanus lat. 3313, qui permet d'améliorer, ne fût-Ce que dans le détail, le texte de l'édition de Hertz (1855-1859). Textes et traductions sont précédés par une introduction qui, après un excursus sur la méthode analogique d'Apollonios, examine les rapports entre grammaire et philosophie, en particulier stoïcienne et platonicienne, à fin de montrer qu'il n'est pas possible de corriger Apollonios par Priscien et Priscien par Apollonios : l'arrière-Plan néoplatonicien de Prisicen ne semble pas agir chez Apollonios, qui vécut quatre siècles avant. Enfin, on a retracé l'histoire de la tradition manuscrite et des éditions modernes des deux traités De constructione. / The subject of this research is the De constructione by Apollonius Dyscolus, the first treatise on syntax written in classical antiquity, and in particular its first book, studied in comparison with the book XVII de constructione of the Institutiones grammaticae by Priscian, who looked back to Apollonius at the beginning of the VI century. The Greek text, printed according to the edition by G. Uhlig (1910), sometimes modifed because of different textual choices, is followed by its first Italian translation ; furthermore, to allow a comparison with the latin treatise, the corresponding passages of the book XVII by Priscian have been printed and translated too. The commentary aims to explain the critical choices, but particular attention has also been paid to the order of the parts of speech set by Apollonius and to their relationship with Greek and latin grammatical tradition, also on papyrus. With respect to the translated sections of Priscian, a new manuscript, the Vaticanus lat. 3313, has been transcribed ; this made it possible to improve, although only in the details, the text of the edition by Hertz (1855-1859). Texts and translations are preceded by an introduction which, after an excursus about Apollonius' analogical method, analyses the relationship between grammar and philosophy, especially Stoicism and Platonicism, to show that it is not possible to correct Apollonius through Priscian through Apollonius : Priscian's Neoplatonic background seems not to be active in Apollonius, who lived four centuries earlier. Finally, this work offers a short history of manuscript tradition and of modern editions of the two treatises De constructione.

Zwischen 1630 und 1650 vollzog sich ein Wandel in Athanasius Kirchers Vermittlung des musikalischen Wissens: Musik konzipierte er im Zusammenhang der Universalwissenschaft immer mehr als Zeichen des Weltbildes im Kontext einer christlich-neuplatonischen Pansemiose. Die Studie arbeitet dies am Beispiel der 'Institutiones mathematicae' (ca. 1630), der 'Mathematica curiosa' (ca. 1640) und der 'Musurgia universalis' (1650) heraus. Besonderes Augenmerk gilt Kirchers Umgang mit seinen Quellen, insbesondere Nikolaus von Kues, Robert Fludd und der Tradition der Philosophia perennis. / Between 1630 and 1650, a change in Athanasius Kircher''s way to communicate the knowledge of music took place: Within the context of universal science, he conceptualised music increasingly as a symbol for his world view and its Christian-Neoplatonic pansemiosis. This study discusses these issues based on Kircher''s 'Institutiones mathematicae' (c1630), 'Mathematica curiosa' (c1640), and 'Musurgia universalis' (1650). Special emphasis lies on Kircher''s use of his sources, particularly Nicholas of Cusa, Robert Fludd, and the tradition of Perennial philosophy.

Zwischen 1630 und 1650 vollzog sich ein Wandel in Athanasius Kirchers Vermittlung des musikalischen Wissens: Musik konzipierte er im Zusammenhang der Universalwissenschaft immer mehr als Zeichen des Weltbildes im Kontext einer christlich-neuplatonischen Pansemiose. Die Studie arbeitet dies am Beispiel der 'Institutiones mathematicae' (ca. 1630), der 'Mathematica curiosa' (ca. 1640) und der 'Musurgia universalis' (1650) heraus. Besonderes Augenmerk gilt Kirchers Umgang mit seinen Quellen, insbesondere Nikolaus von Kues, Robert Fludd und der Tradition der Philosophia perennis. / Between 1630 and 1650, a change in Athanasius Kircher''s way to communicate the knowledge of music took place: Within the context of universal science, he conceptualised music increasingly as a symbol for his world view and its Christian-Neoplatonic pansemiosis. This study discusses these issues based on Kircher''s 'Institutiones mathematicae' (c1630), 'Mathematica curiosa' (c1640), and 'Musurgia universalis' (1650). Special emphasis lies on Kircher''s use of his sources, particularly Nicholas of Cusa, Robert Fludd, and the tradition of Perennial philosophy.

The place of virtue in the philosophy of Plotinus Abstract The main intention of this thesis is to clarify some aspects of Plotinus's concept of virtue. Significant part of it is a report of J. M. Dillon's article An ethic for the late anthique sage and its comparison with P. Hadot's essay Plotinus or the simplicity of vision, which form a base for characteristics of a dualism between sensual and spiritual world, the body/soul polarity, and relation between higher and lower virtues. Consequently a relationship of a Plotinian sage towards others is being investigated. The result of this thesis confirms that Dillon's interpretation of a radical distinction between polarities mentioned above is exaggerated and his pronouncement of an absence of the element of concern for others in Plotinus's ethical reflextion is basically mistaken. Key words Plotinus, ethics, virtue, neoplatonism, J. M. Dillon, P. Hadot, higher and lower virtues, relation with other, body and soul, sensual and spiritual world, late anthique philosophy.