Comment les Stoïciens concilient-ils l’exigence d’une piété intérieure, reposant sur l’obéissance à un dieu rationnel avec la défense des rites traditionnels ? Après avoir étudié les oscillations constantes chez les Stoïciens grecs entre la légitimation et la condamnation des cultes civils, nous montrons que les Stoïciens impériaux, Cornutus, Perse, Épictète et Marc- Aurèle, prolongent le débat sur la relation entre philosophie et religion sous une perspective différente, en l’acclimatant au contexte politico-religieux de la Rome impériale et en l’adaptant à la nature du destinataire et aux stratégies persuasives de chaque œuvre. / How can the stoics reconcile the research of rational piety based on moral perfection with the legitimization of the ritualism and traditional representation of pagan gods? After studying the constant oscillation between the legitimization and condemnation of traditional rites in ancient stoicism, we demonstrate that the roman stoics, Cornutus, Persius, Epictectus and Marcus Aurelius, address the same question, but with two essential specifics : adapting it to the political-religious context of Imperial Rome and paying particular attention to their readers as to the pedagogic strategist to grant its moral conversion.

The classification of the Meditations of Marcus Aurelius as a spiritual exercise by Pierre Hadot has been widely accepted and exerts a strong influence on any interpretation of the text. However, such genre categorization is by itself an interpretative choice excluding other possible readings. The present thesis offers a new reading of the Meditations based on Gilles Deleuze's interpretation of stoicism and on his philosophy of event. This reading avoids any genre classification and focuses instead on the text itself by analyzing the changes of linguistic person. The Deleuzian interpretation of linguistic person and his concept of event allow for explanation of this particular feature of the Meditations and thus for addressing the problem of person and individual in stoic philosophy. Furthermore, the Deleuzian framework makes it possible to explore significant, but up to now marginalized themes recurring in the text that are directly linked to the problem of individuation - non-tragic theatre and death.

Cette thèse étudie la réception de la philosophie de Platon à Rome au cours du premier siècle av. J.-C., en s´attachant plus particulièrement à la façon dont Marco Tulio Cicéron interprète, étudie, traduit et imite l´œuvre du philosophe grec. Nous y analysons également la réception qu´en font les stoïciens étant donné que le platonisme romain et plus concrètement celui que Cicéron connait, est tributaire des enseignements des maîtres stoïciens de Rome.Cette réception sera le point de départ pour comprendre comment Cicéron imite et émule le style et le contenu des dialogues de Platon et cela afin de rendre compte des différences et des similitudes entre leurs doctrines philosophiques. Cette thèse permettra de révéler l´influence que la philosophie de Platon a eu sur la configuration de la pensée et du langage philosophique à Rome ainsi que sur celle du domaine religieux et de celui de la législation romaine.Le De Legibus de Marco Tulio Cicéron sera l´œuvre-pivot de notre recherche. Ce dialogue n´a pas été exclusivement rédigé en tant qu´une imitation du style et du contenu des Lois de Platon; en effet, son contenu reflète non seulement l´importance qu´a eu le dialogue platonicien en tant que modèle dans l´élaboration des dialogues philosophiques de Cicéron, mais plus exactement celle de sa perspective politique et philosophique telle qu´elle est exposée dans le De Oratore, De Re Publica et le De Legibus.C´est à partir du langage que nous aborderons le processus d´imitation et d´émulation, c´est-à-dire que dans un premier temps, nous analyserons la façon dont Cicéron traduit l´œuvre de Platon. Nous observerons ensuite comment Cicéron adopte la structure rhétorique du dialogue platonicien. Finalement, nous présenterons la notion de loi naturelle comme élément grâce auquel nous montrerons l´empreinte du platonisme contenu dans le De Legibus. Il est pertinent de souligner que ce platonisme cicéronien a été marqué par un dialogue constant entre les différentes traditions stoïciennes, académiciennes et péripatéticiennes tout autant que par les disputes contre les épicuriens et les griefs nourris par une réalité romaine déchirée par une crise politique et spirituelle. / The following dissertation examines the reception of Plato’s philosophy in Rome, with special focus on how Marcus Tullius Cicero, between the years I to C. approximately, receives, studies, translates and imitates the work of the Greek philosopher. Furthermore, it analyses the way in which the Stoics received Plato’s philosophy, considering the fact that Roman Platonism, and that of Cicero in particular, was communicated by the Stoic teachers of Rome.This reception will be the starting point in order to comprehend Cicero’s imitation and emulation of the style andcontent in the dialogues of Plato, and to perceive similarities as well as dissimilarities in his philosophic doctrines. This dissertation will highlight the influence that Plato’s philosophy exerted on the development of the thoughts and philosophic language of Rome, as well as its contribution to Roman religion and legislation.The point of reference for this paper is the De Legibus by Marcus Tullius Cicero. The dialogue was not composedexclusively as an imitation of the style and content of Plato’s The Laws; instead, it reflects the importance of the Platonic dialogue as a model for the philosophic dialogues which Cicero formed, specifically the political and philosophical proposition that Cicero presents in De Oratore, De Re Publica and De Legibus.The process of imitation and emulation will be addressed from a linguistic perspective. In other words, an analysis ofhow Cicero translates the work of Plato will be followed by an observation of how Cicero adapts the rhetorical structure of the Platonic dialogue. Finally, the paper will discuss the notion of the natural law as an element through which it is possible to demonstrate the Platonism that encompasses Cicero’s De Legibus. It is also worth mentioning that Cicero’s Platonism was characterized by the continuous interchange with the various Stoic, Academics and Peripatetic traditions, the disputes with Epicureans, and the objections of a Roman society immersed in a political and spiritual crisis.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T17:27:13Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Mariana Goron Tasca.pdf: 684042 bytes, checksum: 7b934d7ee86ea976ec1ad04c2014b226 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-03-11 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The dissertation undertakes an analysis of the philosophical aspects of the Letters to Lucilius by Lucio Aneu Seneca, Stoic philosopher and Roman politician born in 4 BC. It seeks to investigate, from his work, his understanding regarding life and its finiteness in death. Although his work is extensive, this work will be limited to the Letters wherein the concept of death is more widely dealt with and didactically explained. In the first chapter, the foundations fundamentals of stoic philosophy are explained, which begins in ancient Stoicism through middle stoicism until Roman stoicism, period in which our philosopher is inserted. Thenceforth it deals with the understanding of his life and work in order to comprehend what it means, for Seneca, a good death and how meditating about death assists on the effort to understand it. Throughout this work it is discussed with some interpreters of Seneca's stoicism, with particular focus on the Letters to Lucilius. Finally, after bringing clarity to the above issue, the work seeks to note the resemblance between his thoughts and the theme today / The dissertation undertakes an analysis of the philosophical aspects of the Letters to Lucilius by Lucio Aneu Seneca, Stoic philosopher and Roman politician born in 4 BC. It seeks to investigate, from his work, his understanding regarding life and its finiteness in death. Although his work is extensive, this work will be limited to the Letters wherein the concept of death is more widely dealt with and didactically explained. In the first chapter, the foundations fundamentals of stoic philosophy are explained, which begins in ancient Stoicism through middle stoicism until Roman stoicism, period in which our philosopher is inserted. Thenceforth it deals with the understanding of his life and work in order to comprehend what it means, for Seneca, a good death and how meditating about death assists on the effort to understand it. Throughout this work it is discussed with some interpreters of Seneca's stoicism, with particular focus on the Letters to Lucilius. Finally, after bringing clarity to the above issue, the work seeks to note the resemblance between his thoughts and the theme today / A dissertação empreende uma análise dos aspectos filosóficos das Cartas a Lucílio de Lucio Aneu Sêneca, filósofo estoico e político romano, nascido em 4 a.C. Busca-se investigar, a partir de sua obra, seu entendimento a respeito da vida e da finitude na morte. Apesar de sua obra ser extensa, esta dissertação se limitará às Cartas em que o conceito de morte é mais amplamente tratado e didaticamente explicado. Em um primeiro capítulo, explicitam-se os fundamentos da filosofia estoica, que inicia no estoicismo antigo, passa pelo médio estoicismo até chegar ao estoicismo romano, período em que nosso filósofo está inserido. Passa-se então ao entendimento de sua vida e obra com o objetivo de entender o que é, para Sêneca, a boa morte, e em que medida o meditar sobre a morte auxilia em tal intento. Dialoga-se com alguns intérpretes do estoicismo senequiano ao longo do trabalho, sobretudo no enfoque das Cartas a Lucílio. Ao final, ao clarificar a questão, busca-se aproximar o seu pensamento com a atualidade do tema

In the following thesis, I argue that to contextualize Machiavelli’s republican thought in his Italian humanist heritage permits us to understand how Machiavelli reaches back not only to an Italian pre-humanist inheritance of liberty as freedom from servitude, but to a Stoic conception of agency which he inherits and shapes in that concept of liberty. While my analysis of Machiavelli and his humanist heritage is in fundamental agreement with that of Quentin Skinner in The Foundations of Modern Political Thought, it develops however the implications of two theses that Paul O. Kristeller outlines in his works on Italian humanism: the eclectic nature of humanist ideas and their rhetorical focus. From this I draw a slightly different picture of the humanist heritage and its polemics with Augustine, and from these an understanding about Stoic agency and how it is inherited and shaped in Machiavelli’s conception of the citizen and civic duties.

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal

"Are the Letters of Horace Satires?" (Hendrickson 1897: 313). In response to this question, this thesis investigates whether Horace's Sermones and Epistulae 1 all belong to the genre of satura. Ancient and modern evidence from the use of the terms Sermones, Epistulae, and satura, is surveyed, and is found to be inconclusive, but not to preclude Epist. 1 as satura. The nature of specifically Horatian satura is ascertained from the text of Serm. 1, especially Serm. 1.1 and the explicitly literary Serm. 1.4 and 1.10. The redefinition of Lucilian satura, and its political implications are also considered. To confirm Epist. 1 as satura a sequential reading of the three libelli is undertaken, tracing the evolution of the theme of locus: place, both as geographical location, and as status, place in the social hierarchy, in the context of the socio-political environment of the time of composition. Serm. 1.1 as a programmatic poem is shown to establish Epicurean moderation as a prerequisite for a vita beata. In Serm. 1 Horace's status as client-poet of Maecenas and Octavian initially permits this ideal lifestyle in the Urbs. The misperceptions of outsiders lead to a preference for a life of Epicurean quietude in the rus in Serm. 2, although Horace's aequanimitas is disturbed by urban officia, and abuse of libertas dicendi associated particularly with Stoicism. The ideal of rural withdrawal is reinforced in Epist. 1 through an exploration of appropriate behaviour in relationships with potentes amici. Horace's addressees cover the entire range of the social hierarchy, and in his letters he utilizes the arguments of moral philosophy, thus reconciling poetry and philosophy. He achieves a pragmatic compromise whereby he can enjoy libertas in his role as a poet, while acknowledging that personal libertas and true aequanimitas are still to be attained.

Sénèque respecte scrupuleusement l’orthodoxie stoïcienne en affirmant à plusieurs reprises que la santé physique, en tant qu’« indifférent » moral, ne doit en aucun cas être un objet d’attention. Toutefois, parallèlement à ces considérations, il compose une œuvre dans laquelle la souffrance physique occupe une place considérable. La présente étude, à travers l’examen des théories et des représentations du dolor physique dans l’œuvre philosophique de Sénèque, se propose de résoudre ce paradoxe apparent et de déterminer précisément les fonctions d’un tel emploi. Dans un premier moment, après avoir défini la notion de dolor physique et établi une typologie précise, nous démontrons l’omniprésence du motif du corps souffrant et en dégageons les raisons externes, qu’elles soient socio-anthropologiques et culturelles, politiques, littéraires et même personnelles. Dans un deuxième temps, nous étudions la dimension médicale des représentations de la souffrance, afin de définir chez le philosophe le niveau de sa connaissance des auteurs spécialisés et l’origine possible des théories pathologiques et thérapeutiques qui affleurent dans son œuvre. Dans un troisième temps, nous envisageons le dolor physique au sein de la pensée philosophique de Sénèque. Nous nous employons à démontrer que le dolor physique possède une fonction éthique de premier ordre et que Sénèque ne se limite à présenter des éléments dogmatiques, mais développe également une série d’exercices pratiques permettant de sortir vainqueur du combat contre la douleur physique. / Seneca scrupulously respects Stoic orthodoxy by repeatedly asserting that physical health, as a moral “indifferent”, should never be an object of attention. However, alongside these considerations, he composed a work in which physical suffering holds an important place. The intent of this study, through the analysis of theories and representations of physical dolor in Seneca’s philosophical works, is to solve this apparent paradox and to accurately establish the functions of such use. In a first time, after having defined the notion of physical dolor and established a precise typology, we demonstrate the omnipresence of the pattern of the suffering body and draw external reasons for it, whether they might be socio-anthropological and cultural, political, literary and even personal. In a second time, we study the medical aspect of the representations of suffering in order to define in the philosopher the level of his knowledge of specialized authors and the possible origin of the pathological and therapeutic theories that emerge in his work. In a third time, we consider the physical dolor in Seneca’s philosophical thought. We apply to demonstrate that the physical dolor has a first order ethical function and that Seneca does not confine himself to submitting dogmatic elements, but he also develops a series of practical exercises that allow to emerge victorious from the fight against physical pain.

La volonté : peu de termes reviennent dans des débats aussi nombreux et aussi divers ; peu se prêtent à un aussi large éventail de registres, de l’ordinaire au sacré. Mon travail voudrait introduire à la notion de volonté chez Cicéron, et aux nouveaux champs sémantiques ouverts par lui pour la postérité. Le rôle accordé à lui jusqu’ici dans les généalogies de la volonté a été au mieux mineur. Mais les archives numériques confirment un fait curieux : tout le corpus latin antérieur à Cicéron contient environ 25 occurrences de voluntas ou de ses formes déclinées. Dans le seul corpus cicéronien, le mot apparaît 644 fois. Sa théologie pense l’univers en tant qu’il est déterminé par la mens ac voluntas des dieux, et fait passer le progrès de l’âme par la contemplation de la volonté divine. La voluntas est centrale dans sa réflexion sur l’émotion et la responsabilité en contexte judiciaire. Dans ses traités philosophiques, il adapte l’éthique stoïcienne et fait de la volonté le siège de la progression morale. En outre, c’est Cicéron et non Lucrèce qui a le premier examiné la liberté du vouloir humain : lorsqu’il entreprit, à trente-six ans, l’accusation de Verrès, puis dans le De fato, où sa défense de la libera voluntas mobilise le Portique et l’Académie contre le Jardin. Enfin, Cicéron invente la volonté du peuple telle que nous la connaissons. Le plus grand orateur romain, pionnier de la pensée politique de langue latine, fait de la voluntas populi la force agissante d’une république souveraine. Son idée de la volonté populaire contient d’ailleurs en germe les problèmes de représentativité des élites que nos démocraties électorales cherchent encore à résoudre. / The will : few words feature in so many distinct debates, nor range so vastly from the simple to the sacred. This thesis is intended to provide a thorough study of the notion of will in Cicero, and of the new semantic pathways he opens for posterity. The role attributed to him in genealogies of the will has been relatively minor. But digital archives confirm a curious fact: all extant Latin texts prior to his lifetime yield around two dozen occurrences of voluntas and its cognates. In the texts we have, Cicero uses the word 644 times. His theology examines the character of the world determined by the mens ac voluntas of the gods, and the improvement of the soul in the contemplation of divine will. Voluntas propels and inspires Cicero’s study of emotion in criminal liability. In the Tusculan Disputations and De officiis, he adapts Stoic ethics to propose the will as locus of moral progress. Further, it was Cicero, not Lucretius as some have argued, who first considered the “freedom” of human will – as a 36-year-old prosecutor, and then in the De fato, where his argument for libera voluntas marshals the Stoa and Academy to repudiate the Epicureans. Finally, Cicero invents “the will of the people” as we know it. Rome’s greatest orator and the pioneer of political thought in Latin, he makes voluntas populi the catalyzing force of a sovereign republic. So too does he sow problems of elite “trusteeship” into his notion of popular will, problems which electoral democracies still struggle to resolve.

In the following thesis, I argue that to contextualize Machiavelli’s republican thought in his Italian humanist heritage permits us to understand how Machiavelli reaches back not only to an Italian pre-humanist inheritance of liberty as freedom from servitude, but to a Stoic conception of agency which he inherits and shapes in that concept of liberty. While my analysis of Machiavelli and his humanist heritage is in fundamental agreement with that of Quentin Skinner in The Foundations of Modern Political Thought, it develops however the implications of two theses that Paul O. Kristeller outlines in his works on Italian humanism: the eclectic nature of humanist ideas and their rhetorical focus. From this I draw a slightly different picture of the humanist heritage and its polemics with Augustine, and from these an understanding about Stoic agency and how it is inherited and shaped in Machiavelli’s conception of the citizen and civic duties.