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The Global ETD Search service is a free service for researchers
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Showing 11 to 19 of 19 (0.021 seconds)Spelling suggestions: "subject:"[een] TERRITORIAL DISPUTES"" "subject:"[enn] TERRITORIAL DISPUTES""
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China's Military Modernization, Japan's Normalization and its Effects on the South China Sea Territorial DisputesGarcia, Zenel 20 March 2014 (has links)
China’s military modernization has allowed it to take a more assertive position on the territorial disputes it currently has with Japan and its Southeast Asian neighbors. The South China Sea (SCS) dispute is a clear example. Meanwhile, Japan is normalizing its military status to play a more proactive security role in the region. Japan’s normalization process has been greatly influenced by China’s growing military capabilities as it fears that China could pose a threat to its sea lanes of communications. Although Japan does not have territorial claims in the SCS, it regards the SCS as a strategically vital area. It is this particular concern that has brought Japan into the current territorial disputes in the SCS. This thesis analyzes how Japan has tried to forge partnerships with Southeast Asian countries in the form of foreign aid and the provision of military equipment and training that can potentially offset China’s assertiveness.
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Význam Arktidy v mezinárodních vztazích / The Importance of the Arctic in International RelationsKopečná, Anna January 2011 (has links)
In recent years several factors changed the importance of the Arctic in international relations. Firstly, the rapid melting of Arctic ice cover opened potential access to vast natural resources within the Arctic Ocean seabed. It is estimated that the Arctic may contain one quarter of world's undiscovered reserves of oil and gas. Secondly, the water ways along the Russian and Canadian northern coasts became ice-free, although so far just for few days every year. Should the Arctic Ocean continue to melt, then in several decades the Northern Sea Route and the Northwest Passage could become navigable for greater part of the year. This would shorten the journey distance from Europe to Asia by as much as forty percent, thereby cutting travel times and shipping costs. Finally, as the Arctic does not belong to any single country, there has been an increasing interest among the Arctic rim states, which have been working on delineating their maritime boundaries in order to ensure their territorial claims. This process has proceeded in accordance with the international legal framework as established by the 1982 United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS). Coastal states are entitled to a 200-nautical mile exclusive economic zone (EEZ) around their coastline. However, should they be able to prove...
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反思「民主和平論」以及檢證「貿易和平論」 ：「南海」個案研究 / Re-examine “Democratic Peace” and Testify “Trade Peace” : The Case of the South China Sea林惠儀 Unknown Date (has links)
本文最主要的目的有二。其一為評估「民主和平論」是否依然有效地解釋「戰爭與和平」議題。若然，那麼同為自由主義的「貿易和平」是否相較之下之解釋力較佳。第二則是個案研究，聚焦於「南海爭端」用以進一步驗證本文的論述。本文認為以制度層面而言，貿易量事實上相較於政治體制是較能降低衝突帶來和平。 / This thesis has two purposes: the first one is to re-examine “Democratic Peace” and to testify “Trade Peace” with an eye to finding a more explainable solution on the issue of Conflict and Peace; and the second purpose is by providing a case study centering on the region of the South China Sea, the premise of this thesis will further be evaluated. The premise in here is that from an institutional perspective, trade is the more efficient and less costly method to reduce the possibility of initiating armed conflicts than polities.
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南海緊張情勢：GDELT 時間序列數據之分析 / South China Sea Tensions : State Involvement and Prediction Using GDELT Event Data錫東岳, Jonathan Spangler Unknown Date (has links)
無 / Discussions of the South China Sea maritime territorial disputes are rife with assertions that certain state actors escalate regional tensions and that it is only a matter of time before provocations trigger armed conflict. However, these claims are based primarily on incomplete evidence, inaccurate comparisons with historical conflicts, and country or individual biases. This dissertation questions these common assertions and uses empirical evidence to assess their validity. Using time-series event data from the Global Database of Events, Language, and Tone (GDELT), it analyzes (1) the relationship between state involvement and South China Sea tensions and (2) which forecast models can most accurately predict South China Sea tensions based on data from earlier time periods.
For RQ1, the analyses reveal that the involvement of certain countries corresponds with significantly higher tensions in the South China Sea, that state involvement and tensions are correlated at various positive and negative lags of interest, and that these correlations go in both directions. These findings have important implications for policymakers and researchers in that they offer empirical evidence that confirms or refutes assertions suggesting that certain countries’ actions lead to escalation or deescalation. They also provide a solid foundation for future research, which could take specific countries as individual case studies to further investigate the relationships between state involvement and South China Sea tensions. Moreover, the results indicate that there may be even more interesting phenomena at play that merit attention in future research: evidence suggesting that certain countries may either contribute to lower tensions or avoid becoming involved when there are heightened tensions, and evidence that some countries may not be contributing to but instead reacting to tensions and volatility in the South China Sea.
For RQ2, two of the four forecast models perform better than the four benchmark models using both datasets. These findings also have important implications for policy and research. As governments become increasingly interested in using continuously updated global databases to facilitate policy-making, the results suggest that empirical data can help to inform conclusions about trends of escalation and deescalation in the South China Sea and be used to make relevant predictions. As a first cut at the data and a pioneering approach to analyzing South China Sea tensions, the analyses and findings of this dissertation represent a significant contribution to knowledge and a foundation for future research using time-series event data to understand the relationship between state involvement and tensions and the extent to which tensions can be forecasted in the South China Sea and around the world.
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Puerto Argentino, inhabited by the pirates and drunkards of the royalty / Puerto Argentino, inhabited by the pirates and drunkards of the royaltyMlynarčík, Štefan January 2019 (has links)
Objectivity and neutrality of current makers of online maps is hampered by the fact that the most important of them who form the public opinion are largely commercial giants. Sensitivity of approaches is desirable especially in specific situations involving territorial disputes. The textual part of the thesis brings theoretical insights to the problematics of map makers policies and their preservation or violation. At the same time is describes critical cartography as a current opposition against governmental and cooperative mapping, of which counter-mapping processes are regularly used in art, too. Practical outcome attempts to reflect specific approaches of map makers depending on particular territorial disputes. It takes place mostly in online environment, using the functions of Google Street View or Google Earth and forms of counter-mapping on the OSM platform. The goal is to bring alternative realities complicating map makers policies and governing apparatus to map projects with the international coverage.
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[en] BANDEIRANTISMO AND INTERNATIONAL POLITICS: THE COLONIAL DIMENSIONS OF THE THREATS TO THE XINGU INDIGENOUS TERRITORY / [pt] BANDEIRANTISMO E POLÍTICA INTERNACIONAL: AS DIMENSÕES COLONIAIS DAS AMEAÇAS AO TERRITÓRIO INDÍGENA DO XINGUGIORGIO GARCIA CRISTOFANI 27 November 2023 (has links)
[pt] A dissertação compreende a colonização das Américas como marco fundamental
da política internacional moderna e defende a necessidade de engajamento da
disciplina de Relações Internacionais com os povos indígenas, sobretudo ao
compreender o caráter global das suas lutas políticas. Nesse contexto, o presente
trabalho investiga as dimensões globais e coloniais das ameaças aos territórios
indígenas, sobretudo as estratégias de dominação operadas no Território Indígena
do Xingu, ameaçado pelas fronteiras econômicas do agronegócio e pela extração
de madeira ilegal. Tendo a análise do bandeirantismo como fio condutor da
dissertação, o trabalho está estruturado em quatro movimentos. O primeiro
movimento apresenta o panorama histórico do Território Indígena do Xingu, por
meio da intersecção entre a antropologia histórica crítica, a etnoarqueologia e a
perspectiva pós-colonial, a fim de compreender as ameaças e resistências ao
bandeirantismo e as consequências contemporâneas da situação colonial na
primeira Terra Indígena demarcada no Brasil. O segundo movimento analisa, por
um lado, a centralidade do bandeirantismo na colonização brasileira e, por outro, o
seu papel na formação do capitalismo global e na subjetivação de um modo de
vida imperial, baseado no eurocentrismo e no racismo. Em um terceiro momento,
analisa-se estratégias coloniais de dominação para com os povos indígenas e seus
territórios em dois momentos históricos distintos, identificando a continuidade,
sob novas configurações, da ―guerra de conquista‖ após a independência. Por fim,
o quarto movimento analisa as tensões territoriais e as estratégias de dominação
que afetam o Território Indígena do Xingu na contemporaneidade,
compreendendo como os discursos e práticas da política internacional operam
localmente por meio da articulação entre as gramáticas da economia política e as
hierarquias coloniais. Dessa forma, a dissertação argumenta que as ameaças aos
territórios indígenas são consequências das próprias dinâmicas dos padrões de
poder globais, forjadas a partir da colonização das Américas e da consolidação do
capitalismo. As invasões aos territórios indígenas durante os séculos XVII e
XVIII, orquestradas pelo projeto colonial e realizada pelos bandeirantes, foram
fundamentais para o processo de estruturação dos padrões de poder globais, cujas
dinâmicas violentas do modo de vida imperial constituem a base da política
internacional moderna. Assim, engajar-se com a luta dos povos indígenas pelos
seus territórios representa um engajamento com os atores e as disputas centrais da
política internacional. / [en] The dissertation understands the colonization of the Americas as a fundamental
milestone of modern international politics and defends the need for the discipline
of International Relations to engage with indigenous peoples, especially by
understanding the global role of their political struggles. In this context, it
investigates the global and colonial dimensions of the threats to indigenous
territories, especially the domination strategies operated in the Xingu Indigenous
Territory, threatened by the economic frontiers of agribusiness and illegal logging.
With the analysis of bandeirantismo as the guiding thread of the entire
dissertation, the work is structured in three movements. The he first movement
presents the historical panorama of the Xingu Indigenous Territory, through the
intersection between critical historical anthropology, ethnoarchaeology and the
postcolonial perspective, in order to understand the threats and resistances to
bandeirantismo and the contemporary consequences of the colonial situation in
the first demarcated Indigenous Land in Brazil. The second movement analyses,
on the one hand, the centrality of bandeirantismo in Brazilian colonization and, on
the other, its role in the formation of global capitalism and in the subjectivation of
an imperial way of life, based on Eurocentrism and racism. The third movement
analyzes the colonial strategies of domination towards indigenous peoples and
their territories in two different historical moments, identifying the continuity of
the "war of conquest" after independence. Finally, the fourth movement analyzes
the territorial tensions and strategies of domination that affect the Xingu
Indigenous Territory in contemporary times, understanding how the discourses
and practices of international politics operate locally through the articulation
between the grammars of political economy and colonial hierarchies. In this way,
the dissertation argues that the threats to indigenous territories are consequences
of the dynamics of global power patterns, forged from the colonization of the
Americas and the consolidation of capitalism. The invasions of indigenous
territories during the 17th and 18th centuries, orchestrated by the colonial project
and carried out by the bandeirantes, were cricial to the process of structuring
global power patterns, whose violent dynamics of the imperial way of life
constitute the basis of modern international politics. Thus, engaging with
indigenous peoples struggle for their territories represents an engagement with the
central actors and disputes of international politics.
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Economic Statecraft and Ethnicity in ChinaBell, James 08 June 2018 (has links)
No description available.
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Titres et statuts territoriaux au Moyen-Orient / Territorial titles and statuses in the Middle EastJoie, Thomas 02 July 2013 (has links)
Les titres et les statuts territoriaux occupent une place centrale en droit international en raison de la territorialité de cet ordre juridique. L’émergence des Etats du Moyen-Orient présente des spécificités historico-juridiques, qui sont en grande partie à l’origine des problèmes territoriaux actuels. En effet, dans la région étudiée, l’application des régimes de protectorat et de Mandat a eu une incidence considérable sur les titres territoriaux des Etats. Contrairement à la colonisation pure et simple, ces régimes territoriaux laissaient, en principe, subsister pour l’entité sous domination, une personnalité internationale distincte. Une telle situation intermédiaire a très souvent conduit à des interrogations sur les règles de droit international applicables. La présente étude envisage justement cette problématique : quels effets ont eu les régimes de protectorat et de Mandat sur l’établissement ou la modification des titres territoriaux ? L’objectif de l’étude est de contribuer à mettre en exerguel’origine des titres territoriaux au Moyen-Orient, pour mieux comprendre et analyser les problèmes territoriaux actuels dans la région. / Territorial titles and statuses occupy a central place in international law because of the territoriality of this legal order. The emergence of the Middle East States presents historical and legal specificities which are largely the sources of current territorial problems. Indeed, in the region under study, the application of Protectorate and Mandate regimes had a significant impact on the States territorial titles. Under these territorial regimes, unlike outright colonization, a separate international personality remained, in principle, for the entity under domination. Such an intermediate situation has often led to questions about the applicable rules of international law. The study considers precisely this issue: what effects have had the regimes of Protectorate and Mandate on the establishment or modification of territorial titles? The objective of thestudy is to contribute to highlight the origin of territorial titles in the Middle East, in order to better understand and analyze the current territorial problems in the region.
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République de Moldavie : Quel territoire pour quelle population ? : Origine, toponymie, frontières, peuplement / Republic of Moldova : What territory for what population ? : Origin, toponyms, borders, populationMusat, Jana 04 January 2012 (has links)
Le 27 août 1991, l’opinion publique internationale prenait acte de la naissance de la République de Moldavie, dont deux tiers du territoire ont constituées jusqu’en 1941 la province roumaine de Bessarabie. Depuis toujours, la Principauté de Moldavie se trouve dans une confluence de trois grandes cultures : slave, latine et orientale ; trois grandes religions : orthodoxe, catholique et musulmane ; trois grands peuples : slave, latin et turc et trois courants idéologiques : panslavisme, panturquisme et pan-latinisme. C’est pourquoi, à travers les siècles, la Principauté de Moldavie a manœuvré constamment entre ces Puissances et ces courants pour garder son identité nationale. Aujourd’hui, en principe, la Moldavie est toujours dans la situation de jongler entre la CEI et l’UE, entre Est et Ouest, sa situation géopolitique étant la même.Dans la Première partie de notre thèse nous avons étudié l’origine, la toponymie et les frontières de la Bessarabie, mais aussi l’engouement des Grandes Puissances pour ce territoire. Nous traiterons aussi les guerres et les négociations de paix qui la caractérisent, allant de la guerre russo-turque jusqu’au régime tsariste qui y régnait. Nous avons ensuite suivi les changements subis par la Bessarabie pendant la Première guerre mondiale, avec la création de la République Démocratique Moldave, tout en s’attardant sur le processus de la création de l’URSS avec ses répercussions sur l’évolution de la Moldavie soviétique poststalinienne. Nous avons finalement, étudié ici-même la question des nationalités, et les concepts de « nation », « nationalisme », « dénationalisation », « russification », « collectivisme », « moldovenisme » etc.La Deuxième partie démarre avec des questions sur l’identité nationale moldave, et l’éclatement des conflits régionaux. Nous décrivons les minorités séparatistes de Gagaouzie et de Transnistrie, qui n’acceptent pas la souveraineté de la Moldavie. Le régime de Tiraspol est un régime oppressif et totalitaire, qui doit être éloigné par l’action des facteurs externes. De plus, nous étudions la création de la CEI et GUAM, l’implication de l’OSCE, de l’UE, de la Russie, de l’Ukraine et de la Roumanie dans le processus de négociation pour la résolution du conflit transnistrien. Finalement, nous examinons la manière avec laquelle la « fédéralisation », et la « régionalisation » peuvent résoudre les conflits ethniques en Moldavie. En conclusion nous répondons aux questions centrales sur le territoire et la population moldave. / On August 27 1991, the international public opinion acknowledges the birth of the Republic of Moldova, which has represented two-thirds of the Romanian province of Bessarabia until 1941. During the history, Principality of Moldova is parting of the ways of three cultures: Slavic, Latin and Eastern; three great religions: Orthodox, Catholic and Muslim; three populations: Slavic, Latin and Turkish; and three ideologies: Pan-Slavism, Pan-Turkism and pan-Latin. Therefore, over the centuries, the Principality of Moldova has continuously handled these Great Powers and ideologies to keep its national identity. Nowadays, Moldova is still able to pursue between CIS and EU policies and between East and West geopolitical situation.In the first part of the thesis, we study the origin, toponyms and borders of Bessarabia, and we characterize the interest of the Great Powers for this territory. For it we describe, the wars and peace negotiations, starting with the Russo-Turkish war until the period of Bessarabia under the tsarist rule. Moreover, we treated the period of Bessarabia during the First World War, but also the creation of the Moldavian Democratic Republic, describing the process of foundation the USSR and its impact on the evolution of the post-Stalin Soviet Moldova. Finally, we studied the nationality question and the concepts like the "nation", the "nationalism", the "denationalization", the "Russification", the collectivism", the "moldovenism" etc...The Second Part starts with questions about the Moldovan national identity and the outbreaks of regional conflicts. We raise the issue of the separatist minorities of Gagauzia and Transnistria, which do not accept the sovereignty of Moldova. The Tiraspol regime is a totalitarian and oppressive regime, which must be removed by the action of external factors. Moreover, we study the creation of the CIS and GUAM and the involvement of the OSCE, EU, Russia, Ukraine and Romania in the negotiation process for the resolution of the Transnistrian conflict. Finally, we discuss the possibilities of how cans the "federalization" and "regionalization" solves the ethnic conflicts in Moldova. In conclusion, we answer to the questions dealing about the territory and the Moldovan population.
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