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[en] CONTRIBUTION AND PERSPECTIVES OF BIKE SHARING SYSTEMS FOR MOBILITY AND SUSTAINABILITY IN RIO DE JANEIRO / [pt] CONTRIBUIÇÃO E PERSPECTIVAS DO SISTEMA DE COMPARTILHAMENTO DE BICICLETAS PARA MOBILIDADE E SUSTENTABILIDADE NA CIDADE DO RIO DE JANEIROAFFONSO ANDRE MELLO DE OLIVEIRA 05 June 2017 (has links)
[pt] O incentivo ao transporte cicloviário vem recebendo crescente atenção nas políticas de transporte como elemento capaz de auxiliar positivamente para a redução do uso do automóvel nas cidades. Entre as diversas ações voltadas para o aumento da participação do transporte cicloviário está a implantação de sistemas de compartilhamento de bicicletas. O objetivo desta pesquisa foi avaliar a contribuição do sistema de compartilhamento de bicicletas da cidade do Rio de Janeiro, o Bike Rio, para a mobilidade e para sustentabilidade urbana com base nos objetivos associados ao SCB. Esta avaliação se baseou principalmente no resultado de pesquisas realizadas com usuários e em dados sobre o sistema de transportes da cidade, sobre as emissões de gases de efeito estufa no município e sobre o funcionamento do Bike Rio, além da comparação com os sistemas de compartilhamento de bicicletas de Paris, Viena e Barcelona. Os resultados deste trabalho também permitiram verificar os principais fatores capazes de limitar a expansão do modal cicloviário na cidade. Apesar de apresentar perspectivas favoráveis para sua expansão, observou-se que o Bike Rio ainda não é capaz de contribuir de modo relevante para a mobilidade e para sustentabilidade na cidade do Rio de Janeiro. / [en] The concept of sustainability, when associated with the urban space, goes beyond the limits of the environmental discourse and also includes economic and social factors related to human activities. In this context, different forms of public transport may play a relevant role. The model of urban development that promotes the use of private automobiles has caused problems to the quality of life of city dwellers. However, there are ways that can help reducing the impact of motor vehicles used by individual drivers. One of them is the promotion of the bicycle as a mean of urban transport. The use of bicycles in an urban centre can be an addition to the existing public transport system by increasing its capacity and limitations and by replacing other existing means of transport for short distances.
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[pt] IMPACTOS DA IMPLANTAÇÃO DO TELEFÉRICO COMO SISTEMA DE TRANSPORTE NAS FAVELAS: O CASO DO COMPLEXO DO ALEMÃO / [en] IMPACTS OF THE DEPLOYMENT OF CABLE CAR AS TRANSPORT IN SLUMS: THE CASE OF THE COMPLEXO DO ALEMÃO29 October 2021 (has links)
[pt] Esta pesquisa disserta sobre as soluções de mobilidade urbana em favelas de encostas como parte integrante do planejamento urbano, tendo como foco a implantação do sistema de transporte teleférico e como estudo de caso, o teleférico do Complexo do Alemão. Inicialmente é apresentado um panorama histórico das intervenções do poder público nas favelas do Rio de Janeiro e como se desenvolveu a mobilidade urbana nessas áreas. Em seguida, é exposto o problema da mobilidade nas favelas e a implantação de equipamentos alternativos de transportes. Os Projetos de implantação do teleférico Metrocable em Medellín, o teleférico de San Augustín em Caracas, o teleférico do morro da Providência e o projeto para o teleférico da favela da Rocinha são expostos como exemplos desse sistema. No Estudo de caso, foram analisados os impactos da implantação do teleférico no Complexo do Alemão, sua eficiência e principalmente, os custos de execução, operação e os custos sociais. Considera-se que o impacto estudado é moldado por análises contextuais, avaliações empíricas de visitas ao local, entrevistas com os moradores e usuários do sistema em questão, conteúdos bibliográficos e análise de indicadores. / [en] This research is on urban mobility solutions in favelas (slums) on hills as an integral part of urban planning. With a focus on the implementation of cable cars as transport systems, this research examines the cable car of the Complexo do Alemão as a case study which is located on the north side of the city of Rio de Janeiro. In Chapter 1, the research outlines the problem of poverty and absence of urban planning in Brazilian cities, which has intensified since the 1950s because of the rapid influx of migrants in search for work in the great economic city centers. Currently in Rio de Janeiro, 22 per cent of the population lives in favelas. The population of the favelas grew disproportionally in the last two decades, four times more than the population of the officially recognized areas of the city. The problem of housing in the favelization process of the city is aggravated by poor sanitation, violent conflicts, problems with security and safety, a lack of public services, poor access, precarious urban mobility, irregular services like illegal connections to electricity, among other problems. Additionally, there is the overarching problem of urban mobility. Spatial segregation makes it difficult for low-income populations to move from one place to another and is mainly due to the historical selection of occupations in isolated and peripheral areas of the city. The problem of mobility is further aggravated by underdeveloped transitional areas between the rural and urban parts of the city especially when, like in the case of this research, those populations occupy areas with steep hills.
The chapter continues by tracing a history of public policies affecting the favelas of Rio de Janeiro, from the first removal of tenement houses in the city center in the nineteenth century, to the developmental policies of today. The chapter follows the formation of the first favelas with an occupation organized by the people who were removed from tenement houses and who needed to live near the economic city centers, the eventual expansion to other areas, the first removal policies for temporary housing and subsequently a more rigid posture of the state in regard to favelas.
The 1960s and 1970s were periods marked by the removal and political denial of favelas, it was only in the 1980s that the state began to provide public policies to improve favelas. Thus, there has been a gradual acceptance of these occupations in the landscape of the city. Beyond the social problems aforementioned, Chapter 2 points more specifically to the problems of mobility in favelas on hills because of high building density, risks of landslides and precarious road access. In Rio de Janeiro, the state started to intervene in regard to the issue of mobility in favelas during the first term of Leonel Brizola (1983-1987), with the construction of the Inclined Plane in the Pavão Pavãozinho favela. But it was not until the Favela Bairro program that mobility initiatives were executed on a much wider scale, the program initiated walkways and improved stairs which greatly increased accessibility and the flow of traffic on road networks. With an urbanization policy for favelas in motion, other urban mobility transport systems were established, like the inclined plane on the Hill of Santa Marta in 2008 and the elevator of Cantagalo in 2010.
While these transport systems assert the presence of the state in marginal communities, the daily transportation of the residents are mainly local options like vans and motorcycle taxis which continue to play a fundamental role and also contribute to the local economy. This generates income for residents because many of the people working with this type of transport also live in the favelas.
The chapter then describes cable car technology and looks at specific examples of cable cars built or planning to be built in the favelas of Latin America. The lines of Medellin are used as an example because they inspired so many others like San Agustín in Caracas, Complexo do Alemão in Rio de Janeiro, Providencia in Rio de Janeiro and the cable car project of Rocinha in Rio de Janeiro. The city of Medellin for many years suffered from violence generated by drug trafficking and came to be known in the early 90s as one of the most violent cities in the world. The high murder rate and violence receded after a series of investments that occurred in the city, mainly investments towards urbanization, education and security. The urban planning of Medellin was based on major public interventions through specific projects in the poorest sectors of the city. Initially structured around the cable cars, called Metrocables, and spatially articulated with other projects extended to formal sectors of the city, known as Urban Integral Projects (Proyectos Urbanos Integrales-PUIs), the aim of these initiatives was to connect various urban spaces. One of the characteristics of these projects was the emphasis on aesthetics as an engine for social change. This aesthetic quality to the new cable cars resulted in an increase of residents self-esteem but was also criticized for its stark contrast with poor local reality. In 2004, the Line K of the cable car was constructed in Comunas 1 and 2, and initiated an urban planning of the city based on the theory of Social Urbanism, with several projects aimed at improving infrastructure and education in favelas. In 2010, Line K was supplemented by a transfer to the Line L, which goes to the Arvi Park, an ecological park created on the border of a green area to Comuna 1, stimulating tourism. There is also Line J which meets Comunas 7 and 13, inaugurated in 2008.
Medellín has become a model for other cities to adopt the cable car system for transportation in favelas. One example was the cable car of San Agustín in Caracas, designed as an important integrator between the favela and the rest of the city. In January 2010, the system started was connected to the subway.
In contrast to Medellin, the Metrocable system in Caracas is characterized with large stations that integrate cultural facilities, sports arenas, and shopping centers together in one convenient location.
The estimated daily demand during the planning stages of the project was 15 thousand passengers. Approximately 40,000 people live in San Augustin which means that the demand estimate would amount to 37.5 per cent of the residents. The data in 2012 showed that only 4,500 passengers use the system daily, about three times less than expected, showing that the cable car, which cost 318 million dollars, is being underutilized. In Rio de Janeiro, in the favela Morro da Providência, there is a cable car built and because the favela is considered the first favela in Rio, current projects by the municipal government show that there is interest in promoting tourism and to integrate it with the dynamics of cultural and historical revitalization of the port area and the cable car is the vehicle proposed for this purpose. However, the Hill of Providence (Morro da Providência) is suffering from forced evictions, mainly due to the Morar Carioca project, an urban program of the city government. These interventions have not been discussed with the residents and involve the demolition of nearly half of the residences. The idea is to replace the residences with a historical and cultural center in the favela. According to the city administration, about 42 houses block, in the context of urban landscape, the view of the chapel located at the highest point of the hill and thus those 42 houses would have to be removed. Although the construction of the cable car has also caused the removal of a few houses, its implementation is linked more with tourism in the favela. Various resident led protests organized with activists and supported by critical news sources released in Brazil and abroad, put the Hill of Providence in the spotlight as an example of the negative impact of mega-events on the poor. Consequently, after the injunction obtained in a lawsuit, the projects in the community are at a standstill and the houses that were scheduled to be removed remain standing.
In Rocinha, the PAC 2 (Accelerating Growth Program is a federal program that has as the main objective the development of the country through the planning and execution of large urban infrastructure, works in the transportation sector and the energy sector) provides for the cable car installation, an elevator, escalators, and other mobility infrastructure. This project is very controversial because the cable car project has an estimated budget of 700 million reais, an amount that would consume approximately 44 per cent of the total amount available for the PAC 2. Most debate is on the residents priorities, which if considered would require that the funds be applied to the sanitation of the favela, which the current project does not guarantee. In the project under study, the cable car will connect to the future subway station of Line 4 in São Conrado to the top of the favela and have 6 stations distributed in two lines, 2,500 meters long. This would be the third cable car built in the favelas of the city, reflecting a state trend to adopt this transportation method in favelas. It seems that cable cars are more than a modal of mass transport, but also as a way to enter favelas as a new tourist attraction of the city. In Chapter 3, the case study is presented about the cable car of Complexo do Alemão, an integral part of PAC. The cable car was built with 3.4 km in length, 152 cabins half of which are in regular operation, while the other half is parked. The system has six stations and the capacity to carry 30,000 passengers daily. The path between the first transfer station with the train, the Bonsucesso Station, and the last stop, the Palmeiras Station, is traversed in about 20 minutes. Using other means of transport, the time to travel the distance between these two places is about 40 minutes.
The six stations are located on the tops of hills that form the intricacies of the favelas and therefore, many residents complain about the accessibility of the system. For those who live far away and do not see advantage in climbing the hill to use the system, it is more common to use van or motorcycle taxis to move around. This is the main reason that the cable car is underused even though residents are entitled to two free trips per day. According to the Supervia, which operates the system, the daily movement of people is about 10,000 to 11,000 people, but, as we reported, the equipment has been design for a capacity of 30,000 passengers per day. The construction of the cable car cost the government R$ 210 million, equivalent to 22.35 per cent of the total PAC work in Complexo do Alemão, and the operating cost is about 50.1 million reais a year. What we can conclude is that the cable car has a relatively high operating cost for low use by residents, and it is also expensive to build. The high investment in the cable car is not justified when there are still major problems to be solved in favelas. One of the main complaints made by residents is the lack of investments in priority areas, such as basic sanitation. As part of this research a survey was given to 50 residents. When asked if the resources used to cable car execution, being very high, could be implemented in other areas, 74 per cent said yes. Among the responses on areas where resources should be invested, they pointed mainly to sanitation, health and education. Some health problems in the favelas worsened while tourism has increased with the use of the cable car. Also according to the data from the Supervia, the percentage of passengers with gratuities, i.e. registered residents using the cable car during the week is 75 per cent and the percentage of those who paid the fare, mostly tourists, is 25 per cent. On weekends, the number of visitors almost doubled: 54 per cent of gratuities and 46 per cent of tourists. The cable car has always had a tourist appeal due to its comfort and excitement by offering the experience of getting a suspended adventure of great heights with a privileged view of the favela landscape. This also happens with the cable car of the Complexo do Alemão, but in another context, within a patrimonialization effort of those spaces. The research makes clear that even with the difficulties within a space precariously built, mobility solutions that were initially created by the residents are still the most used, for example, the alternative transport system like vans and motorcycle taxis. To establish that the cable car is the solution for urban mobility on slopes of slums is quite questionable, as each case requires a specific and detailed study. In the case of the Complexo do Alemão, for example, both positive and negative factors were found. On the one hand the cable car considerably reduced the Bonsucesso travel time to some community points and provided connection with the train, on the other, the number of users contained does not justify its high cost. It is also clear that the general population in favelas want more primary rights met like access to health care, the installation of sewer systems, and competent schools as their priority.
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[en] GLOBAL TALENT MOBILITY: IMPACT OF THE CHARACTERISTICS OF THE NATIONAL CULTURE OF THE HOST ACCORDING TO THE EXPATRIATES PERCEPTION / [pt] MOBILIDADE INTERNACIONAL DE TALENTOS: IMPACTO DAS CARACTERÍSTICAS DA CULTURA NACIONAL DO PAÍS ANFITRIÃO SEGUNDO PERCEPÇÃO DOS EXPATRIADOSPAULO HENRIQUE OLIVEIRA DA SILVA 25 May 2023 (has links)
[pt] O processo de mobilidade global de talentos ganhou maior relevância nos
últimos anos em razão da necessidade de competências específicas em diversos
países, massificação da cultura corporativa em empresas subsidiárias no
exterior ou por razões de desenvolvimento de competências no profissional a
ser expatriado. O objetivo cerne da presente dissertação é demonstrar que um
dos pilares chaves para o sucesso do profissional transferido ao exterior é a
adaptação à cultura do país anfitrião. Para o atingimento deste objetivo
utilizamos metodologia qualitativa, com foco exploratório descritivo, através
de entrevistas semiestruturadas, que foram conduzidas com profissionais
expatriados. Ao longo da presente dissertação identificamos que dificuldades
no processo de adaptação podem potencializar situações de choque cultural ou
até mesmo interromper a jornada internacional do funcionário transferido. Em
contrapartida, os funcionários que possuem maior inteligência e agilidade
cultural tendem a ser ajustar com maior sucesso à cultura do país anfitrião,
mitigando potenciais efeitos em suas performances profissionais e colhendo
melhores frutos em suas jornadas internacionais. O aprofundamento do presente
trabalho permitirá correlação futura com os modelos de dimensões culturais
existentes, que poderão funcionar como meio complementar no processo de
seleção de futuros expatriados, permitindo identificar aqueles que possuem
maiores competências culturais e consequentemente facilitando seu processo de
adaptação à cultura do país anfitrião. / [en] The global talent mobility process has gained greater relevance in recent
years due to the need for specific skills in different countries, massification of
corporate culture in subsidiaries companies located abroad or for reasons
related to developing individual s skills. The main objective of this work is to
demonstrate that one of the key pillars for the success of the professional
transferred to work abroad is the need of adapting to the host country s culture.
To achieve this objective, we used a qualitative methodology, with a descriptive
exploratory focus, through semi-structured interviews, which were conducted
with expatriate professionals. Throughout this dissertation, we identified that
difficulties in the adaptation process can enhance situations of culture shock or
even interrupt the international journey of the transferred employee. On the
other hand, employees who have greater intelligence and cultural agility tend to
adjust more successfully to the culture of the host country, mitigating potential
effects on their professional performance and reaping better results on their
international journeys. Deepening the present work will allow future correlation
with the models of existing cultural dimensions, which may work as
complementary means in the process of selection of future expatriates, allowing
the identification of those who have greater cultural competences and
consequently facilitating their process of adaptation to the culture of the host
country.
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[pt] CIDADE SEM CATRACAS: PENSANDO A CIDADE DA LIVRE CIRCULAÇÃO / [en] CITY WITHOUT RATCHETS: THINKING THE CITY OF FREE CIRCULATIONISABEL THEES CASTRO 20 September 2016 (has links)
[pt] Fixos e fluxos. A grande cidade é um fixo enorme, cruzado por fluxos enormes. O que acontece quando a ordem desses fixos e fluxos é subvertida? Qual a espacialidade de uma cidade cuja ocupação de seu território e circulação não sejam guiados e estabelecidos pela lógica da funcionalidade e pelos imperativos da circulação do valor? Em junho de 2013 cerca de 388 cidades brasileiras foram palco de manifestações populares cujo estopim foi o aumento da tarifa do transporte público. No entanto, a demanda extrapolava a reivindicação pela revogação do aumento. A demanda era também pelo direito à cidade, direito à livre circulação e acesso a tudo o que a cidade oferece. O Movimento Passe Livre, articulador dos protestos que ficaram conhecidos como Jornadas de Junho, coloca a questão urbana, da mobilidade e também da disputa do espaço nas cidades na pauta política do país. O movimento pensa na cidade, na sua ocupação e circulação. Uma circulação inclusiva, uma circulação que permite o desvendamento, o uso e a apropriação da cidade. Uma imaginação urbana que subverte sua lógica de ocupação espacial em um grau de utopia que não vem do urbanismo e da arquitetura. O objetivo geral desse estudo é contrapor diferentes ideias de cidade tendo como fim a definição da noção de cidade subjacente nas propostas do Movimento Passe Livre. / [en] Fixed and flows. The big city is a huge fixed, crossed by huge flows. What happens when the order of these fixed and flows is subverted? What is the spatiality of a city in which the occupations of its territory, as well as its circulation, are not established by the logics of functionality and imperatives of movement of value? On June, 2013, around 388 Brazilian cities were the theater of riots in which the main focus were the public transportations tariff raise. However, the claims have overcome the revocation of such raises. The claims were also for rights to the city, free circulation and access to whatever the city may offer. Movimento Passe Livre – MPL, the main perpetrator of the riots, which were also called Jornadas de Junho puts the urban question of mobility and also the space competition at the Country s political agenda. MPL approaches the city, its occupation and circulation. An inclusive circulation, that allows the unveiling, usage and appropriation of the city. An urban idealized view, subverting the logics of occupation in such an utopia that does not belong to urbanism or architecture. The main objective of this work is to interpose different city concepts aiming to define the city envisaged by MPL.
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[pt] O IMPACTO DOS MÚLTIPLOS CONTEXTOS SOCIAIS NA CONSTRUÇÃO DA TRAJETÓRIA DE JOVENS PROFISSIONAIS ORIUNDOS DAS CAMADAS POPULARES / [en] THE IMPACT OF MULTIPLE SOCIAL CONTEXTS IN THE CONSTRUCTION OF THE TRAJECTORY OF YOUNG PROFESSIONALS FROM THE LOWER CLASSESMARCELO JUCA QUINTAO 20 September 2021 (has links)
[pt] Esta pesquisa teve como objetivo compreender de que maneira os múltiplos contextos sociais impactaram na construção da trajetória profissional de ex-alunos oriundos das camadas populares de uma renomada IES privada do Rio de janeiro, cujo público, também, é composto por jovens das elites socioeconômicas. Para atingir este objetivo buscou-se identificar: i) de que forma os múltiplos contextos sociais, ao longo da trajetória profissional, inibiram ou habilitaram as relações desses jovens com seu meio tanto na constituição de um portifólio de capitais como nas estratégias (não) intencionais individuais e familiares, bem como nas disposições dos indivíduos; e (ii) quanto à persistência de barreiras que contribuem negativamente para a mobilidade social. Deste modo, este estudo contribui para a discussão acerca da mobilidade social nos estudos em Administração, partindo do pensamento de Pierre Bourdieu frente à distinção gerada pelo condicionamento social e dialogando com pensamento de Bernard Lahire, no afastamento do olhar homogeneizante do habitus. A pesquisa realizada foi de natureza qualitativa, utilizando entrevistas em profundidade com ex-alunos bolsistas de graduação de diferentes cursos. A análise dos resultados revelou que existem barreiras socioeconômicas e culturais que impactaram na trajetória profissional dos jovens bolsistas. Não obstante, a partir da influência dos múltiplos contextos nessas trajetórias, identificamos o desenvolvimento de um portifólio de capitais, resultado de vivências que permitiram o movimento de mobilidade social. Em última instância, os jovens pesquisados, apesar de terem enfrentados obstáculos diversos em suas trajetórias de vida e educacional, lograram obter postos trabalho qualificados que os habilitaram a ascender socialmente. / [en] This research aimed to understand how the multiple social contexts impacted the construction of the professional trajectory of alumni from the popular strata of a renowned private university in Rio de Janeiro, whose audience is predominantly composed of young people from socioeconomic elites. In order to achieve this objective, we sought to identify: i) how the multiple social contexts, throughout their professional trajectory, inhibited or enabled the relations of these young people with their environment both in the constitution of a portfolio of capital and in the (un) intentional strategies individual and family members, as well as in the dispositions of these trajectories; and (ii) regarding the persistence of barriers that contribute negatively to social mobility. In this way, this study contributes to the discussion about social mobility in Management studies, starting from the thinking of Pierre Bourdieu in the face of the distinction generated by social conditioning and dialoguing with the thinking of Bernard Lahire, in moving away from the homogenizing look of the habitus. The research carried out was of a qualitative nature, using in-depth interviews with former undergraduate scholarship students from different courses. The analysis of the results revealed that there are socioeconomic and cultural barriers that impacted the professional trajectory of the young scholarship holders. Nevertheless, based on the influence of multiple contexts in these trajectories, we identified the development of a portfolio of capitals, the result of experiences that allowed the movement of social mobility. Ultimately, the young people surveyed, despite having faced different obstacles in their life and educational trajectories, managed to obtain qualified jobs that enabled them to ascend socially.
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[pt] DA MOCHILA À PALMA DA MÃO: APRENDIZAGEM DE LÍNGUAS EM CONTEXTO MÚLTIPLO - UM ESTUDO SOBRE A USABILIDADE DE APLICATIVO MÓVEL DE ENSINO DE LÍNGUA ESTRANGEIRA / [en] FROM THE BACKPACK TO THE PALM OF THE HAND: LANGUAGE LEARNING IN MULTIPLE CONTEXTS - A STUDY ON THE USABILITY OF MOBILE APP OF FOREIGN LANGUAGE TEACHINGFLAVIO SILVA NAZARIO 11 March 2021 (has links)
[pt] A aprendizagem móvel ou m-learning cuja definição se desdobra no processo de aprendizagem apoiado pelo uso de dispositivos móveis é um campo de estudo que vem chamando a atenção de diversos estudos multidisciplinares. Esta pesquisa tem como hipótese que o estudo contínuo com o suporte de um aplicativo móvel de ensino de língua estrangeira, em um smartphone, intensifica a possibilidade da proficiência, pois permite o estudo em múltiplos contextos de uso, facilitando a frequência e acesso ao conteúdo para seus usuários. Sob o ponto de vista da área de Interação Humano-Computador e utilizando técnicas de Design Centrado no Usuário, esta pesquisa teve como objetivo a investigação dos fatores que contribuem para a construção contínua de conhecimento dos usuários de uma aplicação móvel de ensino de língua estrangeira. Três abordagens orientaram a pesquisa: a primeira foi uma revisão histórico-evolutiva do ensino a distância, para entender como os processos pedagógicos estão convergindo para tecnologias
móveis. A segunda foi uma breve análise da arquitetura de informação e da experiência do usuário para delimitar o funcionamento dos principais aplicativos de ensino de línguas do mercado brasileiro, similares ao Duolingo e por último Testes de usabilidade e Diário de Uso para coleta de dados que confrontem a
hipótese. Os resultados da pesquisa apontam que o Duolingo apresenta, no geral, boas características de usabilidade. Isso reforça que a hipótese é válida quando os fatores de motivação dos participantes apresentam o tênue equilíbrio entre rotina diária, parcial proficiência no idioma estudado e objetivos claros de aprendizagem. / [en] Mobile learning whose definition unfolds in the learning process supported
by the use of mobile devices is a field of study that has been drawing the attention
of several multidisciplinary studies. This research has as hypothesis that the
continuous study with the support of a mobile application of foreign language
teaching, using a smartphone, increases the possibility of the proficiency, since it
allows the study in multi-contextual locations, facilitating the frequency and
access to the content to the users. From the Human-Computer Interaction area and
using User-Centered Design techniques, this research had as objective the
investigation of the factors that contribute to the continuous construction of
knowledge of the users of a mobile application of foreign language teaching.
Three approaches guided the research: the first was a historical-evolutionary
review of distance learning, to understand how pedagogical processes are
converging to mobile technologies. The second was a brief analysis of the
information architecture and the user experience to delimit the operation of the
main language teaching applications of the Brazilian market, like Duolingo, and
lastly Usability Tests and Diary Studies for collecting data that confronts the
hypothesis. The research results indicate that Duolingo presents, in general, good
usability properties. These properties reinforce that the hypothesis is valid when
the motivating factors of the participants show the tenuous balance between daily
routine, partial proficiency in the language studied and clear learning objectives.
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[pt] A DIMENSÃO DA SEGREGAÇÃO DAS INFRAESTRUTURAS DE MOBILIDADE: O CASO DA AVENIDA BRASIL / [en] THE DIMENSION OF MOBILITY INFRASTRUCTURE SEGREGATION: THE CASE OF AVENIDA BRASILMATEUS SAMPAIO FREINKEL RODRIGUES 13 October 2020 (has links)
[pt] É senso comum na literatura sobre mobilidade urbana, a abordagem dos
aspectos positivos das infraestruturas de mobilidade, pela possibilidade que elas têm
de conectar os espaços urbanos. Afim de promover um debate crítico acerca desses
elementos, a dissertação visa apontar a dimensão da segregação das Infraestruturas
de mobilidade, explorando dois aspectos: 1. o da segregação socioespacial,
numa escala de cidade e metrópole, abordando a dicotomia centro-periferia, e
2. da segregação da forma urbana, numa escala de bairro, seja pela presença de
tecidos urbanos dispersos e fragmentados, como por novas e diferentes escalas dos
conjuntos edificados no entorno de algumas infraestruturas de mobilidade. Para
tal, a pesquisa ancora-se no objeto da Avenida Brasil, importante via expressa
construída na década de 40, que cruza a cidade do Rio de Janeiro de uma ponta a
outra, servindo como um dos eixos estruturantes na ocupação da zona oeste. Em
sua extensão, encontram-se diversos modos de ocupações, relacionados a diferentes
dimensões de segregação. Uma análise comparativa, baseada em três padrões de
ocupações distintos de habitações de baixa renda e seu entorno tem, por fim, o
objetivo de medir os impactos da segregação em determinados trechos. / [en] It is common sense in the urban mobility, literature to address the positive
aspects of mobility infrastructures because of their ability to connect urban spaces.
In order to promote a critical debate about these elements, the dissertation aims
to point out the dimension of segregation on mobility infrastructures, exploring
two aspects: that of socio-spatial segregation, on a city and metropolis scale,
addressing the center-periphery dichotomy, and the segregation of the urban form,
on a neighborhood scale, either by the presence of scattered and fragmented urban
fabrics, as well as by new and different scales of buildings built around the mobility
infrastructures. Then, the research is based on the object of Avenida Brasil, an
important expressway built in the 1940s, which crosses the city of Rio de Janeiro
from one end to the other, serving as one of the structuring axes in the occupation
of the west zone. In its extension, there are several modes of occupations, related to
different dimensions of segregation. A comparative analysis, based on three distinct
occupational patterns of low-income housing and its surroundings, is ultimately
intended of to measure the impacts of segregation on stretches.
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[pt] ABERTURA COMERCIAL E MOBILIDADE DO TRABALHO: MITIGANDO CUSTOS DA LIBERALIZAÇÃO COMERCIAL NO BRASIL ATRAVÉS DE POLÍTICAS ATIVAS DE REQUALIFICAÇÃO PROFISSIONAL / [en] TRADE LIBERALIZATION AND LABOR MOBILITY: MITIGATING COSTS OF TRADE LIBERALIZATION IN BRAZIL THROUGH ACTIVE LABOR MARKET POLICIES FOR RESKILLINGGABRIEL DE BARROS TORRES 01 June 2020 (has links)
[pt] A nova política comercial brasileira, seja associada a exercícios de
liberalização negociada ou autônoma, impõe a necessidade de avaliar e administrar
os eventuais custos associados à nova situação de abertura comercial, sobretudo do
ponto de vista do deslocamento do trabalho em setores tradicionalmente protegidos.
Neste sentido, a facilitação da mobilidade do trabalho entre firmas e setores é
essencial não apenas para mitigar os custos do ajuste, mas também para maximizar
os ganhos esperados na produtividade do trabalho. A partir da experiência
internacional com programas de ajuste ao comércio e políticas ativas de mercado de
trabalho, este estudo visa analisar as opções e formatos de políticas mais adequados
à promoção da empregabilidade no contexto da nova política comercial brasileira.
Com base na trajetória recente de políticas de requalificação profissional no Brasil,
argumenta-se que o movimento de abertura comercial deva ser acompanhado pela
priorização de políticas de mercado de trabalho com elegibilidade universal e
orientadas à demanda, com resultados positivos comprovados – em particular,
através da expansão do Pronatec Setor Produtivo, tornando-o o principal
programa nacional de acesso ao ensino técnico e profissional. Ao mitigar os custos
laborais do ajuste à abertura comercial, este exercício poderá contribuir para
atenuar resistências setoriais ao próprio processo de liberalização. / [en] The new Brazilian trade policy, whether associated with negotiated or
autonomous liberalization, imposes the need to evaluate and manage costs
associated with the new competitive situation, especially considering the
displacement of labor in traditionally protected sectors. In this sense, facilitating
labor mobility across firms and sectors is essential not only to mitigate trade
adjustment costs, but also to maximize expected gains in labor productivity. Based
on international experience with trade adjustment programs and active labor market
policies, this study aims to analyze the most appropriate policy options and formats
to promote employability in the context of the new Brazilian trade policy. Based on
the recent trajectory of vocational and technical training programs in Brazil, it is
argued that trade liberalization should be accompanied by the prioritization of
demand-driven universal labor market policies, with proven positive outcomes –
in particular, through the expansion of Pronatec Productive Sector, making it the
main national program for access to technical and vocational education. By
mitigating the labor costs of adjusting to trade openness, this exercise may
ultimately help to mitigate sectorial resistance to the liberalization process.
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[pt] DE QUANTOS CAMINHOS SE FAZ UM DIREITO?: MOBILIDADE E GÊNERO NOS QUADROS DE CIDADE / [en] HOW DO WE PAVE A RIGHT?: MOBILITY AND GENDER IN FRAMES OF CITYMARIANA IMBELLONI BRAGA ALBUQUERQUE 19 February 2020 (has links)
[pt] A discussão sobre mobilidade urbana foi crescentemente alargada frente às necessidades populacionais e econômicas das metrópoles, sendo um tema essencial quando se discute direito à cidade. Considerando o aspecto constitutivo e inescapável dos deslocamentos diários e as múltiplas experiências deste trânsito, a
mobilidade não se confunde com o direito social ao transporte, mas se configura como um direito em si. Contudo, não é a mesma para todos os corpos que transitam pelas vias urbanas, sendo indissociável dos marcadores que atravessam e constituem estes corpos. Quem chega, onde chega e como chega são questões fundamentais na alocação diferenciada das condições de precariedade tanto espacial quanto subjetivamente. A mobilidade de mulheres, subconsiderada no planejamento urbano patriarcal, permite entrever outros percursos e desenhos de cidade. Ainda, perceber como estas mulheres são igualmente atravessadas por estruturas de poder – tais quais raça e classe- que tanto as forjam quanto delineiam qual enquadramento de cidade se configurará nos seus movimentos, torna visíveis as fronteiras e fraturas que desenham a urbe. Este trabalho insere-se, assim, nas propostas de um feminismo intersecional corporificado para delinear o que seria um direito fundamental à mobilidade. Construído com uma pesquisa etnográfica do/em movimento, o direito à mobilidade tem como espectros incontornáveis a mobilidade como um lugar, a gestão do tempo, a eleição de modais e o reconhecimento dos níveis de mobilidade, constituindo continuamente formas de ser e estar nos quadros de cidade. / [en] Given the populational and economical needs of the metropolises, the discussion on urban mobility has largely grown into an essential subject on the debates pertaining the right to the city. Considering the constitutive and inescapable aspect of the daily commutes and the multiple experiences of this flow, mobility cannot be mistaken for the social right to transportation, thus shaping into a right of its own. However, this mobility is not the same to all the bodies moving through the urban paths, being indissociable from the markers which cross and constitute these bodies. Who reaches , where they reach and how they reach there are fundamental questions on the distinct arrangement of the conditions of precarity, both spatially and subjectively. The mobility of women, underconsidered by the patriarchal urban planning, allows us to perceive other paths and drawings of city. Moreover, realizing how these women are equally affected by power structures – such as race and class – which carve them as much as shape the frame of city that will appear on their movements, make visible the fractures and frontiers that design the borough. Therefore, this work is inserted on the proposals of a corporified intersectional feminism aiming to delineate what would be a fundamental right to mobility. Built upon an ethnographic research of/in movement, the right to mobility has as indispensable specters the mobility as a place, time management, the election of modes and the acknowledgement of mobility levels, continually composing ways of being and passing through the frames of city/ being in the frames of city.
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[pt] MOBILIDADE URBANA, DESIGUALDADE E BEM- ESTAR NOS PAÍSES EM DESENVOLVIMENTO: EVIDÊNCIAS DAS OLIMPÍADAS 2016 NO RIO DE JANEIRO / [en] URBAN MOBILITY, INEQUALITY AND WELFARE IN DEVELOPING COUNTRIES: EVIDENCE FROM 2016 OLYMPICS IN RIO DE JANEIROMAINA CELIDONIO DE CAMPOS 08 May 2020 (has links)
[pt] Esta dissertação estima os efeitos agregados e distributivos da recente expansão da infraestrutura de transporte no Rio de Janeiro (Brasil), desencadeada pela Copa do Mundo de 2014 e pelos Jogos Olímpicos de 2016. Em preparação para os eventos esportivos, a cidade investiu mais de 4,5 bilhões de dólares em seu sistema de transporte público, que incluiu a extensão de uma linha de metrô, a construção de um VLT e dois corredores de BRT que se estendem por aproximadamente 108 quilômetros. O Capítulo 1 fornece uma descrição da nova infraestrutura de transporte e seus potenciais efeitos nos tempos de deslocamento. Os tempos de deslocamento (na ausência dos investimentos) são calculados usando metodologia de
regressão random forest e dados de tempos de deslocamento de 2011 e 2018. As estimativas sugerem que a nova infraestrutura reduziu significativamente os tempos de viagem. Os capítulos restantes exploram duas metodologias diferentes para estimar os impactos dos investimentos em transporte. O Capítulo 2 utiliza as datas de anúncio e inauguração das novas estações de BRT e metrô na cidade do Rio de Janeiro para investigar os efeitos da expansão da infraestrutura de transportes no crescimento e reorganização da
atividade econômica. Os endereços das empresas foram georeferenciados para construir um painel com informações sobre número de empresas e empregos por célula de 100 metros quadrados de 2006 a 2016. Aplicando uma metodologia de diferenças em diferenças, eu estimo os efeitos heterogêneos da
expansão do transporte de acordo com as características dos trabalhadores e da indústria. Todos os efeitos são obtidos para oito diferentes anéis de distância de 250m a 2km. O Capítulo 3 tem como objetivo medir os efeitos da infraestrutura de transporte sobre os salários, a produtividade e o bem-estar da cidade, investigando impactos heterogêneos para trabalhadores com alto e baixo nível de qualificação. Para responder a essas perguntas, eu construo um extensa base de dados para a Região Metropolitana do Rio de Janeiro, que combina informações sobre residência e emprego para cada grupo de trabalhadores dentro de cada área de ponderação do Censo 2010. Para medir os efeitos de equilíbrio geral, eu desenvolvo um modelo de estrutura interna de cidade que possui trabalhadores heterogêneos e diferentes externalidades
de produção para cada grupo de trabalhador. Eu estimo os parâmetros estruturais usando o método de momentos. Por fim, realizo exercícios contrafactuais para avaliar os impactos da recente expansão da infraestrutura de transporte no Rio de Janeiro usando os tempos de viagem de 2018 coletados do API do Google Maps e os tempos de viagem na ausência dos investimentos (computados no primeiro capítulo). Resultados mostram que os investimentos de transporte levaram a menor concentração residencial e maior concentração de empregos. Melhores serviços de transporte permitem que os cidadãos trabalhem em locais de alta produtividade e morem em locais de alta amenidade, o que aumenta o bem-estar de todos os
trabalhadores. Entretanto, os benefícios não são divididos igualmente. Os trabalhadores altamente qualificados se beneficiam duplamente, uma vez que têm maiores benefícios de economias de aglomeração e, consequentemente, são capazes de pagar por custos mais altos de moradia. Ademais, as áreas no
entorno das novas estações tiveram um aumento na atividade econômica. A maior parte do impacto é caracterizada por pequenas empresas, dos setores de comércio e serviços. Além disso, a maior parte da força de trabalho empregada por essas empresas é pouco qualificada. / [en] This dissertation assesses the aggregate and distributional effects of the recent transport infrastructure expansion in Rio de Janeiro (Brazil) triggered by 2014 Football World Cup and 2016 Olympic Games. In preparation for the sports events, the city invested more than 4.5 billion dollars in its public transport system, which included the extension of a subway line, the construction of a light-rail system and two BRT corridors that stretch approximately 108 kilometers. Chapter 1 provides a description of new transport infrastructure and estimates its potential effects on commuting times. I compute travel times in the absence of the investments using random forest regression methodology and data from 2011 and 2018 travel times. Estimates suggest that the new infrastructure significantly reduced travel times. The remaining chapters explore two different methodologies to account for the impacts of the transport investments. Chapter 2 explores the timing of announcement and inauguration of new BRT and subway stations in Rio de Janeiro City to investigate the effects of the expansion of transport infrastructure on growth and reorganization of economic activity. Firm s addresses were geocoded to construct a panel data set that contains information on number of firms and jobs per 100 meter s grid cell from 2006 to 2016. Applying a difference-in-differences methodology on this novel data set, I estimate the heterogeneous effects of the transport expansion according to workers characteristics and industry. All effects are obtained for eight different distance rings ranging from 250m to 2km. Chapter 3 aims to measure the effects of transportation infrastructure on the city s wages, productivity and welfare, investigating heterogeneous impacts for high and low skilled workers. To answer these questions, I construct an extensive database for the Rio de Janeiro Metropolitan Area that combines information on residence and employment for each skill group inside each city block. In order to measure general equilibrium effects, I develop a model of
internal city structure that features heterogeneous workers and production externalities across worker s skill levels. I estimate structural parameters using generalized method of moments. Finally, I perform contrafactual exercises to assess the impacts of the recent transport infrastructure expansion in Rio de Janeiro using 2018 travel times collected from Google Maps API and travel times computed in the first chapter. Results show that connecting new areas to the central business district results in lower residential concentration and higher employment concentration. The improvement of transportation services allows citizens to work in high productivity locations and live in high amenity locations, which leads to higher overall welfare. Nevertheless, benefits are not evenly split. High-skilled workers benefit twice since they have higher benefits from agglomeration and, consequently, they are able to pay for higher residential prices from lower commuting costs. Moreover, areas in the vicinity of the new transport stations saw an increase in economic activity. The bulk of the impact is characterized by small firms, from the commerce and service sectors. Additionally, most of the workforce employed by these firms are low-skilled.
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