由於外人直接投資都被認為是促成一國經濟成長及財富累積的重要決定因素之一，而聯合國貿易與發展會議2010年全球投資報告書中也指出，未來開發中國家對於吸引FDI是比已開發國家更具有優勢，而其中中國將是未來一個全球投資者注目的焦點；故本研究目的有三個:(一)探討影響台灣產業吸引外人來台投資的主要因素，(二)檢定中國FDI增長對於台灣產業吸引外人來台投資是否會有排擠效果，(三)探討兩岸具ECFA協議下，對於台灣產業吸引外人投資的正面幫助效果強度。 本研究採用1982年至2009年之年資料，以Tobit Censoring做為分析方法；並將產業分成出口導向相關產業及國內市場導向相關產業兩不同型態做為分析依據。 實證研究結果發現，政府若想要吸引更多外人直接投資，除了簽訂ECFA協議外，還必須避免台灣國內通貨膨脹率過高及台幣兌美元匯率波動過大；此外，高素質人才的培育也是極其重要，而持續提升國內市場深度及未來發展潛力也是不可或缺的環節；除了這些台灣自身投資環境的營造外，尚必須時時刻刻緊盯國際情勢的變化及中國發展下對台灣吸引FDI上可能帶來的衝擊，如此才有可能打造台灣成為亞洲地區的投資新天地。 / The foreign direct investment is an important factor which be considered to promote a country’s economic growth and wealth accumulation. The United Nations Conference on Trade and Development World’s 2010 Investment Report also noted that in attracting FDI developing countries have more advantages than developed countries in the future. Especially China, it focus of attention of global investors. Therefore, this paper has three purposes. First, Explore the Determinants of Taiwan's industries to attract FDI. Second, testing whether China's FDI growth has crowding out effect on Taiwan’s industries. Third, Does ECFA agreement has positive effects on Taiwan’s industries to attract FDI. This paper using 1982 to 2009 year data, and Tobit Censoring econometric method to be the analysis framework. In addition, assort Taiwan’s industries to export-oriented and domestic market-oriented two different types industries. Empirical study found that, If the Government wants to attract more Foreign Direct Investment besides signing an ECFA agreement there are something it must to do. First, government must avoid inflation rate too high and exchange rate volatility is too large. Second, government has to bring up high-quality personnel. Third, government has to enhance the potential of the domestic market. Finally, government has to focus their attention on the international situation and china’s FDI growth may affect the Taiwan’s industries FDI. By doing this, Taiwan will have a chance to attract more FDI.

本論文根據中華民國外交部檔案及美國國務院外交解密檔案（FRUS）等史料，說明1949年到1979年的台美關係史，其中美國對台政策與「台灣地位未定論」有著密不可分的關係。 　　戰後美國政府對台灣地位的認知，雖曾經認為根據開羅會議公報、波茨坦宣言等已經確定台灣歸屬於中國，但五０年代特別是韓戰所凸顯的冷戰架構，一方面定調「台灣地位未定」一方面承認中華民國有效統治台灣，要之，美國在舊金山和約簽訂過程中努力運作造成台灣地位未定狀態，然後就一直維持此一未定論的立場直到二十一世紀的今天，而未定論一直是美國「合法」介入台海事務，阻遏中華人民共和國併吞台灣的重要理據。 　　不論從1954年簽訂中美共同防禦條約，乃至1971年聯合國承認中華人民共和國取代中華民國成為中國唯一合法政府以後，尼克森訪中發表上海公報，繼而1979年美國與中華人民共和國建交，非但美國沒有改變「台灣地位未定論」的立場，沒有屈從中華人民共和國擁有台灣主權之宣稱，反而在1978年美中建交之後以「台灣地位未定論」為前提，制定台灣關係法，保障台灣的安全，繼續維持一個獨立於中華人民共和國之外的台灣。 　　不過「台灣地位未定論」並不能解釋一切，不論在現實政治或是在國際法理論都可能受到挑戰，所以本論文除了檢視學界各種說法，亦隨時注意時代背景以說明其所以然，並參酌政治人物的議論，以便在說明「台灣地位未定論」的源起與經過之後，還能做成公允的評價。

旅遊，在人類社會中，隨著各項科技的提升與經濟條件的改善，已經進展到每年有七分之一的人在旅遊，龐大的商機，使得全球旅遊產業的GDP高達9%，但是，我們回想一下自己的旅遊經驗，就會發現旅遊產業都還在使用非常傳統的方式提供服務，這一點讓研究者產生高度好奇心，特別是在2011年SoLoMo趨勢被提出後，旅遊這個傳統產業的發展將在SoLoMo趨勢下產生甚麼樣的變化呢？今日大家隨時都能在網路上、手機上取得便利的旅遊資訊查詢，這個現象將對旅遊產業帶來甚麼樣的影響？旅遊產業面對旅遊者的改變，勢將導致的服務創新又會有甚麼現象出現，以及為達成服務創新，會產出甚麼對業者、從業人員、消費者的價值？ 旅遊業能否繼續保有其資訊落差的優勢，傳統封閉的產業風格在消費者至上的現代觀念下能否有所突破，尤其是當我們在社群網路的推波助瀾下真的可以跨越業者的營利心態而進入共創時代，旅遊業該以甚麼核心價值作為其經營know-how…，這些都影響著旅遊產業的發展。 台灣在2009年有「愛台十二建設」，中國在2011年有「十二五計畫」，兩個重要計畫中都針對SoLoMo環境的旅遊服務需要提出創新作法，研究者有幸躬逢其盛參與兩岸兩大計畫的落實過程中，透過台灣與中國大陸兩地、兩個旅遊專案的內涵，以實務經驗為佐證探討兩岸智慧旅遊發展的服務創新價值。雖然這份研究是在智慧旅遊發展之初所做，但已可從中嗅出未來十年華人世界裡智慧旅遊的發展趨勢。 / Following the technological advances and economic condition improvements in the human society, tourism has become an activity that annual one-seventh of the population is participating in. The immense business opportunity has allowed global tourism industry to contribute over 9% of the global GDP. However, as we reflect back upon our tourism experiences, it is not difficult to find that the tourism industry still operates in rather traditional methods of providing services. This draws the researchers’ attention, especially after the publication of the SoLoMo trend. What kind of changes and impacts would the SoLoMo trend bring to the Traditional Tourism Industry? Today, most of the population can have access to tourist inquires via the internet or the smartphone at any given time, yet how will this phenomenon impact the tourism industry? The changes in the consumers’ behaviors will surely motivate changes in the tourism industry, but how will service innovation reflect in return? Further, how will the changes in service innovation impact the values of the companies, employees and consumers? Can the tourism industry still retain its information advantage over its consumers and continue to survive in today’s consumer-first society? How would the tourism industry’s conventional industry structure be affected by the convenience of social media and the development into an era of co-creation? What core values should the tourism industry regard as important elements in its know-how? All of the above questions concern the development of the tourism industry. Both Taiwan and China has shown interest in bringing innovation reflecting on the SoLoMo trend through their national plans including the “i-Taiwan 12 Projects”(2009) and the “Twelfth Five-Year Guideline”(2011). The researcher has been involved in the implementation of both plans, and hopes to analyze the smart tourism development’s service innovation values between the two political entities through practical experiences and understanding of both plan’s implications. Although this research is completed at the beginning of smart tourism developments, it can still provide an insight to the smart tourism developments trends of the Greater China Region for the next decade.

在過去20年裡，宗教社會學經歷一場「典範轉換」的過程，世俗化理論受到宗教市場理論的挑戰，但同時它也奠基於世俗化理論，而此二理論典範至今仍在論戰當中。本研究即以台灣宗教發展中與政府有過高度緊張的台灣基督長老教會以及一貫道的發展為例，來討論以西方國家調查為基礎的宗教市場理論是否仍能適用自如，或在可能的狀況下該如何提供理論在跨文化下的命題修正。 台灣作為一個華人社會，深受過去釋、道、儒三教合一的宗教文化思想影響，又經歷長時間的戒嚴，這些背景使宗教與政治的互動直至解嚴後仍保持一定程度的距離。本研究即從多數華人宗教與政治的互動開始，進而認識一貫道發展史，以及其組織結構，最後探討一貫道政教關係的發展，指出秘密崇拜方才是威權政府打壓一貫道的原因，並辨識出一貫道所佔的「中華文化」的獨特市場區位，得以降低與政權間的緊張關係。 另一方面，1949年後由中國各地隨政府來台的各教派，則因為歷史與政治的緣故，傾向遠離政治的政教關係。相對的，來台已經超過150年的台灣基督長老教會則在台灣歷史中，不斷調整自己的政教關係傾向，直到普世教協事件後，才開始升高政教間的緊張關係。在這部分，研究者也試圖將台灣基督教內兩大勢力的發展與美國做比較，卻很不幸的發現台灣基督宗教的邊陲性，甚至有因華人文化以及本身限制而成的玻璃天花板。 相對於與政治互動情況的不同，台灣的各個宗教組織團體因著各自的教義，幾乎皆參與在社會服務與慈善的工作。台灣基督長老教會與其他基督教宗派在外國差會的帶領下，成為台灣社會服務與慈善事業中領導的角色。而一貫道則透過社會服務與慈善，無意間為自己打下合法化的基礎，受政治壓迫下的宗教就持續在社會中扮演著重要的角色。 在研究結論方面，首先，研究者認為，宗教市場理論在華人世界仍有適用性，但就如許多前輩學人的疑慮，適用上有其困難，必須在進行研究時隨之調整。但就台灣宗教研究而言，更重要的是台灣欠缺大型的適切華人情境的宗教調查。在此限制下，本研究發現台灣的宗教市場應非一個自由競爭的宗教市場，而是一種由少數賣方主導的市場狀態，其他的宗教完全無法撼動佛、道教與一貫道的領先地位。 回到主要的研究對象，研究者發現，戒嚴時期一貫道的受禁與台灣基督長老教會與政府間高度緊張的原因有所不同，或許可以分為國際與內政原因，但背後最大的主因仍是國民黨政權的「人治」政治。政治的壓迫使得一貫道成為灰市或黑市，也是促成1960年代後一貫道向海外輸出的動力之一。而台灣基督長老教會因制度的不同，並未產生高度的緊張關係。因此，研究者認為教制的差異亦是影響兩宗教發展的因素之一。 當政治的壓力使宗教無法改變社會制度時，各宗教就致力於各種世俗性的社會服務與慈善，來完成其救渡或救贖的責任，但也進而使後戒嚴時代下的台灣缺乏公共神／佛／道學，多數台灣的宗教就偏向極端嚴格的、離世的方向，不過問任何政治議題。因此我們綜合社會服務與慈善參與以及政治兩個面向，多數台灣的宗教將偏向極端開放的、入世的方向，低張力的宗教是社會的主流，產生台灣宗教市場的偏態現象。但研究者也透過太陽花學運的宗教立場變化大膽預測，隨著第三次政黨輪替，民主鞏固的腳步越發穩健，將漸漸向自由市場的曲線靠近。

This business plan aims to open a Russian branch of the Taiwanese company Spare-Parts Zone Co ltd, which specializes in the export of NON-OEM automobile spare parts such as bumpers, lights, hoods and fenders for passenger vehicles and trucks. Taiwan is a world leader in the NON-OEM spare parts industry and Russia is a very attractive market for Taiwanese exporters due to its large market, considerable market growth and comparatively low regulated import regime when compared to the European Union or United States of America. Moreover, Taiwanese spare parts have a good reputation among Russian consumers due to their reliability and lower price compared to OEM parts. Many export/import contracts have been signed between Taiwanese and Russian companies since 1991 when the economy of Russia liberalized and marketized. However, there are no strategic alliances or foreign direct investments to be found within the market. Taiwanese companies are still not represented in the Russian automobile market, neither in the form of their own branches nor in joint ventures. A branch of the proposed Taiwanese company will have several significant advantages in comparison to the domestic importers. 1. Financial advantage. The import/export business for small and medium enterprises (SMEs) is always connected with considerable investments. Taking into account the current average bank-issued annual interest rate for companies in Russia at 26 per cent, Taiwanese head office will be able to leverage branch sales by using loans from Taiwanese banks where the annual interest rate for SMEs is normally no more than 5 per cent. 2. Payment delay advantage. Russia still lacks a clear legal system to resolve international law suits. This is why Russian importers usually do not experience any payment delays from their foreign suppliers and have to settle all payments before a telex-release (the exporter’s permission to handover container to the consignee) in the port of destination. At this point the branch will have a huge advantage in the Russian market using the head office payment to delay agreements with Taiwanese and Chinese manufacturers. The Russian branch will act as a discounter in the market. Using these systemic financial and payment delay advantages the branch will be able to set lower prices and sell items much faster than others. Taking into account that the delivery time from Taiwan to Moscow is typically one month and the normal payment delay usually takes two to three months, the branch will be able to receive goods, sell them, and send money back to head office account within only three months. In the ideal scenario capital investments will not be needed at all to purchase goods from the manufacturer. 3. Sourcing the right suppliers. This is one of the most complicated processes for domestic importers. However, for the benefit of the branch this function will be done by the head office which will have a better performance in this capacity than any supply chain department of a Russian domestic company. Why do we need to penetrate the Russian market today? Despite the current Russian economic crisis there are a number of reasons why now is the time to penetrate the Russian market. 1. The financial and payment delay advantages mentioned above will allow us to successfully compete with domestic Russian importers. 2. The market structure is much more attractive nowadays than in the previous years. Approximately 80 percent of sales in the industry are made by several major Internet shops. These companies became market leaders in B to C sales due to Internet technology breakthroughs and strong company-owned distribution branches in Russian regions with main warehouses located in Moscow. Using online stores as the key means of customer outreach, we will not need to have a marketing department nor build our own distribution network to deal with many clients. A small number of major customers will allow us to cut our operational costs and become an industry discounter. Moreover, it will allow us grow faster than traditional business models in the industry wherein the importer has to expand its customers database when searching for local wholesalers in the regions. 3. The considerable aggregate experience of the Spare-Parts Zone team in Taiwan and Russia should be able to gain a synergy effect in a short run. At the beginning stage we will not need to find new team members or teach them how to start the business. All the international cooperation advantages mentioned above will bear fruit only if the Russian branch is able to run the business in an appropriate way to achieve the project’s goals. The performance of the Russian branch will have the same influence on the business as the head office has. Therefore, the purpose of this business plan is to create a strong business model based on the international cooperation that leverages the performance of the each side.

摘要 論文名稱: 生產力4.0下台灣航運企業策略轉型之研究 校所別: 國立政治大學商學院 經營管理碩士學程 頁數: 100 畢業時間: 一百零四學年度 第二學期 學位: 碩士 研究生: 邱昆雄 指導教授: 季延平 工業4.0自2011年在工業大國德國漢諾威工業展(EMO)被提出，就如火如荼地全球蔓延發展，不僅促進工業、生產觀念的進化，更帶動全球各產業的積極落實。 海運業在此潮流下扮演如何角色，雖然不是相關生產產品的變化，但也隨著全球物流網的建構及人類生活方式的轉變，而勢必會改變其經營模式及作業型態。有鑑於此以”A”公司為例作為如何創新轉型的研究以期能與時俱進，突破傳統航運業的經營瓶頸而能在工業4.0風潮帶動之下，使公司企業更能符合趨勢所求得以永續經營之出路。

過去幾十年，台灣的經濟發展為最著名的紀錄之一。而值得注意的是，台灣從貧困的農業社會進步到富足的工業國家間快速且持續的成長造就了龐大的中產階級與公平的所得分配。另一方面，近幾年來，菲律賓穩定地成長為亞洲的一經濟力量。本文旨在探討台灣如何追求和實行「中國農村復興聯合委員會（農復會）」所強調的能力建構，並將之與目前為菲律賓經濟藍圖的《2011-2016年發展計畫（Development Plan 2011-2016）》相比較。在美國外援下，為了戰後台灣農村的重建而成立農復會。在復甦農業的同時，農復會亦間接地促進人力資源的發展與大量資本在研究與創新方面的投入，使得台灣得以從農業國家轉型為工業國家。為更加了解這些計畫，本文訪談台灣與菲律賓相關組織中直接參與計畫的領域專家。在總統大選結果出爐後，菲律賓面臨新領導人上任後可能改變的施政優先順序；藉此機會，本文企盼能夠向已知為發展台灣重要因素的特定計畫與政策學習，以供未來可能應用於菲律賓的參考。 / For the past several decades, Taiwan has experienced one of the most notable records of economic development. Its evolution from an impoverished agricultural society into a flourishing industrial country characterized by rapid and sustained growth brought about a strong middle class and equitable distribution of income has been noteworthy. On the other hand, the Philippines has steadily been making progress in becoming an economic force in Asia in the past years. This paper will look into how Taiwan pursued and underwent capacity building initiatives as highlighted in the Joint Commission on Rural Reconstruction in comparison to the Philippines’ Development Plan 2011-2016 which is currently used as an economic blueprint for the country. Funded by foreign aid from the United States, JCRR was established to focus on rural reconstruction of post-war Taiwan. In the process of rehabilitating the agricultural sector, it has also indirectly facilitated the development of its human resources and poured substantial capital on research and innovation which enabled it to transform from an agricultural to an industrial country. Interviews of subject-matter experts directly involved in the institutions driving these initiatives have also been conducted to further understand the initiatives. With the recently concluded Presidential elections in the Philippines, the country is facing a new leadership with its own set of priorities to tackle. With this opportunity, it is the intention of this paper to be able to learn specific initiatives and policies that have proven to be vital factors in the development of Taiwan for possible application to the Philippines.

The worldwide offshore wind market has been growing rapidly over the recent years and also the Taiwanese government has announced to rely more on offshore wind power as future energy source. The goal of this paper is to evaluate if an investment in offshore wind energy in Taiwan is worthwhile. This has been done by analyzing the development of the world energy market and the recent growth in renewable energies. Furthermore, the essential steps of the development of an offshore wind farm and the lifecycle were overviewed. Based on this information, together with an analysis of relevant factors regarding the development of an offshore wind farm in Taiwan, a profitability analysis was performed. Statistical data and experience from European offshore wind projects was taken as a benchmark for the calculations. The results show that despite some risk due to natural disasters and the immaturity of offshore wind industry in Taiwan, an investment in an offshore wind farm seems to be a very attractive choice under current conditions. From the two subsidy options offered by the Taiwanese government, the splitted feed-in tariff plan, with higher payments in the first 10 years and lower payments in the following 10 years, is clearly the better option for potential investors.

自一九七四年四月二十五日，葡萄牙推翻統治近五十年的軍事獨裁政權，三個月後，希臘的軍事獨裁政權遭受到同樣被推翻的命運，隨後佛朗哥獨裁統治近三十六年的西班牙亦被波及。因此，這股起自七0年代中期南歐軍事獨裁國家的民主化浪潮，形成了人類歷史上的第三波民主化浪潮。這股民主化浪潮橫過大西洋，在八0年代湧進拉丁美洲的權威統治國家，並跨越太平洋而波及東亞的非民主國家，並在九0年代衝破東歐的共黨鐵幕，最後直搗共黨國家的老大哥─蘇聯。這股民主化浪潮在十餘年間橫掃過近三十個國家，而台灣為其中之一。 台灣地區威權體制在內外環境變槍所衍生的壓力下，終於在八0年代初期出現鬆動的跡象，無法再對政治反對力量的組織化行動，探取強力的壓制措施。因此，國民黨政權對反對人士在一九八四年成立的「黨外公職人員公共政策研究會」，雖在成立初期聲稱將依法予以取締，但隨後卻與之進行溝通協商，並且政治反對人士更進一步在一九八六年九月二十八日，正式宣布成立新黨─民主進步黨，以至一九八七年的解嚴，開始了台灣地區威權體制的轉化。 雖然社會科學界有關促使台灣地區威權體制進行轉化的因素之研究，自解嚴後的進五、六年以來便開始大量出現，因此對台灣地區威權體制之特質有深一步的認識。但大多數的研究通常僅就威權體制的某單一面向進行分析與論述，因而往往割裂威權體制的功能聯結關係與轉化過程之整體性，以致無法對威權體制及其轉化過程所呈現出的社會整體現象加以掌握和解釋。因此，本文擬就歷史─結構的觀點，採取國家中心理論的研究途徑，審視國民黨掌握之國家機關其自主的取得，以及國民黨政權在理事的動態過程中，因應內外政經結構變遷所產生之需要，採取符合其威權統治之全力系統特質的合理化措施，所形成的威權體制之功能聯結關係，並以此一權威體制的功能聯結關係，來說明和解釋台灣社會的整體現象。 據此，本論文的第一章緒論，針對相關的研究途徑及文獻加以分析探討，從而建立本文的研究分析架構，而在第二、三、四、五章，分別探討台灣地區威權體制的演進，恩庇侍從關係利益中介機制的本質，物質基礎以及其運作，獨占性國家資本主義經濟體制之二分化市場結構、二元化產業政策核對美日依賴的三角循環結構，以及在國家統合主義公會支配結構下之工會組織、勞工運動的興起與消退。再第六章結論中，說明權威體制的功能聯結關係，以及因此一功能聯結關係所衍生出來的社會諸多弊端之現象，並依據台灣的政經現實環境條件，企圖指出台灣再權威體制轉化時期隻政經體制蟲見的可能方向與十件的順序步驟，希望藉此能對台灣未來的政經發展，多提供一個思考的可能方向，而有助於台灣地區合理政經體制的建立。

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