人類如何傳達訊息？如何感知世界？人類認知概念從語言形式上看到概念隱喻，看到的不只是語言現象，是概念之間的互動，諺語即為隱喻現象豐富的語言形式之一。人類面對隱喻表現時，透過隱喻機制運作，以及文化背景影響，產生概念隱喻，利於人們理解，因而有諺語的形成。 Lakoff & Turner (1989) 提及人類與動物在物種階層上是密切的。本論文將以動物為取材，透過觀察客家動物諺語之隱喻表現，探究其中動物來源域和人類目標域間的互動。然而客家諺語中的動物隱喻是如何展現與客家文化的關係，藉由多源一義、一源多義的隱喻展現，以隱喻概念為基礎之分析，同時了解文化約制。進一步，以概念隱喻機制概述客家動物諺語在人類認知中如何運作，給予人類如何理解隱喻表現更完整的解釋。 / How do people communicate? In what way do we sense the world? Conceptual metaphor embedded in many language expressions are understood through conceptual correlations. Among the many language expressions, proverbs manifest a common kind of metaphor used in our daily life. Through uncovering the cognitive mechanisms operated in the metaphor of proverbs, we understand not only the language but also cultural thoughts. This thesis investigates metaphor in Hakka animal proverbs. According to Lakoff &Turner (1989), humans and animals are highly related in species, both showing certain attributes and behaviors. Animal proverbs, often exhibiting animal attributes and behaviors, are used to carry certain social-pragmatic function of educating human beings. This study explores the conceptual metaphor of animal proverbs, generalizing the semantic features of animal source domains and the main themes of target domains. With the analysis of general patterns of the many‐sources‐to‐a‐target and a‐source‐to‐many-targets relationships of these proverbs, the study has not only shown how people understand animal metaphor in mind but also demonstrated Hakka cultural specifics in animal metaphor.

本篇論文是以宜蘭縣為範圍，討論一個具有民族特色的祭祀圈輪祀組織－－khiam，其信仰表相與民族底相。在信仰表相上，筆者透過普查方式，瞭解蘭陽平原上51間使用khiam的廟群現況與地理分布；在民族底相上，筆者透過史料蒐羅、族譜與施添福教授在《蘭陽平原的傳統聚落—理論架構與基本資料》所提供的基本資料，加上筆者田野調查所得的訪問資料，來討論一個隱性的民族：來自福建省漳州府的詔安縣客家移民，在蘭陽平原上的分布狀態。然後，再將khiam的空間分布圖、形成類型與詔安客的分布型態作一疊合比對的工作，找出khiam與詔安客的關係。最後，我們把研究場域移至台灣西部的雲林縣西螺鎮，比較蘭陽平原的khiam與西螺七khiam的在人群分布、使用語言、khiam的規模、形成與變遷以及民族認同等面相的差異，並藉由兩者的比較，來凸顯蘭陽平原khiam祭祀組織的區域特色與民族特色。 在研究方法上，我們使用了區域性普查與更深入的參與觀察，輔以文獻資料的分析比對，而有下列四個發現： （一） khiam是什麼？ khiam是一種具有民族特色的祭祀圈輪祀組織，khiam這個詞彙來自詔安客語，本義為「角落」。 （二） khiam的信仰特色 1. 廟數統計：宜蘭縣境內共48間使用khiam的廟宇，另有3間廟過去曾有過khiam，現已消失。 2. 神種統計：以三山國王（15間）佔多數，其次為三官大帝（5間）和開台國聖（5間），三山國王比例遠高於其他神種。 3. 祭典活動：多數廟宇以中元普渡作為khiam輪祀組織的主要祭典。 4. 形成類型：可分為原生型（35間）、移入型（13間）、消失型（3間）三種。 （三） khiam的區域分佈現象 以鄉鎮分，冬山鄉最多；以區域分，沿山多於沿海、溪南多於溪北，並呈現帶狀分佈與散狀分佈的現象。 （四） 詔安客的區域分佈現象 1. 詔安客分布集中於沿山地帶，且溪南多於溪北。 2. 詔安客分布的集中度以20％為界，聚落內總戶口數20％以上者為高密度分布區，20％以下者為低密度分布區。其高密度分布區集中在冬山鄉、員山鄉、礁溪鄉和壯圍鄉，以及宜蘭市與三星鄉的一小部分；姓仔底的分布區域也大致吻合高密度分布區的狀況。 （五） khiam與詔安客的關係 1. 詔安客人口比例與khiam原生型成正相關，而詔安客人口比例越低，khiam類型的變異性越高。 2. 從地理分佈來看，khiam廟群的帶狀分佈區與詔安客的高密度分佈區，兩者出現極大的重疊性。 本研究的貢獻，在於祭祀圈研究視野的擴展。透過區域研究以及民族學的角度，將過去人類學與宗教學者在祭祀圈研究上偏重信徒組織、廟際關係或儀式行為的傳統，拓展至台灣的聚落形成、民族分佈等面向。經由史料、文獻、地圖、族譜與田野調查資料的交互比對，來說明「khiam」祭祀圈組織的區域分布意義，並揭露其民族底蘊，以及蘭陽平原傳統聚落的民族樣貌。 / This thesis deals with the khiam, an ethnically distinct religious system in Yilan County. Both the religious and the ethnic aspect of the khiam are discussed. A census of fifty-one temples located on the Lanyan Plain serves my survey of the religious aspect of the khiam, which uncovers the present situation and the geographical distribution of the local temple community. On the other hand, I employ historical records, pedigrees of the local clans, materials offered by Professor Teng-fu Shih’s Traditional Villages on the Lanyan Plain: Theoretical Structure and Basic Information and information I gathered from my own oral history works as the base upon which to discuss the distribution of a “recessive” ethnic group on the Lanyan Plain, the Hakka immigrants from the Zhao’an County of the Fujian Province, China. Further comparative analyses of the geographical distribution and types of the khiam and the distribution of the Zhao’an Hakka identify the close relation between the khiam and the Zhao’an Hakka. In the last chapter of this thesis, I compare the khiam on the Lanyan Plain and that in Xiluo, a town in Yunlin County in western Taiwan. Differences in language and demographical distribution between these two ethnic groups, the formation, changes, and the scale of their khiam, and their ethnic identity all show the local and ethnic characteristics of the khiam on the Lanyan Plain. My research methods i.e. general surveys and further observations in local areas as well as analysis of historical records lead me to four discoveries: 1. What is khiam? Khiam is an ethnically distinct religious system, every sub-groups of which in turns undertakes the responsibility to preside at the annual worship ceremonies. The term khiam stemmed from the Zhao’an Hakka language, which originally means “locus.” 2. Religious characteristics of the khiam (a) Statistics of temples: There are forty-eight temples in the entire Yilan County that exercise the khiam. Besides, there are three other temples in which the khiam was once employed but is no longer performed today. (b) Statistics of deities: Sanshan guowang (三山國王) are the most worshiped deities (15 temples); Sanguan dadi (三官大帝, 5 temples) and Kaitai guosheng (開台國聖, 5 temples) come in the next place. Sanshan guowang are much more often being worshiped than other deities. (c) Ritual practices: in most temples, zhongyuan pudu (中元普渡) is considered as the major ritual of the khiam system. (d) Types of formation: there are three types of formation of the khiam i.e. the primitive type (35 temples), the immigrant type (13 temples), and the vanishing type (3 temples). 3. Local distribution of the khiam In terms of administrative divisions, there are most khiam systems in Dongshan. In terms of geographical features, more khiam systems appear in mountainous areas than in coastal areas, and more appear south than north to rivers, which, respectively, are distributed in band or are scattered. 4. Local distribution of the Zhao’an Hakka (a) The Zhao’an Hakka people are intensively distributed in areas along the mountains, and apparently more to the south of rivers. (b) Twenty-percent marks the average distributive density of Zhao’an Hakka, namely, high density areas refer to those villages in which the number of Zhao’an Hakka households is higher than 20% of the total household number. Villages in which the Zhao’an Hakka households account for less than 20% of the total number are defined as low density areas. It shows that high density areas centralize in Dongshan, Yuanshan, Jiaoxi, Zhuanwei, and a small part of Yilan City and Sanxin. Distribution in Xingzaidi also approximately coincides with the distribution of high density areas. 5. The relationship between the khiam and Zhao’an Hakka (a) The primitive type of the khiam is positively interrelated to the population of Zhao’an Hakka. The lower the population density of the Zhao’an Hakka is, the greater is the variation in the types of the khiam. (b) In terms of geographical distribution, the banding distribution of khiam temple community largely overlaps the high density Zhao’an Hakka areas. This research, I wish, may contribute to broaden the vision of researches on religious spheres. Anthropologists and religion researchers have been placing disciple organizations, inter-temple relations, or traditions of ritual practices in the centrality of religious sphere research. Nonetheless, my adoption of ethnological methods and local studies in this thesis may push the discipline to probe into its other aspects such as the formation of villages in Taiwan and the distribution of ethnic groups. By means of cross comparison of historical records, documentations, maps, pedigrees, and fieldwork data, I attempt not only to clarify the local distribution of the khiam system but also disclose the substantiality of this ethnic group, and the cultural features of the traditional villages on the Lanyan Plain.

〈渡子歌〉目前仍流傳於台灣北部客家聚落，為客家山歌中的一首長歌，其內容描寫母親撫育小孩的艱辛，目的則在勸人行孝。本論文根據所收集的十三個異本，除前言和結語外，共分五個章節討論，分別為「緒論」、「〈渡子歌〉考校」、「〈渡子歌〉的淵源」、「〈渡子歌〉的語言藝術」和「〈渡子歌〉的文學內涵與文化詮釋」。 　　本文在緒論部分簡單介紹了客家的歷史、文化、社會以及台灣的客家山歌和四縣客家話。而在第二章則比較了十三個異本的異同，並選擇一個討論本加以標音和校釋，做為往後各章節討論的基礎，同時交代〈渡子歌〉演唱的方式。 第三章探討〈渡子歌〉的淵源。本章分別從台灣北部客家山歌的演變及民間孝道文學的傳承兩方面討論〈渡子歌〉形成的脈絡。第四章從「語言旋律」和「語言技巧」兩方面討論〈渡子歌〉的語言藝術。第五章探討〈渡子歌〉的文學內涵與文化詮釋。在文學內涵方面，分別就「內容分析」、「敘事手法」、「主題思想」三部分討論；而在文化詮釋方面，則從「流傳的時代背景」、「反映的社會意義」、「女性在傳統客家家庭的地位」三部分探討。 前言 01 第一章 緒論 第一節 客家的歷史、文化、社會 05 第二節 台灣客家山歌簡介 09 第三節 四縣客家話 12 第二章 〈渡子歌〉考校 第一節 異本的比較 15 第二節 標音與校釋 43 第三節 演唱的方式 54 第三章 〈渡子歌〉的淵源 第一節 台灣北部客家山歌的演變 57 一、〈十想度子歌〉〈十報父母恩〉 57 二、〈勸世人〉 67 三、〈勸孝歌〉 68 四、小結 90 第二節 民間孝道文學的傳承 91 一、敦煌孝道歌讚及講經文 91 二、寶卷 111 三、佛曲 119 四、小結 129 第四章 〈渡子歌〉的語言藝術 第一節 〈渡子歌〉的語言旋律 131 一、聲調的組合 132 二、韻腳的安排 140 三、語言的長度 145 第二節 〈渡子歌〉的語言技巧 148 一、生動的修辭方式 148 二、特殊的方言辭彙 153 三、自由的虛字襯字 158 四、民俗諺語的融入 161 第五章 〈渡子歌〉的文學內涵與文化詮釋 第一節 〈渡子歌〉的文學內涵 165 一、〈渡子歌〉的內容分析 166 二、〈渡子歌〉的敘事手法 172 三、〈渡子歌〉的主題思想 177 第二節 〈渡子歌〉的文化詮釋 184 一、流傳的時代背景 184 二、反映的社會意義 186 三、女性在傳統客家家庭的地位 190 結語 197 主要參考資料 201 附錄一 215 附錄二 219

談到族群形象，每個人都抱持對該特定族群的既有框架，也就是刻板印象。Walter Lippmann(1922)在《輿論》中認為刻板印象之所以產生，在於人類認知過程有限，以及受到人們的文化所界定，僅能對真實世界做部分挑選，而形成不完整與不精確的圖像，而這些刻板印象往往是受到不輕易改變的信念所支持。 媒體被認為是反映真實(reality)世界符號的工具，於是有媒體再現；而掌握媒體者，在再現的過程中扮演主導與過濾的角色。身為閱聽眾，從他人的框架看世界，限縮自己對各種事物發展的可能性，當然也可能會產生偏差。 本研究即透過內容分析了解由客家委員會委託八大電視台製播之《感動石客》中所呈現的客家形象，其中形象的探究分為傳統文化、族群特質、族群關係與當代生活四個部分；以及探討於宣導節目中如何置入、呈現文化。 研究發現《感動石客》大量使用當代、創新的表現方式改變舊有客家印象，例如新科技與新音樂形式；也持續強化既有的客家族群正面文化特質，如硬頸、勤儉、不忘本等。此外，也以紀錄片方式執行政府宣導影片，故事化客家族群，並持續落實族群融合。 對製播電視公司的建議是：主題分類更明確，「小題大作」聚焦報導，呈現深度以突顯特色。並透過「說故事」增加閱聽眾黏著度，更可以幫助老題材切入新角度。 對未來客家文化置入節目的建議，除了風情文化外，更可結合行政管理層頂客家相關政策宣導，以及增加非客籍受訪者以多元呈現客家文化所向披靡的之成效。

本研究透過文獻分析法、參與觀察法、深度訪談，嘗試理解目前以文化經濟作為治理與地方發展的臺北客家義民嘉年華中，如何進行客家認同的打造，並與1980年代他者建構的客家認同有何不同。而本文理論視角強調該族群節慶如何透過文化經濟模式，進行治理、地方發展，與客家認同的建構。 研究分析指出以下四點：第一、藉由行動者間的治理關係分析，第三部門的行動者在對公部門與私部門具有曖昧的關係，從中顯示了資源的進入與領導權的爭奪，造成關係的質變；第二、透過Ray文化經濟四模式分析地方發展模式，文化展演將臺北客家義民嘉年華展現客家為兼容的「多元」文化、「殊異」於現代都會的文化慶典，成為擴大非客家族群參與的策略；第三、本研究特殊在於，透過區分對內部行動者與對外非客家族群，不同對象的地方認同上具有不同的指涉與操演。如內部行動者涉及原鄉與臺北的地方認同，而對非客家族群，則是將臺北形塑為「多元族群融合」的地方，以啟動其地方認同；第四、在這樣地方認同的操演機制下，透過節慶，乃是建構義民爺代表的忠勇精神作為客家精神與文化傳承的族群形象。 / By conducting document analysis, participant observation, and in-depth interviews, this thesis focuses on the context where cultural economy serves as governance and local development. This study analyes the formation of Hakka identity in the cultural economy of Taipei Hakka Yimin Festival which is different from that in 1980s. The main findings of this thesis center on the following: Firstly, from the perspective of “governance”, due to resources and competition for leadership, the relationships among third sector, public sector, private sector are ambiguous. Secondly, using the four models of cultural economy from Ray to analyze local development, this study identifies that cultural performance is used to construct Taipei Hakka Yimin Festival as a multi-culture which shows compatible of Hakka culture and a festival which is distinct from modern city. And using these features to attract participation of non-Hakka. Thirdly, through distinguishing insider of actors and outsider of non-Hakka, there have different place identity logic to different target. To insider, place identity refers to hometown and Taipei place identity. To outsider, by constructing Taipei as a multi ethnic city is a way to active place identity. Lastly, in demonstration of place identity, the festival is used to build an ethic image which implies the spirit of Yimin as brave and loyalty are seen as Hakka spirit and cultural heritage.

本論文研究「客家電視作為我國第一家由政府出資設立的族群電視，它的成立背景有何歷史結構因素交雜其間？也就是在台灣的社會脈絡下，設立族群媒體是為了撥正主流社會價值觀的偏差？抑或僅是一個政治性考量？而在客家電視建台完成後，又應如何思考以開放性的文化認同，建構多元平等的公共空間？」 透過史料文獻分析、深度訪談六位曾參與規劃建置客家電視的相關人員，以釐清客家電視的生成脈絡。同時本研究也援引雷蒙‧威廉士(Raymond Williams)的「節目編排：分佈與流程」的概念，分析客家電視台的節目編排策略；並輔以考察國外族群電視個案，指出客家電視所面臨的困境，以及提供參考建議。 研究發現，客家族群1980年代後期以降的社運訴求，成為陳水扁在2000年的競選承諾之一，具體展現為客家電視在2003年7月1日開台。但陳的客家政策白皮書明訂：客語頻道開播五年後，政府將不再編列預算補助，由頻道自負盈虧。這也造成客家電視初期是以標案方式委託民間媒體營運。「一年一標」的招標方式，不論是在法規、經費、人力配置上都有重大瑕疵。本研究因而認為，民進黨最初為選票訴求而承諾與創設，惟若無後續改革，客家族群電視促進多元文化發展的成效將極為有限。 2007年1月客家電視加入台灣公廣集團(TBS)運作後，客家電視台的節目製播內容已有改變。研究發現，晚間七點播出的【暗夜新聞】的整體流程編排，企圖呈現一種以客家人角度看世界的新聞意象。然而客家電視在經費來源、法制未明的狀況下，未來的發展仍有變數；另一方面，在客家電視也應去思考頻道本身的調性定位問題。

至今成立六年的「客家電視台」是國內第一個以全客語方式露出新聞暨節目內容之族群頻道；而依據「無線電視事業公股處理條例」修正案第十四條第八項之規定：客家電視台目前是以「標案」性質加入公廣集團，成為兼具公共價值與族群特性的電視頻道。 　　面對商業媒體的競爭環境，國內公共族群頻道的新聞暨節目收視率普遍偏低而，但單以收視率論斷族群頻道是否發揮應有功能不盡公允；另一方面，從少數族群的角度觀之，「多元化」的理念似不足以發揮保障弱勢權益的功能，而必須更進一步的發展「多元文化」的觀點，才能從媒介頻道、所有權、聘雇權、以及內容表現各層面落實對於弱勢族群的保障。換言之，依平等競爭的傳統個人自由主義觀點，卻忽略少數族群缺乏社會資源及立足點不平等，且無平等競爭之機會而生成之多元化概念，實難落實平等之社會參與機會。 　　本研究援引客家暗夜新聞為例，以內容分析法檢視其「多元文化」概念新聞之呈現。結果發現：加入公廣前後期間，無論是在多元文化新聞呈現比例（報導數量）、多元文化團體（如新移民族群、兒少團體等報導主角），甚至是報導類型（如純新聞、專題、深度報導等）都達顯著差異，顯示客家電視頻道逐漸自我形塑成以多元文化價值為內涵之族群頻道；然而，其新聞內容之嚴謹度表現仍有努力的空間。 / Been established in 2003,the Hakka TV station is the first ethnic TV channel broadcasting by the entire hakka language in Taiwan. 　Facing commercial competition environment, it is unfair to judge and evaluate an ethnic TV channel by TV ratio. Standing on the viewpoint of minority , the most important is “multiculturalism” instead of “pluralism” , to protect their right to access to the public. 　Hakka TV joined in Taiwan Broadcasting System (TBS) in 2007, researcher takes the “Hakka night news” as samples from 2005 to 2008; methods employed by this paper include literature review, and content analysis. It concludes that no matter on the proportion in the multicultural news , or on multicultural association (for example “new immigration group”, “disabled group” ,and so on) , even on the types of reports, the results obtained statistically significant by this research . 　It seems that the Hakka TV channel steps towards a multicultural model gradually . However, there still is a space to make it more specific and exact on their news content.

本研究關注民進黨在執政時期,實施的客家政策，與政策產出系統與客家族群之間的連結關係。在理論層面，本研究援引T.B.Smith的「政策執行力模式」的架構，檢証民進黨政府客家政策，提出兩個論點：第一、民進黨客家政策的規劃概念，主要來自「客家文化運動」時提出的宣言，符合T.B.Smith在「政策執行力模式」架構強調政策產出的初始動機，來自於社會民眾對現狀不滿而引發的情緒張力；第二、民進黨政府在客家政策實行後，得到客家族群在選舉上的支持，說明「政策執行力模式」架構中，政策執行的結果會「回饋」至政策產出系統。透過深度訪談與選舉結果的分析，本研究發現民進黨客家政策展現四大政治果效：一、「顯化」客家族群認同與「深化」族群意識，使客家民眾對自我族群身分在認同強度上的改變。二、客家政策的實施，使民進黨逐漸獲得客家群眾的支持與認同。三、拉引客家族群中，原先政黨認同程度較低、政治冷漠的「隱性」游離份子，對於其政治參與行為有所提升。四、客家政策的實施，使客家族群的「文化意識」覺醒，訴求政府對少數族群文化的保存，提出制度性的保障。

基於保障少數族群傳播權益的理念下，全球第一家客家電視台於2003年七月一日成立後，經一年半的歷程中，有需要了解到底哪樣的人在收看客家電視？本研究旨在利用收視率的分析，勾勒客家電視台核心觀眾輪廓並探其變化。 本研究的主要目的 （一）依據特定人口學變項,勾勒客家電視台核心觀眾的基本輪廓。 （二）分析客家電視台核心觀眾在六季、週間、假日收視行為變化。 （三）以戲劇、綜藝、新聞類核心節目中，針對觀眾收視行為分析。 研究結果發現 1.客家電視台在整體收視以及六季收視變化，呈現出一樣的核心觀眾輪廓：「男性50歲以上」，「小學或以下」、「退休或無業」、「桃竹苗地區」、「常說客語族群」。 2.客家電視台週間假日收視情形，男性收視略優於女性收視率，女性在週間晚間八點到十點間收視率為一天之最，週間假日以50歲以上為主要收視群，其次為35-49歲的觀眾。 3.週間假日觀眾教育程度幾乎落在小學以下有較高的收視率，其次是國/初中，「工作狀況」來區分觀眾收視率情形，以無業退休較居高，家庭主婦其次。 4. 週間假日觀眾收視差異：假日時段整體收視表現較週間高，平均假日收視率是週間兩倍。收視波段在週間呈現多段的收視高峰，而在假日則是明顯以早、中、晚三波段的收視高峰呈現。 5. 週間假日觀眾收視差異：假日早上高峰時段，皆較週間往後推移一個小時，週間晚間收視高峰可以持續到晚上11點，而假日收視高峰在9點以後急速下降。 6.在核心節目觀眾的性別輪廓，戲劇類的「油桐花之戀」節目，較受女性觀眾青睞，綜藝類「鬧熱打擂台」、新聞類節目「非常短評」的收視觀眾性別，男性高於女性收視率。 7.在核心節目觀眾的年齡輪廓，戲劇類的「油桐花之戀」有年輕化趨勢，35-49歲女性人口收視率具可塑性。綜藝節目「鬧熱打擂台」、新聞類節目「非常短評」觀眾的年齡落在50歲以上男性女性為主要觀眾。 8.在核心節目觀眾的教育程度，新聞類節目「非常短評」以大專以上人口收視為多，綜藝類「鬧熱打擂台」、戲劇節目「油桐花之戀」的觀眾以小學以下和國初中為主要收視群。 / In compliance with the ideal as to safeguard the broadcasting rights for the ethnic minorities in Taiwan, a Hakka TV station, the first of its kind in the world, was founded on July 1, 2003. Since its inception one and a half year ago, however, people know little about the majority of its audience and whether its programs have met the requirements of Hakka community. This study has, through analysis of rating and reception quality, come up with a profile of Hakka TV station’s core audience as well as its audience flow. Upon comparison with that of the target audience, the data has provided Hakka TV station a vaulable reference tool for improvement in its future program productions. This study has managed to : 1.Work out a profile of the core audience of Hakka TV station. 2.Define how the profile of core audience of Hakka TV station changes with viewing time (segments of the day, seasons of the year, etc.) Discussions on the difference between them and audience flow have also been held. 3.Analyze the profile of core audience of the most popular programs in each season. Explore their difference as well as audience flow. Analysis was done through discussion on varied theories, documents and academic works , supplemented by data and information gathered from Hakka TV station itself. The secondary analysis was based on rating surveys by some broadcaster groups and on reception quality surveys conducted by market survey companies in their hometowns. These survey shows that the core audience of Hakka TV station during the 1-1/2 year period following its establishment had a profile as follows: male over 50 years of age (54%); with primary educational level or lower (49%); retired or unemployed (36%); living in the counties of Taoyuan, Xinzhu and Miaoli (46%); ethnic group speaking Hakka dialect frequently (44%). The definition of audience ’ speaking Hakka dialect frequently’ can be interpreted as that Hakka dialect has been their mother tongue. In a sense, dialect the audience use is considered the most important contributory factor to the core audience of Hakka TV station.

本研究以新竹縣尖石鄉前山地區的旮旯牌與尖石兩個客家聚落的經濟活動為研究範疇，藉由史料爬梳與深度訪談建構兩個移居聚落的形成過程、產業類型及社會關係網絡的樣貌，細緻地討論兩者的經濟活動如何運作，並於原鄉經濟發展的不同階段中扮演角色；同時，運用鑲嵌理論討論經濟活動與社會關係如何交織互動。本研究有三個主要的研究發現：一、在平地人無法輕易取得原鄉土地所有權的情況下，地權狀態與地理區位對於移居聚落的經濟活動與社會關係形塑具有決定性影響；二、不同時期出現的平地人聚落處在原鄉經濟發展的不同位階上，從早期作為泰雅族人的佃農與第一線山林資源採伐的勞動者，轉變為平地商品與山林產物交換的中介者；三、Polanyi與Granovetter對於經濟與社會鑲嵌的討論，提供本文不同的觀察尺度來解釋兩聚落中出現的不同鑲嵌型態；此外，本研究以兩個聚落雜貨店交換行為為例，指出經濟活動的「鑲嵌標的」，以及作為「交換媒介的物品特質」皆可成為觀察鑲嵌性質的指標。整體而言，本文突破以原（被剝削者）漢（剝削者）的二元架構來解釋原鄉中經濟關係的討論模式，並對鑲嵌理論的實際運用提出新的思考方向。 / This study focuses on the economic activities of Ga La Pai Community and Jian Shi Community in the front-mountain area of Jianshi Township, Hsinchu County. Adopting the methods of literature review and in-depth interview, this study retraces the history of the forming of these two communities, explores the industries and social relationships within, reveals how their economic activities operated, and the roles they played in different development stages of this region. Base on the concept of embeddedness, this study also discusses the role of social relations in economic activities. There are three main findings in this study. First, the land tenure and location of settlement area have significant impacts on the residents’ economic activities and social relations. Second, non-indigenous settlement are in different stratums of indigenous economy in different periods. They were at once peasants of Tayal people and workers of forest logging, but later they transformed into agents for the exchanges of forest products and commodities from urban area. Third, the different concerns of embeddedness from Karl Polanyi and Mark Granovetter provide multiple scales of view to approach several types of embeddedness occurred in each community. Besides, the comparison of exchange systems between two grocery shops respectively from Ga La Pai Community and Jian Shi Community points out that both of “the subject of embeddedness” and “the nature of medium for exchange” can be the indexes reflecting the characteristics of embeddedness. In general, this study makes a breakthrough in elaborating the roles of non-indigenous in indigenous economy other than the “Han-Chinese (exploiter)/ indigenous people (exploited)” dichotomy. Furthermore, this study makes additional remarks to the concept of embeddedness after practice case studies.