北韓研發核武與彈道飛彈對東北亞區域安全造成嚴重衝擊，自1994年以來的北韓核武危機至今仍未獲得解決。在2002年北韓承認持續發展核武後，中共在核武危機中擔任調解人的角色，分別舉行了「三方會談」以及六輪「六方會談」。中共希望透過多邊主義中的談判方式，和平地解決北韓核武發展問題，並提高自身在朝鮮半島議題上以及國際社會中的影響力。但北韓至今仍未放棄核武發展，且從2006年以來一連串的核子試爆、長程火箭與飛彈試射使東北亞安全情勢極度惡化。 平心而論，中共目前是世界上對北韓影響力最大的國家。除了因為韓戰所建立的傳統「血盟關係」，以及在1961年兩國之間所締結之「中朝友好合作互助條約」之外，近年來，中共也提供北韓大量的經濟援助，包括糧食、重油與其他的戰略性物資。但北韓自2006年以來的彈道飛彈試射與地下核武試爆，確實已經對中共的國家安全造成嚴重威脅。北韓研發核武的問題若不解決，將會動搖現行「核不擴散」機制的權威與可信度，甚至造成東北亞區域各國，例如日本、韓國，甚至台灣競相研發核武的可能性，進而引發區域軍備競賽與核武擴散，對中共的國家安全造成損害。其次為北韓研發核武若引起美國的軍事先制攻擊，其難民問題對中共東北邊境所造成的威脅。最後則是北韓的核武研發與常規軍力對中共所造成的直接威脅。此外，北韓研發核武也對中共在於1996年出台之「新安全觀」造成衝擊，尤其中共官方在未來評估東北亞區域安全問題時，勢必將對「新安全觀」作一定程度的修正。在中共的綜合國力以及在亞太地區影響力不斷提升的前提下，中共將藉由北韓這根國際政治權力槓桿，與美國共同形塑未來朝鮮半島的全新權力格局。本研究即欲探討做為北韓傳統支持者與核武危機調停者的中共，如何處理北韓研發核武對其國家安全所造成之威脅。 關鍵詞：中共、朝鮮半島、北韓核武危機、新安全觀、彈道飛彈、軍備競賽 / North Korea developed nuclear weapons and ballistic missiles pose a serious impact on Northeast Asia, since 1994 the North Korean nuclear crisis has yet to be resolved. North Korea admitted in 2002, continued to develop nuclear weapons, PRC in the nuclear crisis as a mediator, were held “tripartite talks” and “six-party talks.”PRC hopes of multilateralism in the negotiation and peaceful resolution of North Korea's nuclear issue and improve their own issues on the Korean peninsula and the international community's influence. But North Korea has yet to give up nuclear weapons development and since 2006 a series of nuclear tests, long-range rocket and ballistic missile launch to worsen the security situation in Northeast Asia. In all fairness, the PRC is currently the world's greatest influence on North Korea's state. Apart from the tradition established by the Korean War "clan relations", as well as between the two countries in 1961, concluded the “Sino-Korean friendship and cooperation treaty”, the recent years, and that China provides North Korea substantial economic aid, including food, heavy oil and other strategic materials. But North Korea since 2006 ballistic missile and nuclear test pose a serious threat to national security of PRC. This study anticipates exploring the trend and change of the Korean Peninsula Policy and New Security Concept of PRC. The main research goal: to discuss North Korea`s traditional supporter and mediator, PRC, and how to handle North Korea's development of nuclear weapons posed to their own national security threats. Keyword: PRC, Korean Peninsula, North Korea Nuclear Crisis, New Security Concept, Ballistic Missiles, the Arms Race.

台灣位居西太平洋第一島鏈中央地帶，地處遠東至北美航線的樞紐，扼控台灣海洋、巴士海峽及鄰近太平洋海域，為太平洋與印度洋之間聯絡要道，故其地理位置與戰略地位相當重要。由此特性來看，台灣的國家安全與海洋是密切相關的，其作為重要緩衝空間，是維護國家安全的屏障和門戶。 台灣擁有豐富的海洋資源，對於海洋資源的合理開發與相關海域的有效管理，關係著台灣的生存、安全與發展。尤其我國屬海洋國家，數十年來倚賴全球性的海上貿易，創造了蓬勃的經濟發展，並藉此擴大國際活動空間，與世界各國建立了實質的經貿關係；其中，進出口貨物絕大多數是透過海上的交通線來進行，因此海上的交通線堪稱「生命線」。不論是平時或戰時，維持這條生命線的暢通，不僅是保護我國的生存空間，同時也是維護全球經貿所必須。 有關海洋事務除海軍外，行政院海岸巡防署亦為一重要力量，海岸巡防署自2000年1月28日成立以來，以現有的人力約21,453人，各式巡防艦艇160餘艘，岸際雷達77座；平時除擔任海岸管制區之管制、防止滲透及槍毒走私、防疫等攸關國家安全事項，戰時則依據「國防法」及「行政院海岸巡防署組織法」規定，依行政命令納入國防軍事作戰體系；另自「911事件」後，為維護我國海域、海岸安全，依行政院反恐怖行動小組指示，協力執行反制海上及漁港船舶遭受劫持或破壞等恐怖攻擊事件。 2008年馬英九先生當選總統，在海洋政策領域中提出了「藍色革命、海洋興國」的口號與願景，欲成立海洋事務部，雖是根本解決之道，由於海洋事務範圍廣泛，涉及機關眾多，為避免現行各部會反彈，採循序漸進的可行方式，而先成立「海洋事務委員會」之協調規劃機關，共同與各相關部會推動海洋事務工作。期能匯集國力，維護海洋權益，加強海域防衛能量，以遏止海上威脅，確保國家安全。 / Geographically located at the central area of the first island chain of Western Pacific Ocean, Taiwan is regarded as the pivotal point of the navigation from Far East to Northern America as well as the channel linking the Pacific Ocean with Indian Ocean, holding the reins of Bashi Channel, the sea surrounding Taiwan and the neighboring Pacific Ocean, all of which manifest itself as one significant role geographically and strategically. Viewed from this perspective, the development of marine affairs in Taiwan not only has a close correlation with the maritime law enforcement, but serves as a valve to the national security also. The appropriate advances of marine resources and efficient management of neighboring sea areas has proven very important for the security and development of Taiwan, a country blessed with rich and diverse marine resources. Over the past decades, Taiwan’s economy has relied heavily on international marine commerce, creating prosperous economic developments and thereby expanding its space on the international arena through the economic and financial links with other countries. Most of these exports and imports have transported through sea, hence the marine transportation should be seen as the line of life and should be kept workable at the period of peace as well as at wartime, in order to protect the status of Taiwan and maintain the economic and financial pulses all over the globe. Apart from the Navy, Coast Guard Administration, Executive Yuan (shortened as Coast Guard) has been an essential source of power in addressing marine affairs. Founded on January 28, 2000, Coast Guard is currently staffed with 21,453 persons, equipped with more than 160 patrol frigates and 77 coastal radars. Coast Guard takes charge of coastal-area regulation tasks and national safety matters including preventing the smuggling of guns、 drugs and curbing epidemic spread in the time of peace. During the period of war, Coast Guard shall be integrated into the military defense system according to the decrees from the National Defense Law and the Institutional Regulations of Coast Guard Administration. After the 911 incident, Coast Guard has cooperated in counterattacking the terror attacks such as hijacking or destruction of boats or vessels at sea or near fishing ports in accordance with the anti-terror team of Executive Yuan, so as to protect the national security of our coast and sea areas. As Ma Ying-jeou was elected as President in 2008, he proposed a vision with the campaign slogan of “Blue Revolution, Ocean Nation”, promising to establish Maritime Affairs Ministry. Although such ministry might be the solution for creating an ocean country, but due to the diversity of marine affairs, which involve a wide range of government institutions and agencies; what is more, probable protests may arise from existing government offices. Therefore, in order to conduct such relevant maritime affairs, the establishment of “Maritime Affairs Committee” is to act as ccoordinated institution across departments and offices. We hope to maintain our marine rights, strengthen marine defense capabilities and gather our national momentum so that marine threats can be contained while national security can be preserved.

葉門共和國(Republic of Yemen)位在亞歐非三大洲交界地帶，不論在軍事、交通、經濟等方面扮演相當重要角色，身為產油國但卻是世界最貧窮的國家之一。除內政、經濟危機外，還需面臨內部叛亂團體和恐怖主義組織等問題，這些都成為其國家安全威脅主要來源。九一一事件發生後，跨國性恐怖主義問題更成為美葉之間安全合作關係之主軸。 本文以結構現實主義理論為基礎架構，分析美國與葉門反恐安全合作關係之背景、發展過程及內容，並探討該二國外交政策及其合作關係對國際社會之影響。

在2002年朝核危機引發後，中共居中折衝尊俎，舉辦「三方會談」及數輪「六方會談」，使朝核危機相關諸國得以齊聚北京協商處理朝核問題，揭開朝鮮半島歷史之新頁。中共雖非當事國，然涉入與影響之程度均較前次危機為深，其政策及角色皆有研究之必要。「新安全觀」提出迄今已近十年，做為中共國際關係的「理論」，直接指導其外交政策，其意涵著重於與冷戰思維的差異，以「互信、互利、平等、協作」及對「非傳統安全」的關照為其理論核心，在實踐上則以多邊安全合作為最要，而近歲於朝鮮半島發展之多邊安全合作正為「六方會談」。是故，本論文冀望能從「新安全觀」意涵在「六方會談」的實踐與挑戰，探析中共朝鮮半島政策之走向。主要的研究目的包括：（一）詮釋中共「新安全觀」的動機與意涵；（二）具體呈現中共與各國在朝核問題的立場及互動作為；（三）評估「新安全觀」在「六方會談」中的實踐與挑戰，並分析其朝鮮半島政策取向。 / 「新安全觀」在「六方會談」中體現於以下幾項作為：（一）穿梭籌辦歷輪會談；（二）戮力於會談制度化；（三）保障參與各方權益。然而，「新安全觀」同時也面臨許多挑戰，最值得關切者有冷戰時期所遺留下來的軍事同盟、朝核危機當事兩國的立場分歧、「中國威脅論」的陰影等。大體上，中共對於朝核問題的政策立場有三：（一）朝鮮半島非核化；（二）區域的和平與穩定；（三）以外交談判解決。此外，還強調在解決朝核問題的同時，必須照顧到北韓的生存利益，而為因應諸多挑戰，中共的朝鮮半島政策可能將朝以下方向發展：（一）擴大多邊安全合作；（二）鞏固大國共同利益；（三）強化南韓合作關係；（四）引導北韓經濟改革。因此，就現階段政策取向而言，中共應會並用多邊與雙邊外交途徑，在朝鮮半島持續勸和促談，扮演多重建設性角色，而「新安全觀」若要被徹底落實，將取決於中共的國家利益能否持續與「新安全觀」所訴諸的理念相結合。 / This study anticipates exploring the trend of the Korean Peninsula Policy of China by understanding the implementation and challenge of New Security Concept (NSC) in the Six-Party Talks. The main research goal includes: to interpret the motivation and meaning of NSC, to present China’s position and behavior with other nations in terms of 2002 North Korea nuclear issue, and to evaluate the practice and challenge of NSC in Six-Party Talks. In the past rounds, NSC has been embodied in holding meetings, endeavoring to institutionalize, and ensuring the right and interest of all participants. Even so, NSC has been confronted some challenge in the meantime; embracing the military alliances remained from the cold war era, the gap between North Korea and United States, and so-called “China Threat.” / Briefly speaking, China has three positions in 2002 North Korea Nuclear Crisis: Denuclearization, peace and stability, and solutions through the negotiation in Korean Peninsula. China also emphasizes that every decision dealing with the crisis should be given consideration to North Korea’s interest. It is highly likely to blossom into what follows for the sake of replying these challenges: To extend multilateral corporation, to consolidate the common interest with other powers, to strengthen the relation with South Korea, and to guide North Korea to reform its economy. Therefore, China might use multilateral and bilateral approach simultaneously; continue to mediate and to play a multiple role in the constructive way. The further implementation of NSC depends on the extent of combining with China’s national interest and the ideal of NSC.

本論文的研究主體為文化衝突與適應，並以伊甸基金會作為主要觀察對象，故研究主軸便是自伊甸基金會的服務過程中，來探討組織與其服務對象在面對文化衝突時的適應情形。伊甸的文化衝突問題，又可以其服務據點分為海外與國內兩個案例。海外的部分則以2005年在泰國蘭塔島成立的分會為例，國內的部分則以志工發展中心為例。這兩者分別突出文化元素中，語言和宗教的重要性。伊甸在蘭塔的服務過程裡所遭遇的文化衝突問題，分別自語言困境、宗教差異與民情步調三方面切入。結果顯示服務過程裡的困境與文化差異所造成的衝突，其實是一而二二而一的問題。志工發展中心是伊甸最具基督教色彩之中心，且中心同工又是志工主要的接觸對象，故基督教與同工志工的關係便更顯重要。結果顯示一個人接觸宗教的環境與時間，是決定其對該宗教態度的關鍵。同工宣揚福音的態度與方式，以及志工本身對宗教信仰的看法，也都影響志工對基督教的接受程度。最後回歸到文化衝突現象的分析，並以此呼應文化變遷理論與文化間傳播。得知衝突的形成難以簡單歸納至單一因素上，其背後往往藏有許多複雜的緣由。是否能達成跨文化適應，就得看能否找出形成衝突的原因。

This thesis is a compilation of ethnographic narrative and ethnohistorical research in the form of a case study of the Bunun people of the Laipunuk geographic region of Taiwan. The research encompasses the life experiences of three members of the Istanda family, with cross verification of narrative history from extant documentation where possible. Informants were videotaped, audio taped, and where not possible, extensive and detailed notes were taken. Some informants also served as translators for others; one particularly valuable source is conversant in the Bunun language, Japanese, Chinese, and English, providing invaluable material and insight. This report begins with an overview of indigenous peoples, their prehistory, and their relationship with the greater Austronesian culture. This is followed by a brief survey of each indigenous culture’s social organization, with emphasis on the Bunun. Included is a political survey of major transformational and developmental periods in Taiwan’s history, beginning with the Dutch East India Company period, and ending with the modern Democratic Reform period. I have concluded, based on my extensive work with these indigenous peoples and my examination of available historical documentation, that Taiwan’s indigenous people have endured constant pressure from external forces and, as a direct result, have undergone acute social and cultural degradation from the loss of their native homelands. Nevertheless, vast knowledge is still available from elderly informants born into a relatively pristine Bunun culture. This knowledge contributes to the field of Taiwan Studies by providing an objective survey across the history of Taiwan’s indigenous peoples, offering a view through a previously closed window into the richness of Taiwan’s full history. It is recommended that such studies continue and expand. Key words: Bunun, Laipunuk, Austronesian, Taiwan, ethnohistorical, indigenous

林憲德等人於1999年提出台北夏季午夜之都市熱島強度為4.5℃，至2012年簡子翔等人所提出夏季白天最大熱島強度6.18℃、午夜4.38℃，可以發現台北市的高溫化現象並未有顯著的差異，甚至還新增加了多個新興熱區。 本研究以健康新城為研究對象，以實測方式、CFD電腦模擬方法，釐清社區建築環繞下，社區內的高溫化現象，並與社區外的街道環境比較溫度差異，評估熱舒適性。研究結果顯示，建築環繞下的社區內部(社區中庭)，在日落後的確有高溫化現象，白天時則會因為各社區的遮蔽條件、綠化條件不同，而有不同程度的差別。而模擬結果亦顯示，社區開口條件、通風道配置不同，也會影響社區中庭與外部周邊街道環境之舒適性差異。 建議未來社區的建築規劃設計，除了增加綠化措施之外，尚能適度增加開放空間，增加通風性能；而公部門在訂定法定容積時，應考量都市環境因素(增加遮蔽、通風)，酌以調整已達優良的都市實質環境。 / According to Urban Heat Island’s studies by Lin et al. (1999) and Chien et al. (2012), urban heat island intensity (UHIs) of Taipei didn’t get an obvious improvement from 1999 to 2012. UHIs of Taipei was 4.5℃ in the midnight in 1999, 4.38℃ in the midnight in 2012 and 6.18℃ in the daytimes in 2012. Obviously, there are several high temperature area appeared in the years. This study tries to measure the thermal comfort between the area inside Jian-Kang community and the streets’ environment around Jian-Kang community. Furthermore, this study utilize CFD simulation that can help the study knows the reason effects thermal comfort. As the result of the study, the area inside Jian-Kang community has higher temperature after sunset. In the morning, it will have difference due to the shadow and green situation. Also, the simulation results show that the draft condition of the community will influence the thermal comfort. In the future, this study suggests some strategy to have a better urban environment. First, increase much more greening measures. Second, preserve open spaces to improve the ventilation when deciding the community’s design. Third, consider the urban environmental factors when rule the building’s height.

No description available.

名古屋大学年代測定総合研究センターシンポジウム報告

本論文旨在描述並嘗試以優選詞彙功能語法理論(OT-LMT)處理雅美語的論旨角色與語法功能的連結。雅美語的論旨角色與語法功能連結呈現出作格語言的特性，以致跟中文或英文有很大的差別。並且雅美語的連結又受到了焦點系統的影響，所以更加的複雜。現存的連結理論無論是以變換語法理論為基礎或以詞彙語法為基礎的，似乎都無法很直接簡潔的描述雅美語。本論文嘗試架構一個以優選理論為基礎的新連結模型，並且除了將之使用在雅美語上之外，也同時以這個新的模型來處理中文和英文中的連結。由於優選理論具有彈性的特性，這三種語言不同的連結模式，都可以被包含在這個新的模型當中。 / This thesis studies the problem of argument-function linking in Yami and makes the fundamental claim that linking in Yami shows an ergative pattern, quite different from that in accusative languages, such as Mandarin and English. The linking phenomenon in Yami is complicated by its special voice system. Existing linking theories do not account for Yami straightforwardly. In trying to find a framework that can handle the Yami data, we find the flexibility of Optimality Theory a promising solution. The first part of this thesis is a description of the argument-function linking pattern in Yami and the proper place of the voice system is also discussed. And then we review several grammatical theories on linking. Both transformation-based theories and lexicalist theories are examined. We will demonstrate how these theories fail to account for linking in Yami in a straightforward manner. Thus we provide an optimality-theoretic account based on the lexical mapping theory of Lexical-Functional Grammar. This newly developed framework is applied not only to the Yami data but also to the relevant Mandarin and English data. It is claimed that this framework can accommodate all three different languages.