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中共國防動員體系演變之研究高明賢, Kao,Ming-Hsien Unknown Date (has links)
中共現階段強調經濟發展與國防建設同步進行的過程中,其軍事戰略也隨著後冷戰時期的國際情勢,調整至以「積極防禦」為國防建設的基本原則。而且,為因應未來戰爭「科技含量高、戰爭進程短、戰力消耗大」的要求,中共在「十六大」中提出,將在本世紀前二十年,推進國防動員建設及組織體制調整,並配合各項法令的制訂與修正,依循「軍民結合、平戰結合、寓兵於民」政策,以「平時少養兵,戰時多出兵」為建設目標,持續強化國防動員體制,以有效支援軍事作戰。這種積極防禦的架構,也正好因應了中共建構「打贏高科技條件下的局部戰爭」為目標的國防發展模式。
本研究主要係以中共國防動員體系,在毛、鄧、江時期的形成背景與發展,進而闡述中共在現階段,深刻體認高技術條件下的「人民戰爭」是比軍力、比經濟力、比民心的綜合國力較量,人民群眾參戰形式亦將由傳統的直接參戰為主轉向以間接參戰為主,而戰爭動員即有人力、物力、財力的動員,又有智力和科技的動員;有軍事動員,又有政治、經濟、心理的動員,這種綜合性動員,給了中共在強化經濟建設的同時,也積極規劃了國防動員體制平戰轉換的功能。尤其在賦予了國防動員機制的法理基礎後,就表面的體制運作來看,似乎可以落實國防動員「平時應急、戰時應戰」的效率,但就其內部的實際運作得知,中共強人專制與意識形態的堅持;法制建設與市場利益導向的權衡取捨;以及動員機制指揮間的矛盾衝突等,仍將制約著中共國防動員體制推展的進程。
中共國防動員體系包括決策機構、組織協調機構和執行機構,這三項機制形成了上下銜接、左右協調的動員指揮機制,是中共實施戰爭動員的保證,是使戰爭潛力快速轉化為戰爭實力的關鍵,尤其在覆予國防動員法制的責任與權利後,中共更可依據「憲法」和「國防法」的規範,進行全國總動員及局部動員,並藉由近幾年積極建構的民兵、武警及預備役部隊建設,作為中共非戰爭軍事武裝運用的基礎,在現階段的中共國防政策中,是可有效達成平時應急與戰時應戰的功能轉換與運用。
關鍵字:積極防禦、全民國防、國防動員、局部動員
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後冷戰中共國防現代化之研究吳子敬 Unknown Date (has links)
論文名稱:後冷戰中共國防現代化之研究 頁數:160
校系(所)組別:政治大學國際事務學院外交學系國際安全與戰略組
畢業時間及提要別:92學年度第1學期碩士論文提要
研究生:吳子敬 指導教授:朱新民 博士
論文提要內容:
90年代初蘇聯解體,冷戰結束。國際情勢進入後冷戰時期,由於蘇聯全球性的軍事威脅消失,西方國家普遍要求削減國防經費,希望享受和平紅利之際。在正常思維下,中共起始於80年代初之國防現代化受到外部軍事威脅減輕、內部經濟全面開放格局的影響,應該延遲或趨緩。令人質疑的是,中共國防經費自1989年起卻持續每年呈百分比兩位數字大幅成長,凸顯中共有加速國防現代化之現象。鑑於冷戰時期中共威脅亞太安全及我國國防安全之歷史經驗,因此中共違反國際普遍的趨勢,持續國防現代化究竟有那些意圖、作為及變化,為本論文之研究動機。
本論文之研究重點,主要透過1985年中共建構之國防發展戰略體系架構,藉由上而下之層次分析法,瞭解中共持續國防現代化真正的意圖、國防戰略構想、常規軍事武力整建的過程與成效。並試圖對其整體軍力及未來發展趨勢作一評估與預判,以及對亞太地區、台海安全可能潛在的威脅。
通過本論文的分析,我們可以明顯看出,中共90年代國防現代化的建設佈局,投入的重心不再是放在大規模傳統戰爭的準備上,而是放在高技術局部戰爭和小型軍事衝突快速反應能力的建構上。後冷戰中共軍力整建最具特色的部份:一是陸航兵力、海空軍境外投射兵力的整建,讓中共已經具有局部取戰略攻勢之能力;二是二砲M族地對地戰術導彈的成軍與部署,加大中共的威懾戰力。初步達成中共國防所應具備保衛國家利益、適應戰爭需要等兩項基基本任務之軍力結構轉型,同時也在綜合國力的提升上作出一定的貢獻。就實力的對比角度言,中共的軍力優勢未來與亞太地區周邊國家的軍力比較,如果差距越來越大,相對安全威脅之程度也愈來愈大。
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中共軍事思想之研究 / China's Evolving Military Theory郎錫恭 Unknown Date (has links)
中共軍事思想之形成,主要受毛澤東軍事思想、全球戰略形勢與周邊戰略形勢、及中共自身條件等因素之影響。從毛澤東時期「早打、大打、打核子戰」的人民戰爭思想與積極防禦,轉變至鄧小平時期「和平時期建軍」、與「打贏一場局部戰爭」的戰略思維,以至江澤民時期強調質量建軍、高科技建軍,打贏一場高科技條件下的局部戰爭等,突顯中共在不同形勢變化之下,軍事思想所強調之目標,對其軍事發展的過程,皆有重大的影響。
本論文的目的在於瞭解,對中共而言,什麼是軍事思想,其「軍事思想」的發展階段為何,其演進過程的內容及影響軍事思想發展的因素等。 / Clearly,China's military theory was largely shaped by Mao's military theory of people's war concept, perception of global and regional strategic environment, as well as China's own capabilitiy and priority. Mao Zedog has emphasized to fight "a early, large and nuclear war" under the context of people war.Deng Xiaoping changed Mao's policy,emphasizing a military construction under peaceful environment, and fight a local war. Jiang Zemin made further change, switching to emphasize fliilitary buildup based on quality and high technology,and to fight a local under high technology condit ion.These changes reflect how Chinese military theory has adapted to changing environment. This paper discusses what is junshi sixiang means in Chinese military vocabulary, the evolution of China's military theory, and factors influencing its development.
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中共「反介入與區域拒止」軍事戰略之研究 / Studies on the PRC’s“ Anti-Access and Area-Denial” Strategy慎炳倫, Shen, Pin Luen Unknown Date (has links)
中共一直沒有放棄以武力作為解決「臺灣問題」的選項,「統一臺灣」是中共建軍備戰主要目標之一,而國軍自然是共軍的主要假想敵。但是在1996年美國派遣兩支航母戰鬥群干預臺海軍事危機後,使中共體認美軍才是解決「臺灣問題」的最強大對手,開始深入思考如何阻止擁有高科技優勢的美軍介入臺海軍事衝突。防止美軍在中國大陸周邊地區進行作戰行動,是目前中共軍事現代化的主要發展方向,美國官學界將其稱為「反介入與區域拒止」軍事戰略,一時之間已成為研究中共軍事發展者之主要觀察指標。
中共「反介入與區域拒止」軍事戰略的主要著眼,在於建構能防止美國運用軍力涉入中國大陸周邊事務的能力,中共相信即使強大如美軍也不可能擁有全方位的優勢,其「反介入與區域拒止」軍事戰略主要依據地理環境、地緣戰略、美軍作戰特性及弱點等要素,並憑藉共軍數量與質量俱增的現代化武器,希望在西太平洋地區可能的軍事衝突中壓制美軍的作戰行動,或迫使美軍由較遠的基地發起軍事行動,並且阻止美軍後續的兵力增援,這可能使美軍在西太平洋作戰中遭到中共擊敗,或是迫使美國付出其不願意承擔的重大代價,此將導致中共可以達成其軍事和政治目標,同時也阻止美國全部或部分的軍事和政治目標。
中共軍力在「反介入與區域拒止」軍事戰略的帶動下快速成長,使美軍在西太平洋地區面臨重大挑戰和風險,並使美國區域盟邦有遭受侵略或被迫接受強制手段之虞,美軍為因應中共的挑戰,已確立「空海一體戰」的新型作戰概念,並著手發展相關能力。「空海一體戰」係以美軍現有軍力優勢為基礎,再經由西太平洋軍力部署的重組、海空作戰力量的整合、新型武器裝備的研發,並且加強與盟邦的軍事合作,希望建構一個多層次立體作戰體系,俾遏制中共的軍事擴張。在中、美兩強「反介入與區域拒止」和「空海一體戰」軍事戰略的競逐下,臺灣的自處之道和所應扮演的角色,亦為吾人應予深思的課題。 / The People’s Republic of China has never given up the use of military force as an option to solve the “Taiwan issue”, and the “unification with Taiwan” has also been one of the PLA’s objectives in its military buildup, which naturally makes the ROC military as the PLA’s hypothetical enemy. However, after the US sending two of its aircraft carrier battle groups to intervene a military crisis across the Taiwan Strait in 1996, the PRC started to realize that US military is its strongest opponent in solving the Taiwan issue and began to think how to deny the high-tech US military force from stepping into a military confrontation across the Taiwan strait. The prevention of US military operation in surrounding areas of China has been leading the modernization of China’s military, and officials and academia in the US have been calling this phenomenon “anti-access and area-denial” strategy which all of a sudden becomes an observation index when studying the PRC’s military development.
The main focus of China’s “anti-access and area-denial” strategy is to develop the capability of preventing the US military from intervening affairs taking place in surrounding areas of China. China believes that no matter how powerful the US military is, it is unable to gain a comprehensive advantage in this region. By the PLA’s increasing modernized weapons, the anti-access and area-denial strategy, based on the geographic environment, geostrategy, and characteristics and weakness of the US military, aims to suppress US military activities in possible military conflicts in the western Pacific region, or to compel the US military to launch its force from bases further away and to stop its reinforcement. The success of this strategy will make the US military be defeated by the PLA or force the US to pay a price that it is unwilling to afford, and then China is able to achieve its military and political objectives and at the same time stops the US, entirely or partially, from achieving its military and political objectives.
The anti-access and area-denial strategy has led to a rapid military development in China, which poses a great challenge and risk to the US military in the western Pacific region and makes allies of the US in this region in the fear of being invaded or coerced. In responding to China’s challenges, the US military has developed a new operational concept -- “AirSea Battle” and begins the development relating to this new concept. The “AirSea Battle” concept, building on current US military supremacy and the integration of air-sea combat powers as well as the reorganization of US force in the western Pacific region and the development of new weapons, looks to enhance the military cooperation between the US and its allies to establish a multilevel operation system which is able to contain Chinese military expansion. Amid the competition between China’s “anti-access and area-denial” strategy and US “AirSea Battle” concept, Taiwan’s responses and the role that Taiwan should play is a subject that we must deliberate thoroughly.
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中共對外動武模式之研究-從戰略文化途徑研究探討 / The research of People’s Republic China’s uses of military power- The strategic culture perspective.林棟義, Lin, Dong Yi Unknown Date (has links)
欲瞭解一個國家的行為,就必須要瞭解這個國家的整體行為,而這整體的行為所表現者,即是「文化」。從戰略文化的研究途徑做一切入點,正可深入瞭解一個國家戰爭的行為,甚而可以預測未來戰爭的發生。而維繫國防安全的軍人自當對中共戰略與戰爭模式,應有相當的了解與認知;也希望藉著對戰略文化的瞭解,探照中共對外戰爭實例,探尋中共對外戰爭的模式,進而提供國防戰略因應對策,才不愧於自己的職責所在。
就中華民國的生存發展而言,海峽對岸的中共無疑是我生存發展的最大威脅,而兩岸在軍事武力的不對稱下,中共時時以「不放棄武力」,極盡挑釁之威脅,而台灣除了默默軍事備戰外,在政治,外交生存上,也只能低調回應,這也可看出中共武力對台已具有足夠的軍事力量解決統一台灣問題。目前兩岸之間最大的障礙是由領土主權爭議所衍生的問題,而領土主權問題又很容易引起戰爭,在這種壓力下,台灣將如何去面對,這是一門重要的課題。國內學術界對於兩岸關係的研究,多偏向政策方面而較少理論方面的探討,其實,藉由理論層面的研究而詮釋海峽兩岸互動過程與未來發展,有助於強化政策建議的內涵與深度,觀諸台海兩岸未來的安全發展,若能以戰略文化研究途徑,作為觀察的理論基礎,對於台海武力衝突的可能性,及中共對於使用武力的政治目的、手段與效用或許能提供新的詮釋與政策建議,由於潛在的戰略文化,會使決策者的戰略偏好及使用兵力解決爭議的傾向產生影響,因此,武力在未來台海安全的發展中,仍會是一個關鍵的重要角色,所以透過對中共戰略文化內涵的分析與掌握的研究途徑,進而對其軍事戰略與對外戰爭模式加以研究,期能深入瞭解中共在何種情況下,會不惜一切的以戰爭來解決問題,進而思考台海雙方在既有戰略思維下審慎避免誤判或誤認,讓動武甚至檫槍走火的意外情勢均不會發生;以提供吾人從事國家安全政策及國防戰略規劃相關人員參考研究與運用。 / In order to understand the behavior of a country, it is necessary to learn its behavior in a macro scale, and the representation of such behaviors is known as the “Culture”. From the strategic culture perspective, it provides an in-depth understanding of a country’s use of military forces, as well as the prediction of future wars. Especially for the military personnel who are the key to the national security, they shall have the understanding and knowledge to the People’s Republic of China’s initiation on wars; through the study of strategic culture, examples of PRC’s use of military power, research of PRC’s initiation on wars, I shall fulfill my duty by providing recommendation towards the national security strategies in order to protect the country.
To the Republic of China, the PRC from the cross strait is the biggest threat to our country’s survival and development, under the unbalance of military power, PRC constantly provokes and threatens by stating “not giving up the use of force”. In contrast, Taiwan is much more low-profile in the military preparation, politics, and diplomacy. This is a strong indicator that the PRC’s military force has the capability and could to use its power to unify Taiwan. Currently the biggest obstacle between the two sides is the territorial dispute from sovereignty, and it is a subject that can easily trigger wars. It is an important subject for Taiwan to deal with under pressure. Many of the existing academic researches focus on the policy aspect and less on the theoretical perspective. In fact, through the theoretical interpretation of cross-strait interaction and future development can strengthen the content and depth of policy recommendations, and the future safety development. Through the use of strategic culture as the research methodology, it will identify the probability of cross-strait conflict, the PRC’s political execution of military power, tactics, and effectiveness. This strategic cultural perspective may provide new definition and policy recommendation, as it studies the decision maker’s strategic preferences and their tactics. Therefore, the military power plays a significant role in the development of the cross-strait safety, and by analyzing the PRC’s strategic culture and research of its military strategy and war mode, will provide in-depth understanding of the circumstances under which the PRC will stop at nothing to solve the problem with war, and to avoid misunderstanding or misinterpretation through the strategic culture from both sides. This will further prevent wars from occurred by accidents: hence, this national security policy and defense strategic referencing may provide values to be researched and utilized by the associated members.
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冷戰後中共海洋戰略之研究 / The People Republic of China's Maritime Strategy After Cold War林東煥, Lin Dung-Huan Unknown Date (has links)
本論文旨在探討中共海洋戰略發展之相關條件、環境、具體措施,以及對周邊國家所產生的影響。後冷戰時期國際情勢緩和,發生大規模戰爭的可能性已大幅降低,地區爭端和衝突反而浮現出來。因地緣政治環境的改變,台海、南海地區已成為區域衝突的引爆點。中共研析波灣戰爭之經驗,放棄「早打、大打、打核戰」時時臨戰之觀念,強調「質量建軍打贏高科技局部戰爭」之策略,故調整戰略方向由陸上走向海洋,以保障其國家利益、國防安全及完成統一中國之企圖。就整體國力言,中共自1978年實施經濟改革後.,經濟成長快速,國家競爭力上升,無庸置疑,已經成為亞太地區經濟大國。而蘇聯解體後,中共來自北方威脅降低,有利其海洋之發展。又因沿海海洋爭奪及領土紛爭問題亟待解決,更全力擴展其海軍武力。中共在 1998年就制定了「中國二十一世紀海洋議程」,提出中國海洋事業永續發展政策。同年中共國務院在國際海洋年會中提出《中國海洋事業發展白皮書》,其中明文主張「中國是發展中沿海大國」。中共大力發展海洋戰略,已為亞太地區安全投下一個變數,亞太各國均深感不安。加上區域內互信機制不夠健全,中共時時對台灣文攻武嚇,更增加地區衝突之危險性。故未來台海、南海問題最後是以和平方式或兵戎相見收場,中共的戰略作為就顯得十分重要。
關鍵字:亞太戰略;國家戰略;海洋戰略;海軍戰略;海軍現代化;海權;積極防禦;近海防禦;局部戰爭;太平洋島鏈;兵力展示,有生戰力;聯合國海洋法公約;戰區飛彈防禦系統;遏制點阻滯;海洋經濟;指管通情系統;亞太經合會;東協區域論壇;東南亞國家協會。
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