第一章 開宗明義質問人類學與民族誌的排灣族如何與現今的自我認同相連？今日的排灣族「民族意識」很清晰的源頭不是出於主觀認同，而是出於外力強加。在人類學出現之前，其實今日被指稱為排灣族的人群，根本沒有「民族」的想像共同體存在。而是許多個以部落或部落同盟作為想像共同體的人群；這概念不同於民族的定義，不該被外來知識當作「必要的客體」而粗暴分類。而「台灣原住民族」分類之演變是基於日本帝國主義的殖民需求，由早期台灣殖民地人民的「原漢分類」輪廓，並以「高砂族」之改造為最終目的。列舉所引用的有關排灣族傳統文化的特徵，也試著回到本論文的主題「民族傳統文化」的辯證假設。借用部份人類學的知識文本，來開啟本論文場域中特定人群之民族邊緣、文化認同與社會變遷的探討。 第二章 就本論文所限定的區域範圍提供背景論述，以利讀者作為認知與思考的必要參考。包括一般性的地理與人文，以呈現其多重邊緣位置的特色。在被殖民統治前，其神話傳說建構的「我群」與權力體系之介紹，表明其有完整的知識系統以及對應的權力結構。而後敘及獅子鄉各村之行政沿革，新身份符號所使用的新概念系統，本文是以「鄉」作為一個觀察單位，以「鄉民」的認同與「族藉」認同再作另一層的觀察對比。 第三章 回顧歷史上發生在本區域的異文化接觸與外來統治。文化接觸在此分為兩個層面，即輭性的自然互動狀態以及武力對抗時期。當傳統文化優勢不再，民族邊緣的消長於是發生，民族認同的需要也進入當地人的心智中。而後更強烈的文化衝擊，來自異族的政治改造；使得傳統文化的優勢不但不可能繼續存在，反而有可能遭到根本的鏟除。 第四章 權力、知識、信仰與理論的興替：簡而言之就是不同的知識邏輯在強烈的競爭，建立自己的領域與穩固其優勢。而信仰、知識與權力是三位一體的，且三者之間運用各種理論來加強與包裝。本章試從三個角度解析，第一是頭目家庭權力勢微，並使得傳統的知識邏輯不再能執行應用程式之改寫。第二是國民教育取代傳統，新舊知識與權力鬥爭下此消彼長。第三當外來統治勢力更易後，處於信仰空窗期的人們受到新的、有組織的宗教團體所帶來的新文化刺激；祖靈信仰改宗基督，又一次的知識邏輯重組，族群與認同邊緣的形成受到更深度的影響。最後是與世界接軌後，多元文化思想論戰隨著台灣內部之民主化而成熟，傳統與新興勢力兩邊同時得到大量的知識擙援，新一輪的權力攻守值得進一步觀察。 第五章 文化認同與社會變遷實為一體之兩面，因為社會變遷的發生，迫使文化需要有新的程式來執行新的工作。例如新的法律身份、歷史意識建構等，而身份與文化認同的轉換又取決於外部社會的客觀條件。由傳統身份轉為現代身份，新的認同產生了重疊與多元的情況。尤其是民生需求之取得方式，出現了斷裂式的轉換。有關民族傳統文化風貌的變遷，藉由直接呈現獅子鄉現時的文化面貌，以對比的方式顯示截然異於同樣擁有「族藉身份」的北排灣區域人群，希望能引發進一步的思考。尤其出人意外，在最沒有「原味」的「原鄉」，竟舉辦國內規模空前絕後的全國原住民族嘉年華「麻里巴狩獵祭」，無疑是一個值得觀察與探討的重點。 第六章 反思與回顧，希望能藉由思辯的方式進一步對本論文所建構的民族邊緣、文化認同與身份認同間的互動關係與社會變遷作整體性再思考。由對「民族傳統文化」的認同力度，去思考民族邊緣的移動。有關人類學與民族認同，是否該回到「想像共同體」的論述脈絡中，重新檢視一個被人類學所建構的民族邊緣。而這個民族的邊緣經過一個世紀的煅煉是否有了民族意識或文化內涵之「中央」與「邊陲」的相對性出現。另外，「教育、教化與同化」過程中，從知識的生產與再生產去觀察，進一步探討民族認同與文化認同間的互動關係。甚至應該思考所謂的國民教育是為了建構「現代國家」認同或是「民族傳統文化」認同。本地區的另一大特色是戰爭與文化重生，這項因素遠大於一般性的社會變遷，對於初民社會人群與民族國家體制直接戰爭對抗時，所產生的傳統知識邏輯斷裂之可能性，以及族群對歷史選擇性的遺忘，作反思探討並回顧學界漢化、土著化、在地化等論述的實地驗證，並提出本論文所獲之研究心得「權力化」觀點，供思考目前台灣「民族問題」與「認同問題」時另一新視野。 結論 作全篇寫作精神、信念、風格與意義的總結。 / Since 1872 Japanese troop invaded this area, for the first time, the indigenous people in the mountain tribes met the nation’s force of the outside world. In 1895 Japanese occupied Taiwan, and started its colonial careers, the indigenous peoples in the mountain area were treated as wild beast never been protected under the constitution or law. After 10 years military suppression in 1915 all the weapons of indigenous people had been taken away, and strictly police control system had set up. In 1942, after the Japanese stated the Pacific War. Thousands of what so called volunteers had been leaded to the front line of jungle battlefield from the indigenous people’s tribes, more than 70% died, the others almost all of them wounded when they were sent back in 1946. In 1949, the Chinese ruler party KMT lost the civil war and slipped to Taiwan. Since then by the excuse of anticommunist, millions of people in this island live under the martial law for 40 years, of course those indigenous peoples were included. After the dictatorial president Chiang died in 1989, some of the Taiwanese tried to found an independent nation, Culture identity and nation identity became the biggest issue in this island especially during the campaign of voting seasons. Unfortunately, more than half million indigenous people can’t stay away from the arguing, and somehow be used to prove that Taiwanese is not Chinese. In 2000, for the first time what so called the president of Republic of China, has been taken by a 13 years old young party from the one who is already more than 100 years old. But almost more than 90% of the indigenous people’s voting were not supporting this young party, the ironic result push the new ruler has to face his idol with a much more serious attitude, and the latter aware of his un-replaceable value in this new political market. The culture identity especially for the traditional part has been changed more than twice in last century, the article is trying to find out the relations between indigenous people’s psychological activities inside and the social’s reforming outside during last 100 years. Shih Tzu country (which is a basic administrative unit comprising 8 villages about 5,500 in population) of Ping Tung country in southern Taiwan, people here were identified as Paiwan, they use the same dialogue as well as the other Paiwan, but except that there is almost no other traditional culture has left. From this very particular aspect caused the research in this title ahead.

本論文主要探討果戈理早期浪漫主義作品《狄康卡近鄉夜話》中的東斯拉夫神話成分與題材，其神話成分屬「下層神話」或謂「魔鬼學」的領域，由於這些神話成分在故事中絕大部分扮演「惡」的載體，因此論文從作家個人對「惡」感受的生成切入，逐步剖析作家與「惡」爭鬥的歷程，進而延伸探討作品所傳達的善惡觀。 本論文共分為五章：第一章為緒論，說明研究動機與目的、研究途徑、方法及限制、文獻評論、研究架構；第二章介紹東斯拉夫神話的緣起、發展、特色及研究情形；第三章則是對果戈理及《狄康卡近鄉夜話》這部作品進行分析、評介；第四章探討果戈理如何在《狄康卡近鄉夜話》中詮釋東斯拉夫神話的成分和題材，如何營造出《狄康卡近鄉夜話》中引人入勝的神話境域，又如何透過這些虛構的神話角色來體現人性中的善惡特質，傳達作者本身甚至擴及整個民族對善惡二元論的看法；第五章則為結論。

在蓋曼（Neil Gaiman）第一部小說《無有鄉》（Neverwhere, 1997）裡，透過對地下倫敦的想像，挖掘蟄伏於城市之中的邪惡、混亂與時空的交錯。主人翁理查（Richard）地下倫敦之旅顛覆他對城市既有的認識，城市不是如表面所見的井然有序、善惡分明，而是過去與現在的混雜和交織，惡勢力隨時匍匐其中。本文擬以空間議題為經、城市居民主體為緯，探討蓋曼筆下的倫敦呈現何種後現代都市空間、城市空間和主體間的互動，以及游牧主體如何在他者空間中生成。 論文第二章主要藉助索雅（Edward W. Soja）第三空間（thirdspace）的概念，闡釋小說裡後現代倫敦空間。首先爬梳瑞本（Jonathan Raban）、列斐伏爾（Henri Lefebvre）, 和索雅三人對於後現代地理學的觀念，而後側重於索雅提出的第三空間。《無有鄉》裡，城市遠比理查所認為的還要複雜、失序，他漫遊於地上倫敦和地下倫敦之間，其所見景象呈現倫敦浮世繪，解構真實倫敦和想像倫敦間的界線，而此正體現索雅所謂的第三空間。 第三章以班雅明（Walter Benjamin）對漫遊者（flâneur）的討論為出發點，闡釋《無有鄉》裡漫遊者／偵探和城市空間的互動。身兼漫遊者和偵探的理查，由於處在混雜猶如迷宮的倫敦市景中，所以喪失經典漫遊者對城市全景的掌控。雖然《無有鄉》在情節的過程裡呈現後現代氛圍，企圖解構二元對立，但惡勢力最終的剷除，暗示地下倫敦又將回歸秩序，於焉似又陷入善惡二元對立的局面，但另一方面，女性在回歸秩序的過程裡，扮演舉足輕重的地位，女性的參與展現對空間父權化的抵制，而此也打破性別空間的二分法。 第四章著重討論小說的結局。筆者援引德勒茲（Gilles Deleuze）和瓜達里（Félix Guattari）游牧學（nomadology）的概念，闡釋主人翁主體的變異。在他者倫敦空間裡，主人翁和他者接觸而歷經生成他者（becoming-other），並開啟其逃逸路線（lines of flight），所以在回到原本的世界後，他又欲重返地下倫敦，擺盪於兩個世界，不囿於其中一方。 在《無有鄉》裡，兩個倫敦空間並非截然劃分，卻是相互滲透交織。想像的地下倫敦是一個暗喻，代表被城市邊緣化、他者化而忽略的空間，透過主人翁的漫遊，展現倫敦市景的多重面貌。 / Neil Gaiman’s first novel Neverwhere (1996) depicts an imaginary London Below which exposes the urban evil, chaos, and juxtaposition of diverse spaces. After his journey to London Below, the protagonist Richard changes his view of the city. That is, London is not of orderliness as it appears, but of the present interwoven with the past; it lacks a clear distinction between good and evil, and contains evil power embedded underneath. This thesis employs a spatial perspective as a thread to explore postmodern spatiality embodied in Gaiman’s London cityscape, the interaction between urban space and the subject, and the formation of nomadic subjectivity in the spaces of the other. In Chapter Two, I resort to Edward W. Soja’s conception of Thirdspace to deal with postmodern London spatiality in Neverwhere. I first introduce three spatial critics’ notion of postmodern geographies, including Jonathan Raban, Henri Lefebvre, and Soja whose Thirdspace serves as the main spatial framework of the thesis. Neverwhere delineates the urban landscape which is far more complex and disorderly than Richard assumes. He strolls between London Above and London Below, and his view of these two worlds which deconstructs the line between the real and the imagined presents Thirdspace in Soja’s term. Chapter Three utilizes Benjamin’s discussion of the flâneur as a starting point to deal with the interaction between the flâneur/detective and urban spatiality. As a flâneur/detective, Richard encounters labyrinthine cityscape, so he loses a classical flâneur’s/detective’s panoramic view of the city. Although Neverwhere as it progresses smacks greatly of postmodern aura by deconstructing dualisms, the collapse of evil power near the end of the novel suggests the retrieved order, so the novel seems to regress into dualisms. Simultaneously, in the process of regaining order, females play an important role, for females’ participation presents their resistance to patriarchal space and also subverts a gendered spatial dichotomy. Chapter Four focuses on the discussion of the ending of the novel. I apply Gilles Deleuze and Félix Guattari’s conception of nomadology to the protagonist’s nomadic subjectivity. I argue that the other London spatiality triggers the protagonist’s becoming-other via the contagion of the other and initiates his lines of flight. Because of this, after returning to his previous world, the protagonist seeks to leave for London Below. He keeps vacillating between the two worlds, for he refuses to be bound by either of them. In Neverwhere, the multifarious facets of London cartography are outlined through the protagonist’s strolling. The imagined London Below is a metaphor which represents marginalized, otherized and overlooked urban spatiality. The line between London Above and London Below is not completely clear-cut, but interwoven with each other.

本研究以環境正義理論為基礎，探討事業廢棄物掩埋場開發決策背後導致衝突肇因之環境不正義議題及衝突化解之道。首先，針對國內事業廢棄物處理政策的發展脈絡，構築出政府現階段解決事業廢棄物最終處置的思維，一則積極推動源頭減量、回收再利用；其次，又企圖鼓勵興建掩埋場解決事業廢棄物最終處置問題的雙軌併行政策，在缺乏整合的運作邏輯之下，能否發揮事業廢棄物減量、降低掩埋場設置需求的政策執行成效？繼而，在地方政府被賦予審議或核定環境開發治理權的轉變之下，應如何扮演該決策制訂與審議制度運作的角色，藉由「台南縣東山鄉事業廢棄物掩埋場」興建個案研究，探究掩埋場設置衝突事件之肇因，及地方住民、環保團體抗爭訴求，與開發業者、地方政府在個案申請設置或開發決策過程中所呈現環境不正義之關連性，並進一步推導出在地住民因環境權的被剝奪，而從事此抗爭運動所衍生「環境正義理念」的主張。 本研究結論指出，除環保署應積極整合事業廢棄物「源頭減廢、回收再利用」與「鼓勵掩埋場設置」兩政策之執行計畫及成效，俾能藉由減少廢棄物之產出，以降低掩埋場設置需求外；地方政府進行事業廢棄物掩埋場開發決策制訂前，應賦權民眾參與的機制，嚴肅看待開發過程所衍生不正義的問題，提高決策的正當性及公信力；同時透過開發審議制度及法令結構的變革，亦即賦予當地住民獲得充分資訊的權利、公開聽證的權利、民主參與的權利、協調開發單位與受影響的住民簽訂「環境保護協定」，以及要求事業機構負起調整生產結構的責任，作為實踐環境正義理念的方法，藉以改善環境決策品質及決策制訂的思維，俾作為地方政府部門從事掩埋場設施開發決策，消彌環境不正義衝突爭議之參考，以提供另種紓解民眾衝突爭端的途徑。 / In this study based on the theory of environmental justice ,by industrial waste landfills lead to the development of decision-making behind the cause of the conflict of environmental injustice issues and the way to resolve the conflict. First of all, the cause for domestic waste disposal policy development context, the government resolved at this stage to build industrial waste final disposal of thinking, an actively to promote the source reduction, recycling and reuse.Secondly, an attempt to encourage establishment industrial waste landfills to solve the problem of final disposal of parallel two-track policy, a lack of integration in the operation of logic, could appear of reducing waste, reducing landfills established of the policy effectiveness？then, in local government be given consideration or approved development and control of environmental, how to play with the consideration of the decision-making role. By " In Dongshan Township,Tainan County industrial waste landfills" the established of case study, probe into landfills established the causes of conflict, and local residents, environmental groups protested demand, and local government development of decision-making process in the present environmental injustice relevance, and further deduced in the right environment for the inhabitants of the deprived, while engaged in this social movements against by the derivative "concept of environmental justice". This study concluded that, the EPD should actively integrated industrial waste, "the source of waste reduction, recycling and reuse" and " encourage to establish of landfills " two policy implementation plan and effectiveness, achieved to reduce waste output and the need for establish of landfills . Local government for industrial waste landfills development decision-making, should be to empower public participation, look at the development process is derived from the issue of injustice, enhance the legitimacy and credibility of the decision-making.At the same time, through the development checkup system and changes in the structure of act, which gives local residents the right to receive adequate information, the right to public hearings, the right to democratic participation, coordinated developer and residents affected by the signing of environmental protection agreements and require producer assume the responsibility of the production structure adjustment, as a practical way the concept of environmental justice, to improve the quality of decision-making, it could serve as a local government departments engaged in the development of decision-making landfills facilities, eliminating the environmental injustice a reference for controversial conflict , to provide another kind of dispute the way the conflict.

本研究之問題意識為消費主義與公共事務涉入之關係。藉由消費主義轉化公共事務涉入的相關論點，分析中國大陸城鄉白領青年在感染相異消費主義的程度後，進而解釋他們對公共事務涉入的態度和行為；透過此，以闡述中國大陸兼蓄併存的城市消費個人主義與農村集體主義的價值體系差異。 研究發現，消費主義的確抑制個人對公共事務涉入的程度。其中，透過本文假說進而涵蓋三組不同層次的意義：首先，城市白領青年高感染消費主義，因此對城市公共事務涉入消極；其次，農村白領青年低感染消費主義，致使對農村公共事務涉入積極熱情；第三，農村白領青年低感染消費主義，但因非我家園之故，導致他們疏離城市公共事務的涉入。 城市白領青年對公共事務低涉入的原因體現在生活即消費的個人本位思想，並藉追求與他者的品位區隔和消費符號以突顯自我，致使他們對經濟穩定的現狀有著較高需求，因此不會出現反抗、異議或關於改變政治情況的訴求。此外，城市白領青年對群體的身分認同訴求亦透過消費達成，並出現諸如攀比、競逐消費等情形。另一方面，當物質條件不足以融入某群體的消費方式時，便會出現被排斥在外、或納入其內的群體身分認同現象。當城市白領青年考量如何兼顧、維持自身的社會資本網絡時，他們多數會投注時間關切自身所認同或歸屬的團體，最終導致對公共或社區集體事務涉入的冷漠回應。 另一方面，農村白領青年高涉入家鄉公共事務的原因，主要來自於農村的集體主義特色。出生、成長於農村集體主義環境的白領青年，由於低感染消費主義，所以對公共事務有著較高的熱情。無論是村事務抑或國政相關的討論均賴以農村群體網絡頻繁往來的特色，以及因集體主義所創造出的集體價值信念。 再者，當農村白領青年在城市工作時，卻因仍受集體主義思維所影響，使他們對消費少有符號性追求或無節制的購買行為。此外，由於生長於經濟匱乏的內地農村，所以他們會將自己在城市工作所得部分匯回家鄉以維繫、改善家鄉父母兄弟的生活環境，並同時將消費限制在理性的購買之上。同時，從外地省份大舉遷入城市工作的農村白領青年，由於其在人口意義上仍呈現流動性質，再加上多透過租賃的方式居住，因此他們最終不一定會在城市落戶或常住久居。這便致使他們沒有動因涉入小區的公共事務，因而出現農村白領青年在城市低涉入、農村高涉入公共事務的情形。然而，他們亦可將對集體的熱情轉移在國政事務的關注上，透過此際以排解他們對於公共事務的熱情追求。 / The dissertation focuses on the relationships between consumerism and the involved in China’s local governance—the residents’ committee and the owners’ committee of young middle class came from city and the rural area. Through discovering the different levels of infecting consumerism explaining how the young middle class’ origins from city and the rural area have diverse attitudes and behaviors in public affairs respectively. Based on several case studies, I defined that the three hypotheses explaining my arguments given above. First of all, the urban young middle class has been infected more consumerism that they rather pay attention to consume than involve in public issues. Secondly, the rural young middle class has been affected by the Chinese collectivism from traditional village; consequently, they take notice of public matters in their hometown. On the other hand, despite the rural young middle class has been infected the lower consumerism in contrast to the urban one, however, living and working in the city where not their hometown but only a temporary residence is. Therefore, the rural young middle class lacks for the reasons to involve in public affairs in the city; nevertheless, they transfer their passion and positive behaviors in collective matters to take more care of political issues of the nation during the period when they stay on in the city. In conclusion, after being infected the higher level of consumerism, the urban young middle class involves negatively in public affairs of their own communities which is a common phenomenon. Furthermore, conversely to the urban one, the rural young middle class puts their positive convictions of involved in public matters into action. It is interesting to note that there are great differences between the former and the latter; indeed, the two types of young middle class came from distinct regions have been infected diverse consumerism leading their involved in public affairs to proceed in opposite directions.

本文是以調解案例從實體裁判從程序制度來觀察，探討如何有效銜接法院裁判與民事調解，有檢討法律規範之不夠週全處，亦有探求調解制度功能之不明處。惟不涉足地方派系涉不涉入調解委員會對其人事功能之影響，亦不考量其政治、社會或經濟利益之獲取效應。 期以鄉鎮市調解委員會成立伊始公斷說和、息紛止爭之初衷，輔以調解委員個案正義觸煤角色功能之發揮，切實扮演賦予當事人有優先選擇係爭程序利益（達成迅速而經濟之裁判）之機會，而不僅賦予當事人有優先選擇追求係爭實體利益（達成慎重而正確之裁判）之機會而已，最終能達成疏減法院訟源，提昇國人法治素質之理想目標 / This article is based on mediation cases to observe from entity verdicts and process systems, discusses how to effectively link courthouse verdicts and civil mediations, includes to discuss the incomprehensive parts of the legal regulations, and to discover the ambiguous parts of the comprehensive system, but neither involves with the affections whether the local factions would involve with the mediation committee regarding to the personnel functions, nor involve with acquisition affects of its politics, society or economic benefits. Hope to achieve the original intentions of establishing township mediation committees to arbitrate and reconcile, discontinue disputations , to help the mediation committee to develop its contactor functions on individual case justices, to actually play the role of giving the litigators the priority opportunity to choose procedural benefits (can complete quickly and economically), but not only giving the litigators the priority opportunity to choose substantive benefits (can achieve prudent and correct verdicts), finally can achieve to reduce the courthouse’s litigation sources, reach the goal of enhancing the quality of people’s rule of law.

本研究透過網路通訊平台Skype經營線上讀書會，讓偏遠地區學童與來自不同區域的學童進行閱讀討論活動，藉此觀察研究對象之間的互動討論情形與討論的對話內容層次，以探究偏遠地區學童與來自不同城鄉區域的學童組成線上讀書會，對於閱讀成效的影響。本研究之實驗對象共分為三組，實驗組一為偏鄉地區與都會地區國小六年級學童各2名，合計4名之國小六年級學童；實驗組二為偏鄉地區不同國小六年級學童各2名，合計4名之國小六年級學童；對照組為偏鄉地區相同國小共4名之國小六年級學童。本研究在實驗前後實施閱讀理解測驗，並針對各組線上讀書會的討論對話進行內容分析，實驗結束後再針對研究對象進行半結構式訪談。研究結果歸納如下： 一、基於文學圈經營線上讀書會為一可行之線上合作學習模式 二、偏遠地區學童與都會地區學童的線上讀書會成員的異質組合，有助於提升偏遠地區學童的閱讀理解成效 三、偏遠地區學童與都會地區學童的線上讀書會成員組合，有助於激發高層次之討論對話 四、同為偏遠地區但不同學校的線上讀書會成員組合，有助於營造愉快的討論氣氛 五、在討論對話中，偏遠地區學童發表高層次思考型問答以及使用推理用語的次數越多，其閱讀理解成效越好 本研究之研究結果可作為教師基於同步討論經營有效線上讀書會的實施模式參考，也對於有興趣於線上讀書會的研究者提供許多值得探究的研究方向。 / In order to explore the possibility of using information and communication technology to help the children in rural areas and the effects of rural-urban disparity on collaboration learning, this study organizes three online reading groups with different compositions of group members by implementing Literature Circles, a student-led and structured book club. The members of experiment group1 are 2 sixth graders from a rural school and 2 sixth graders from an urban school. The members of experiment group2 are 4 sixth graders. All of them are from rural schools but half of them are from a different school. The members of the control group were 4 sixth graders. All of them are classmates in a rural school. The results of reading comprehension tests and the dialogues of three groups are analyzed to collect quantitative data. A semi-structured interview is conducted to collect qualitative data. The research outcomes shows that the heterogeneous group of rural-urban students could best improve the reading comprehension of rural students and produce high level thinking dialogues. In addition, the group of rural students from different schools could conduct the dialogues in the most delightful atmosphere among all three groups. Based on the research outcomes, relevant applications or in-depth researches could be further preceded in the future.

鄉土文學作為一種文學類別，源出於作家們對前現代、傳統文化與土地關係的關懷。隨著時代變遷，鄉土文學被賦予更多的功能。不再只是再現吾人現代性精神危機的烏托邦救贖，也不單純只是對逝去的純美人情的哀悼，更不僅被當作現代性的對立面。從五四時期以來的鄉土文學至今，已然發展出全然不同的面貌，唯一不變的是，鄉土文學的核心價值依舊是以「人與土地」為主軸，從人與土地的關係出發，思考不同階段的社會轉型與文化衝擊。在持續的現代化與全球化的當下，鄉土文學必然受到衝擊，在現代化與高度資本主義的社會環境中，都市文學與大眾娛樂文化的雙重夾擊下，鄉土文學成為一種艱難的文類，在世代差異之下，鄉土文學必然喪失其影響力與活力。 此外，中國特殊的政治體制與其制度，使得鄉土文學產生不同的變化，轉型成為一種彈性的文類，將鄉土視為全球化的在地資本，再者，因中國快速的全面轉型，使得新舊文化被雜揉於同一時期。新與舊、現代與傳統、都市與鄉村就這樣被濃縮在同一時期裡。因此鄉土文學在中國，除了因疆域廣大，現代化程度的普及性仍有一定限度外，最重要的是，當今中國的中堅世代，都是歷經高度文化衝擊下的一員，在他們身上仍舊保留傳統文化的親歷性，也同樣對現代化的利弊具有深刻理解，作家們依循自己的生命經驗試圖理解當代中國與世界。 本研究先以中國當代文化語境與鄉土文學之發展脈絡為背景，再以三位50後作家韓少功、莫言、阿來之專章，討論其鄉土小說中的身分認同。此三位作家皆完整經歷中國當代劇烈的社會變遷，並循著自身的「鄉土經驗」，重新審視中國現代性如何擺盪在現代性與民族性之間，並展現其中的文化能動性，以多元的鄉土文體形式來界定主流政治。 自新時期以來，中國作家與主流政治共同自「鄉土」汲取文化動能，建構屬於自身獨特的話語形式（discourse）回應中國新時期的後革命論述。 / As a literary category, the native-soil literature was originated from the care that the writers had on the relationship between pre-modern, traditional culture and the land. With the changing times, the native-soil literature has been given more functions. It is no longer just to re represent the utopian salvation of our modern spiritual crisis, or just the mourning for the passed-by beautiful interpersonal affection, or only be viewed as the opposite of modernity. Since the May Fourth period, the native-soil literature has now developed a completely different appearance. The only constant is that the core value of the native-soil literature remains to be centered around the “people and the land”, rooting from the relationship between people and the land to think about the different stages of social transformation and cultural impact. Under the ongoing modernization and globalization, the native-soil literature is bound to be impacted. In the modern and highly capitalist social environment and under the double attacks of urban literature and mass entertainment culture, the native-soil literature has become a difficult genre. Due to the generation differences, the native-soil literature will inevitably lose its influence and vitality. In addition, the special political framework and system of China cause the native-soil literature to have different changes, transforming into a flexible genre and viewing the “native soil” as the globalized local capital. Moreover, due to rapid and comprehensive transformation of China, the old and new cultures were rubbed into the same period. The concepts of new and old, modern and traditional, and urban and rural were all condensed into the same period as well. Therefore, while the native-soil literature of China has been somewhat limited in terms of degree of modernization and popularity due to the vast territory, the most important thing is that the backbone generation in China today all went through high cultural impact, and they still retain the traditional cultural experiences while having deep understandings about the pros and cons of modernization. The writers try to understand the contemporary China and the world through their own life experiences. This study uses the development processes of Chinese contemporary cultural context and native-soil literature as background, and then discuss the identity identification within the native-soil novels through dedicated chapters of three writers who were born after 1950 – Han Shao-gong, Mo Yan and Alai. All three writers went through dramatic social changes of contemporary China, and with their “native-soil experiences”, they re-examined how China's modernity swung between the modernity and nationality, displayed the cultural motility therein, and defined the mainstream politics in the form of multivariate native-soil literature. Ever since the new era, writers and mainstream politics in China have all been drawing cultural energies from the “native-soil” to construct their own unique discourse forms, so as to respond to the post-Revolution discourse of China’s new era.

從1906到1999年間，台灣地區男性出生時平均餘命增加了43.55歲，女性增加了47.63歲，雖然台灣地區平均餘命不斷地在增加，地區間死亡風險的差異情形則未有所改善。本研究以生命表方式計算台灣地區縣市級、鄉鎮級平均餘命，尤以鄉鎮級為研究重心，配合統計地圖的使用以瞭解小地區間死亡風險的差異情形。 在縣市層級方面，男性與女性出生時平均餘命皆以七大都市較高，西部其他地區次之，東部地區的花蓮縣、台東縣最低。各縣市出生時平均餘命的差異，正指出各縣市之間的死亡風險差異甚大，特別是東部地區明顯地比西部地區更處於不利的狀態。 在鄉鎮層級方面，男性與女性各生命階段平均餘命皆呈現出西部地區高、東部地區低的明顯差異，而且平均餘命數值越低的地區其兩性平均餘命的差距也越大，此種現象尤以男性平均餘命越低的地區越為明顯。在空間模式上，男、女平均餘命最高的地區皆以大都市為中心向外擴散至其鄰近地區，平均餘命最低的地區則廣散在山地鄉之間。總的來說，中央山脈兩側的鄉鎮不僅死亡風險較其他地區高、兩性的死亡風險差異大，山地鄉之間的死亡風險結構更是呈現高度的異質性。 關鍵字：鄉鎮市區、死亡風險、平均餘命、性別差異、統計地圖、空間模式。 / Over the twentieth century (1906-1999), the life expectancy at birth in Taiwan has increased 43.55 and 47.63 years for males and females respectively. Undoubtedly, such a dramatic increase in life expectancy is resulted from the improvement of living quality in Taiwan over the past century. Nevertheless, after detailed examination of historical data, it shows that the areal variation in life expectancy over the life cycle is significant and has never diminished. This study, by applying the life table methods and statistical maps, attempts to analyze the areal variation in risks of death at small areas in Taiwan. The data sources for achieving this purpose come from the vital statistics and death-registration- profiles. The research findings show that life expectancies for both males and females are highest in the most-developed urban counties. On the contrary, the life expectancies are lower in rural counties. The gaps in life expectancies at birth between Taipei City and Taitung county reach 11 years and 7 years for males and females respectively. The spatial pattern of variation in life expectancy at the township-level is consistent with the research findings at the county-level. In general, the life expectancies for townships within the central metropolitan area are highest, and then gradually decrease for townships distant from the metropolis center. The life expectancies for both males and females are lowest in the rural-mountain townships. The gap in life expectancies between males and females is also larger in these rural-mountain areas. Finally, the life expectancies for the aboriginal townships are lowest in Taiwan. However, the age profiles for risks of death are heterogeneous in these aboriginal townships. Keywords: life expectancy, life table, statistical maps, spatial pattern

在眾所皆知的Harris-Todaro（1970）的城鄉失業模型，以及由Harris-Todaro模型所發展出來的資本可以在兩部門間自由移動之Corden-Findlay（1975）模型中，我們發現當生產函數為固定係數且製造業的資本勞動比相對於農業較大時，城市的最低工資提高會造成製造業的產出以及勞動雇用量增加。即所謂的Corden-Findlay Paradox。而本文計畫將Corden-Findlay paradox做一深入的探討，主要的研究目的在於利用嚴謹的數學模型重新驗證Corden-Findlay Paradox是否存在？其次，當體系開放後，會不會有其他的現象是Corden-Findlay當初沒有發現的？而本文的研究動機亦因之產生。經由本文的證明發現：在某些條件下，當製造業的最低工資提高時，除了Corden-Findlay Paradox存在外，國民所得會同時下降；其次，可能會發生貿易逆轉的現象。本文將在下面幾章節中作深入的探討。深入研究Corden-Findlay Paradox 的重要性在於Corden-Findlay 的模型中只提到農業及製造業之工資作政策性的補貼對兩部門間的失業及產出的影響，但我們發現透過製造業最低工資的提高會達到貿易逆轉的現象，也就是說如果政府或雇主想要提高該產品在國際市場上的競爭力時，可以依照Corden-Findlay Paradox 的說法並將生產該產品的最低工資提高來達成出口增加的目的（前提必須為該產品的生產函數為固定係數且要素密集度相對較大）。另外，提高最低工資的作法對消費者是不利的，因為國民所得會由於最低工資的提高而下降。國民所得減少，消費自然就下降。這正是我們對Corden-Findlay 的模型做深入探討的兩個重點。 第一章 緒論 第一節 研究動機．．．．．．．．．．．．．．．．．．１ 第二節 Harris- Todaro城鄉人口移動模型簡介．．．．．２ 第三節 Corden- Findlay Paradox之簡介．．．．．．． ４ 第二章 一般模型 第一節 生產面與需求面．．．．．．．．．．．．．．．７ 第二節 小型開放經濟體系．．．．．．．．．．．．．１３ 第三章 小型開放經濟體系下的Corden- Findlay Paradox 第一節 本國的供給面與需求面 －以Leontief生產函數，Cobb-Douglas效用函數為例．１５ 第二節 Corden- Findlay Paradox．．．．．．．．．．１７ 第三節 其它重要發現．．．．．．．．．．．．．．． ２１ 第四節 數值例子．．．．．．．．．．．．．．．．． ２４ 第四章 結論 第一節 本文結論．．．．．．．．．．．．．．．．． ２９ 第二節 未來發展方向．．．．．．．．．．．．．．． ３０ 參考文獻