學習表現為教育社會學中的重要議題，其中城鄉間的學習表現差距受到重視。過去研究認為家庭背景與地區的教育資源是影響學生學習表現的主要因素，然而這些研究缺乏班級因素與同儕效果的分析。因此本研究使用台灣教育長期追蹤資料庫（Taiwan Education Panel Survey, TEPS）在2001年與2003年的國中生樣本，以階層線性模型（Hierarchical Linear Modeling, HLM）分析國一班級同儕學習投入對國三數學表現的影響，學習投入以學生為課業所付出的時間為指標。分析結果發現：(1)學生數學表現的總變異中有24%來自班級因素的影響，76%為學生因素。(2)國三數學表現、個人學習投入與班級同儕學習投入有城鄉差距。(3)在控制其他變項下，個人學習投入、班級同儕學習投入對數學表現有正向效果。(4)班級所在地區的都市化程度透過班級同儕學習投入間接影響國三數學表現。 / Academic performance has been an important topic of research on educational sociology for a long time, while urban-rural differences have been already well documented in literatures. In the past, the literature indicated that the key factors to affecting academic performance are family background and the educational resources. But these researches have ignored the factors of class level and peer effects. In this study, the data are from Taiwan Education Panel Survey (TEPS) in 2001 and 2003, use Hierarchical Linear Modeling (HLM) to assess how peer engagement affects junior high students’ mathematics performance. The time students spend in studying is an index of engagement. The main finding are: (1) This research model accounts for 76% of the variation in student level and for 24% of the class variation in class level with regard to mathematical performance. (2) Students in the urban and rural city show a differences in their mathematics performance, student’s own engagement and peer engagement. (3) When controlling variables, student’s own engagement and peer engagement have positive effect on mathematics performance. (4) Urbanization levels indirectly affect mathematics performance through peer engagement.

近年來我國致力於改善公共圖書館的資源與環境，希望能夠提供更好的服務給讀者，且提升公共圖書館的使用率，但從一些圖書館使用者的相關統計獲知，農業背景使用圖書館的比例皆不達百分之一。另外對於許多政策上的變革，增添農業推廣發展的難度，其中農業推廣人員，也因自認專業知識的不足，無法完善服務農民多變的需求，產生工作上的許多壓力。 基於以上的原因，且在農業推廣的體系中，家政推廣的內容較貼近於一般民眾，所以本研究針對家政推廣人員進行探討，瞭解其資訊需求，以及圖書館要如何提供良好的服務與館藏，吸引並協助家政推廣人員為主要的目的。 問卷調查的對象，以我國農會與漁會的家政推廣人員為主，分作資訊需求、閱讀習慣以及圖書館使用狀況三方面，根據問卷調查結果，發現到家政推廣人員，多基於工作上的需求，透過網際網路獲取所需資訊，所需的資訊內容也多與工作相關；最多家政推廣人員選擇閱讀的地點，是自家與工作的場所，閱讀資料的來源多是農漁會機構所提供，另外在每週閱讀的平均時數以及每年夠書金額，都高於我國國民平均。分析有使用圖書館習慣的家政推廣人員，大部分是平均每週去圖書館一次、一個月平均借書量為1-5本，鄉鎮圖書館是最多人使用的，使用圖書館的主要目是借還圖書，而一般圖書也是最多人使用的館藏，對於圖書館的最滿意的地方是地點設立的便利性，最不滿意的是圖書館的檢索系統。 依據問卷所得結果，提出鄉鎮圖書館改進的項目，以提升家政推廣人員的圖書館使用率，例如：改善開閉館時間、根據家政人員的推廣活動提供適當館藏、加強宣導圖書館服務項目、舉辦兒童教育與醫療保健相關的推廣活動、改善圖書館的檢索系統、與家政推廣人員合辦社區活動。並且建議我國能夠設立農業專門圖書館以及博物館、農業資訊服務中心應彙整網路資源以及農業推廣充電站可導入知識管理的技術，藉以提昇我國農業推廣的發展。 / In recent years, Taiwan government makes efforts to improve public libraries, and hopes to provide better services and environment to the readers for promoting library usage, but a number of library users studies showed that the users with agriculture background did not reach to 1%. Many policy changes make developments of agricultural extensions harder. Even some agricultural extension staffs feel lacking of professional knowledge to serve farmers, and that results in their pressure at agricultural extension work. Based on the above reasons, and the Home Economics’ services are closer to the general public’s life, so this study aimed at Home Economics Extension agents to explore and understand their information needs, and find out how to provide good library services and collections, in order to attract and assist in Home Economics Extension agents. The questionnaires survey aimed at the home economics extension agents in the framers’ association and fishers’ association. It includes three parts: information needs, reading habits and library usage. According to survey findings, the home economics extension agents would like to obtain the required information about working via the internet, most Home Economics workers prefer reading at home or the offices, and the most sources are from the farmers’ associations or fishers’ associations. Home economics extension agents’ average reading hours per week and spending on buying books every year are above the average of Taiwan populace. Analysis of the home economics extension agents with the habit of using libraries demonstrates that most of them go to the library once per week, every month borrow 1 to 5 books from the library, and primarily use the township libraries. They go to the libraries for the circulations as mainly goal, and feel most satisfied with the location of the library, and most dissatisfied with the library's OPAC system. Based on the results of the questionnaire, the township libraries could improve the following to attract and assist in Home Economics Extension agents: regulating the open hour, according to agents’ needs to provide adequate collections, enforcing marketing the services, conducting extension activities about education and health, improving the OPAC system, and organizing community activities with home economics extension agents. The study makes final suggestions to enhance the promotion of Taiwan's agricultural development as follows: establish the agricultural libraries and museums, agriculture science information center shall collect network resources about agriculture, and use knowledge management technology to manage agricultural resources in Council of Agriculture.

從九二一震災的救援經驗中使我們對非營利組織的救援行為加以肯定及重視，本研究試圖從非營利組織救援行動中四個重要相關議題：資訊傳播、人力動員協調與聯盟合作、賑災款項管理及與政府的互動關係進行非營利組織救援行為的探討；為了使研究結果能切合本土性需求，本研究以國內九二一震災作為研究標的，並以此次震災中六個具指標性的組織作為研究個案。在研究結論中以上述四大議題進行結果檢視，希冀研究所提出之建議，能對台灣未來非營利組織的救援行為有正面積極之貢獻。

原住民族長期生活於山村地區，有著特殊民族文化維繫個人或團體間長期的互動，惟日本時期沿襲迄今的保留地制度，無論是空間區位的選擇或增劃編地點的決定，原住民族毫無參與的餘地，導致無法妥善勘選區位適當的土地作為原住民保留地使用，進而使文化傳承、經濟生活所依賴的母土逐漸流失；近年來受國外原住民保留地經營管理成功案例的激勵及民族意識的興起下，原住民發起三次還我土地運動，而政府部門在增劃編的回應中，也認真的思索保留地興革的建議，遂在學者專家及原住民族菁英的討論過程，凝聚回復傳統產權共有舊制的共識。 　　憲法增修條文第十條第十二項對原住民族基本權的規範，含有「制度保障」之意涵，因此原住民族土地管理法規，是有提昇為法律位階之必要性，爰由內政部研定「原住民族土地開發管理條例」草案，刻正依法定程序送請立法院審議中。按該條例草案異於前之管理辦法者，在於增加了「原住民族保留區」的制度設計，新制在原住民族社會已有共識，惟尚缺乏個案研究的實證分析，因此難以辨別制度可能引發的後遺症，爰有本研究就桃源鄉進行個案分析驗證。 　　本研究以國外學者Elinor Ostrom在制度經濟學對共用資源共管機制的制度設計原則，來檢驗分析個案在保留區新制實施過程中，可能衍生的問題，以實地問卷訪談的方式進行調查；嗣經得知劃設原住民族保留區可以解決桃源鄉現存的保留地問題，而劃設地點以該鄉梅山村及寶山村最適宜，惟應建立一套劃設指標據以實施且應有相關配套措施，最後根據當地原住民的意見反應，證明集體決策理論觀點，適合運用在劃設原住民族保留區的決策過程。 　　此外，在後續研究的部分，本研究亦建議：桃源鄉小規模群體自主治理的資源利用方式，可否全面運用到保留區新制，有待與其他個案比較分析及探討，而欲達此政策目的，必須選定實驗區域，進行試驗及檢討，方得確保制度設計成為法律後，能夠彌補現行保留地措施肇致政府失靈與市場失靈的缺失。 / Taiwan indigenous people have lived in mountainous area for centuries. The interactions between their individuals and groups are regulated by specific cultures. However, the Reserved Land Institution began with Japan Colonist Era does not allow indigenous people to chose the place they live in by themselves. It made improper zoning. urthermore, it led to the land, which had supported their cultural and economic life lapsed gradually. In past twenty years, encouraged by the international indigenous movements and domestic ideology wakening, Taiwan indigenous people had held the Return My Land Demonstrations for three times. Government began to deliberate the reform of Indigenous Reserved Land Institution, and acquired conclusions after long-term discussion between government, scholars and indigenous elites. One of the conclusions is to revert to the traditional land tenure co-owning institution. 　　According to the Added Article of the Constitution (article 10, item 12) , this country has obligation to protect the basic rights of indigenous people with formal institutions. It means the Indigenous Reserved Land Developing and Managing Regulation needs to be promoted to a formal law. At this moment, The Legislative Yuan is deliberating the Indigenous Reserved Land Developing and Managing Law drafted by the Exclusive Yuan. A new designing named Reserved Area was made in it. This new designing was agreed by most of indigenous people. However, there is no empirical analysis to it and its side effect so far. Therefore, this research examined the Reserved Area Institution by case study in Taoyuan Township of Kaohsiung County. 　　The theoretical basis of this research is the institution designing principles of common pool resources self-governance, which addressed by Elinor Ostrom. Meanwhile, the investigation was processed by questionnaires. After the analysis, this research pointed that Indigenous Reserved Area Institution can solve the problems of Reserved land in Taoyuan Township now. The most proper locations of Indigenous Reserved Area are May-Shan and Pao-Shan villages. In farther step, it needs relative supporting measures and concrete area setting index. Beside, base on the responses of local residences, the research proved that Collective Action Theory is proper to be applied in the decision making process of setting the Indigenous Reserved Area. 　　In the end, the research suggested: the way people in Taoyuan Township governing their resource is not definitely proper to other indigenous groups. The precondition of implementing the new designing is to make more case tudies, compares and analysis. It is necessary to have small-scale experiments in advance. In the way, it can just correct the market failure and government failure caused by on going regulation when the new designing becomes a formal new law.

土地制度規範著對於土地的使用所引起的人與人之間相互認可的行為關係，對於制度起源的討論，往往認為制度具有降低成本、創造集體利益的功能，但由於制度主體的因素，制度則可能是國家對某一群體的剝削，例如日治時期將原住民土地收歸國有；由於制度安排的失當，很可能使得後續的發展陷入惡性的路徑依賴之中，例如民國五十五年的保留地私有化政策後原住民地權的快速流失。 　　一項近年的政府調查顯示，原住民保留地被非法使用、私下轉讓的情況日益嚴重，但同一時期的另一項研究卻又指出：原住民社會普遍傾向認為原住民保留地不得移轉給非原住民的限制不宜開放。從政治經濟的角度來說，保留地若朝向全面的私有化、開放原漢買賣，固然可以回應市場立即的需求，但交易過程中信息不完全、原住民經濟的弱勢等等外部效果卻不可能依靠市場機制加以解決，同時，可預見的原住民土地大量流失將和社會普遍認同的價值相違背；另一方面，保留地若朝向以國有化進行政府的干預，固然可以抑制自由買賣造成的原住民地權流失，但卻又和資源利用極佳化的市場邏輯相去甚遠而必須付出高額的成本，亦難以有效執行；從制度研究的眼光來看，現行的保留地制度正處於兩難下的制度失衡狀態。 　　在五年的反覆討論之後，內政部法規會於九十年一月十七號通過了「原住民族保留地開發管理條例草案」，該條例草案最大的特色是在所有權移轉限制下，增加了「原住民族保留區」的制度設計，在「原住民族保留區」中的土地所有權，得登記為原住民部落團體「共有」，土地的經營管理也將由部落團體來共同進行，這樣的政策所呈現是政府對於社會壓力和原住民土地困境的回應。然而，作為共有制實行的基礎，無論是在學理上或實證上，對於共有資源自主治理的探討都有尚待進一步充實的空間。 　　經過先期的調查和訪談，本研究選定新竹縣尖石鄉中三個公共資源自主治理的案例，並從制度經濟與集體選擇理論的架構，分析案例中人們如何建立自主性的組織，如何經由集體的選擇制定符合當地條件的公共資源治理規則，如何履行彼此的承諾並相互監督，以及如何避免陷入集體不理性的過度利用的悲劇，且對於案例中影響原住民部落採取資源共有和自主治理策略的因素加以探討。最後，評析內在制度的變遷及泰雅族傳統制度在現代的演化，以及公共資源自主管理在降低執行和監督成本、降低其外部效果、降低制度供給的成本等方面的制度優勢，並指出資源形式與共有範圍的關係、學習過程的重要、共有組織的作用是為共有制度有效運作的關鍵。 　　此外，在後續研究部份，本研究亦建議：理論上對於非以直接提取資源單位方式產生的利益分配問題、排他性技術的成本的雙重影響的探討；實證上對於集團移住後的原住民部落中共有組織的分析；政策上對共有組織「分級分類」原則的研議，皆值得作為後續進一步研究的課題。 / Institution about land rules the relationship, which is caused by land using and identified between people. According to the discussion of the beginning of institution, it can descend the cost of trade and make collective interesting. However, institutions can also be the means for a nation to exploit its people because of the subject of institution. The Nationalization of land, which is owned by aboriginal people in the time Japan governed Taiwan for instance. And, because of the improper arrangement of institution, the development may go in to a vicious path-dependence circle; the privatization policy in 1966 made the fast lapse of aboriginal land for example. 　　A recent investigation made by government shows that more and more aboriginal reserved-land was illegally sold and transferred in the black market. However, in the same time, another research appointed that most people in aboriginal society disagree the revocation of the limit that non-aboriginal cannot get the property of aboriginal reserved-land. In the view of political economics, if the property of aboriginal reserved-land was turn to entirely privatized, it can reply the immediate need market, but the external diseconomy such as incomplete information and the lower position of the aboriginal people can not be resolved by the market, and the following results that most of the aboriginal land property lapse will belie the general value identified by our society. On the other hand, if the property of aboriginal keeps on nationalized it can bate the lapse of the land property, but government has to pay high cost to belie the market logic hat resource should be optima used, and it will be difficult to administer. In the view of institutional study, the institution of aboriginal reserved-land is in a situation of inequilibrium. 　　After a long discussion lasted from more than five years, the Act Committee of Administer Department announced a proposed act for the development and administers of aboriginal reserved-land. The most particular part of this proposed act is the design of "aboriginal-reserved zone" and common land property. The total area of the aboriginal reserved zones was supposed to be 1.4 million acres, and the land property in the zones may belong to the whole settlement society. Such a policy is a positive reply to the social strait and the predicament of aboriginal society. However, being the base to exercise the common property institution, either the theoretical or the practical discussion of the "common pool resources self-governing" still needs to be completed. 　　A previous investigation and visiting, an Atayal county with three CPR self-governing cases was chosen in this approach. With a framework of institutional economics and collective act theory, this approach analyzed how people organized a self-governing organization, how a public choice was made to design the rules which are proper to local CPR situation, how people fulfill their obligation and supervise each other, how people avoid the tragic result o collective irrationality such as over using, furthermore, discuss the factor effect the CPR self-governing strategy .In the end, this approach discuss the change of internal institution and the evolution of Atayal tribes’ traditional institution in modern time, and the advantage of self-governing institution. Then, pointed out the relation between types of resources and areas of common property, the processes of learning, and the effects of organization are the key points to exercise the common property institution. 　　In addition, this approach suggested: in the theoretical aspect, the dispute caused by distribution of the interest that was not made by direct appropriation, the dual influence from the cost of exclusion technology. And, in the practical aspect, the principles to classify the self-governing organizations, can be the new problematic for further approach.

本研究主要以土壤污染問題為探討對象，並採用Milbrath「新環境典範」（new environmental paradigm）之概念，以及Jacobs「後現代主義」（postmodernism）的土地利用計畫概念作為理論基礎，對土壤污染的形成原因；政府、污染者（廠商）及民眾之間在土壤污染事件的互動情形；以及土壤遭受污染後，其土地應如何再利用等問題，進行深入的思辯及探討。 為瞭解上述各項問題，本研究在研究方法上乃採取個案研究法，選擇桃園縣蘆竹鄉鎘污染事件為本研究之研究對象，經由對蘆竹鄉個案的深入研究，本研究有著如下發現及主張：首先，在政策層面上，本研究發現政府及專家們仍然習於環境問題化約為科技問題，往往以科技指標為其解決環保問題及土地利用問題的最佳憑藉。故而，本研究認為，政府此種基於主流社典範的思考模式，是造成蘆竹鄉的鎘污染問題遲遲無法解決之主因，必須予以揚棄，而試著納入新環境典範中之各項重要概念。 其次，本研究發現鎘污染的元凶「基力化工公司」乃以極為不負責任的態度來面對無辜的受害民眾，對於已發生的污染，並未設法加以補救，以致於鎘污染範圍一再擴大，其間僅象徵性的給與農民微薄的賠償及補貼金，並在民國77年停工後，完全跳脫其任何賠償責任。由此我們可以看出工業界不負責任的本質，也可以因此理解此等市場運動的可貴處與不得不然，因為法律與政策所保護的竟是污染性的工廠，在此等情況下，唯有藉由民眾的直接抗爭方足以使得生存環境不再惡化。 最後，在土地利用政策上，本研究認為政府及各界不應再奉科學方法為圭臬，並且純然的由科技專家來掌控，在新環境典範及後現代主義的階段，土地利用政策的決策權力應適度下放至地方及社區，並讓地方民眾的意見進入政策制訂過程之中，並且，土地利用政策也應該是一個政治及社會辯論的重要場域，服膺「民主」、　「公平」及「正義」等社會上的重要價值。 基於上述研究發現，本研究乃提出下列的政策建議： 一、在蘆竹鄉個案問題的解決上：環保署及政府其他單位應對蘆竹鄉當地農民將鎘污染土地予以變更使用之期盼予以回應。至於，變更之方法應採區段徵收、市地重劃、新編都市計畫等何種手段，可以與當地民眾充分進行溝通後決定。 二、在土壤污染的防治上：政府相關應該加強台灣島肉工業污染的防治，讓生產者負擔起其應負的責任與環保改善成本，不再允許其任意污染島內珍貴的環境資源。而且，不應再以科技方法，作為解決土壤污染問題的唯一手段。 三、在土地利用政策上 （一）政府應將權利適度下放：政府應拋棄「由上而下」的政策制訂模式，改以「由下而上」的方式，將權利下放適度至地方及社區，聽取地戶及民眾對土地利用政策上之意見，並可提供辯論的空間，尋求最符合民眾利益之政策走向。 （二）政策規畫者應追求社會價值：政策規畫者在參與政策制訂過程時，應是帶有價值的，應試圖將民主、公平、正義等社會價值納入政策之中，而非僅一味盲從於科技及專家之意見。 （三）專家應調整社會定位：專家們應積極涉入土地利用政策之政策制訂過程，並其中教育民眾，幫助民眾瞭解政策制訂上之問題，而非用高深的理論，將民眾意見完全排除於決策之外。

本文以批判性觀點分析1990-2010年間，台灣小說中同志/跨性別書寫的性別、家庭、國族、地域、階級與敘事策略的發展和變化。從台灣底層性別弱勢的角度出發，批判全球化與文化帝國霸權所主導的現代性論述，搓破其光明的假象，並以中南部/鄉土/底層等多重弱勢的邊緣觀點出發，結合古典男色/跨性別傳統的美學再造，反省現階段同志/跨性別研究以西方基進論述和台北/都會/中產階級為中心的研究傾向。更進一步從同志/跨性別的家國想像中，翻轉台灣當前由上而下，由異性戀家國意識形態和「四大族群」論述所主導的台灣國族想像框架，企圖建構一套由下而上、由個體性別情感的角度出發所重構的國族想像藍圖，並發展兼具台灣歷史脈絡、文化特性與底層觀點的「第三-現代-性」理論基礎。 我認為作為一個研究者不僅要如史碧娃克（Spivak）一樣扣問「從屬階級能發聲嗎？」讓被歷史大敘述所淹沒的底層階級能夠出現，更要反省種種再現與代言的倫理課題。本文認為從1990年中期開始，由學院菁英、運動論述所主導的台灣同志/跨性別論述，隱藏了以西方為尚的「進步」史觀迷思，忽略台灣在地的文化脈絡與性別觀點，導致底層本土的同志/跨性別主體有被隱沒的傾向。因此，本論文重新挖掘在小說中被長期忽略的底層同志/跨性別人物，不僅檢視其在性別/階級/地域/家國結構下的困境，更關注其因內部歧視而被多重邊緣化的處境和現象。 本文並主張同志/跨性別論述應改變過去對於家國體制疏離的態度，以更積極的方式介入家國論述，一方面可以藉由同志/跨性別的多元觀點對家國論述與體制進行改造，另一方面更須突破同志/跨性別族群與家國體制之間，長期切割或二元對立的關係與迷思，正視許多底層同志/跨性別也渴望有「家」有「國」的心理需求與現實需要，重新思索性別弱勢族群與現代性家國體制交鋒或接軌的種種可能。同志/跨性別等「第三性」族群與台灣「現代性家國體制」交錯的發展狀態，本文稱為「第三-現代-性」。 在兩者的交錯之中，我認為尤其需要注意小說敘事策略與形式的轉變，因為小說的政治性與敘事形態無法切割。本論文將透過不同階段同志/跨性別書寫對於家國想像與敘事的轉變，論證小說人物的性別、情慾等身分差異乃是其國族認同形塑的重要部分。我認為1990年代初期《失聲畫眉》這本鄉土小說中的女同志書寫及其所引發的論爭，乃是同志/跨性別主體和台灣國族論述在公領域正面交鋒之始，反映出當年台灣的鄉土、國族論述在「逝去的鄉土」與「消失的國家」中所存在的雙重焦慮。此階段同志/跨性別的底層飄浪狀態，讓1990年代中晚期崛起的新世代作家對台灣社會充滿「遲到的酷兒現代性」焦慮與疑慮，因而掀起一波創作潮與出走潮，尤以歐美為中心構築「異國烏托邦」。這些小說將西方論述與家國認同相互結合、發展，並達到高峰，卻也埋下了種種異國大夢操演的破綻。 於此同時，我認為還有一股「轉向東方」的同志/跨性別書寫潮流也悄悄興起，開啟另類的亞洲視野、海洋思考與東方時間觀，並重拾中國傳統戲曲與古典小說的資源，以男色傳統和「擬說書體」重構跨性別與台灣國族寓言的多重關係。在本世紀新的十年中，同志/跨性別書寫不僅有回歸鄉土的趨勢，更對於在全球化時代中，快速變遷的人我界線、情慾關係提出反思，以本土的底層觀點修正了西方解放論述的不足，建立新的倫理景觀。本研究透過橫跨二十年的小說，分析同志/跨性別書寫在家國想像中的轉變與突破，在放眼跨國移動與全球化現象的同時，也結合底層弱勢與南部觀點，打開同志/跨性別本土論述的空間，連結台灣鄉土、國族想像與同志/跨性別研究的版圖。

University of Macau / Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities / Department of Government and Public Administration

University of Macau / Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities / Department of Government and Public Administration

University of Macau / Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities / Department of Government and Public Administration