Made available in DSpace on 2014-12-17T15:38:33Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 JoaoPSM_TESE.pdf: 2312061 bytes, checksum: f75239692454af5d83589357a6c79f17 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-06-20 / Coordena??o de Aperfei?oamento de Pessoal de N?vel Superior / It is intended to problematize forms of participation and political action of psychologists toward mental health policy in Piau?. The study was motivated through challenges faced by the local Psychiatric Reform movement, and the one underway in the country, which needs support technical-assistence and sociopolitical to guarantee accomplishments and to move on with the complete reversion of the asylum to psychosocial model. The method was based on institutional analysis and counted with three insertion moments for the field research: a) to identify historical and political events that configure the local Psychiatric Reform (documental research/oral memory) and to identify psychologists that act in Mental Health; b) to realize participant observation and semi-structured interview with 33 psychologists which act in Mental Health in Teresina; c) to follow the sociopolitical contexts/events of the local Psychiatric Reform (participant observation and conversation circles). The data were analyzed considering four discussion axes, achieved through categorization of the collected material: 1) ways of professional insertion of psychologists in mental health; 2) knowledge and practices used to act in this work context of the profession; 3) political professional movements of workers of the reformist local process; 4) political action of psychologists toward the course of Piau? mental health policy. We concluded identifying that the participation of psychologists in Piau? mental health finds strength by the conduction of its macro and micropolitical professional action. The first one follows oriented by the lemma of social commitment, despite this movement doesn t have equivalence in the transformation of practices and political-professional postures of psychologists in the daily of services. The second is constituted in the every day of work, standing to the political action of the profession implicated with the preservation of the classic modus operandi of being psychologist. Therefore, it is about the actions that give little sustainability technicalassistance to the Psychiatric Reform underway in the State, and why not say in the country / Esse estudo objetivou problematizar as formas de participa??o e a??o pol?tica dos psic?logos frente ? Pol?tica de Sa?de Mental o Piau?. Foi motivado pelos desafios postos ao processo de Reforma Psiqui?trica local e nacional, a qual necessita de ustenta??o t?cnico-assistencial e sociopol?tica para garantir as conquistas e seguir na revers?o do modelo manicomial para o psicossocial. Metodologicamente trabalhou-se na perspectiva da an?lise institucional. A pesquisa de campo foi estruturada em tr?s momentos visando: a) identificar os eventos hist?ricos e pol?ticos que configuraram a Reforma Psiqui?trica local (pesquisa documental/mem?ria oral) e identificar os psic?logos que atuam na Sa?de Mental; b) realizar observa??o participante e entrevista semi-estruturada com 33 psic?logos que atuam na Sa?de Mental em Teresina; c) acompanhar os contextos/eventos sociopol?ticos do processo de Reforma Psiqui?trica local (observa??o participante e rodas de conversa). Os dados foram analisados considerando quatro eixos de discuss?o, alcan?ados a partir da categoriza??o do material coletado: 1) modos de inser??o profissional dos psic?logos na sa?de mental; 2) saberes e pr?ticas profissionais utilizados para atuar nesse contexto de trabalho; 3) movimenta??es pol?tico-profissionais dos trabalhadores do processo reformista local; 4) a??o pol?tica dos psic?logos frente aos rumos da pol?tica de sa?de mental piauiense. Identificou-se que a participa??o dos psic?logos na sa?de mental piauiense pode ser caracterizada nos n?veis macro e micropol?tico. O primeiro segue orientado pelo lema do compromisso social, apesar desse movimento n?o ter equival?ncia na transforma??o das pr?ticas e posturas pol?ticoprofissionais dos psic?logos nos servi?os. O segundo constitui-se na micropol?tica cotidiana do trabalho, cuja a??o pol?tica se apresenta implicada com a preserva??o do modus operandi cl?ssico de ser psic?logo. Portanto, trata-se de a??es que d?o pouca sustentabilidade t?cnicaassistencial e sociopol?tica ? Reforma Psiqui?trica e ? luta antimanicomial

Submitted by Sandra Pereira (srpereira@ufrrj.br) on 2016-10-14T11:18:23Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2016 - Janaina Tude Sev?.pdf: 5629678 bytes, checksum: bfe4b951f0e6e08d13264d60c5f6cf64 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-10-14T11:18:23Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2016 - Janaina Tude Sev?.pdf: 5629678 bytes, checksum: bfe4b951f0e6e08d13264d60c5f6cf64 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-06-10 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Cient?fico e Tecnol?gico - CNPq / This doctoral thesis deals with the ruling classes, private ownership of land and the nature and political representation in Brazil Republican. Situated in the field of study of the agrarian question, focuses on the role of agrarian elites in the drafting and revision of legal texts on environmental preservation and ownership of natural resources, pointing to the processes and relationships that permeates and dialectically structured the State . It assumes that private property is one of the structural elements of inequality between classes and, consequently, is instituted and instituting policies representations that make up the state in general, and especially Brazil. Addressing the process of formation of laws, while playing field, aims to understand the power relations between classes as has been legitimized in the Brazilian agrarian reality. For such analyzes the action of Agriculture of the Parliamentary Front (APF), also known as caucus, in the face of environmental and land legislation. More specifically rescues the Brazilian Forest Code (Decree n. 23,793 / 34 /, Law no. 4,771 / 65 and Law no. 12,651 / 12), with an emphasis on recent process 1965 Code reform, to identify as political representation ruralistas of interests is organized, clear and positions in political institutional process. This study identifies that, despite the economic dominance and privileged status in the social hierarchy represented by the power of large farmers in our society, rural employers classes and agroindustrial not give up take and act on institutional policy, be present in the democratic and interfere with its rules. Acting in state spheres and with civil society producing consensus and weaving alliances are complementary actions and integrate the building strategies of its hegemony. Thus the research has focused on the narratives and discourses of legislative documents relating to the Forest Code, the parliamentary speeches in the course of the Brazilian Forest Code reform bill of 1965 in the House of Representatives, as well as in street mobilizations - hearts and minds - promoted by the caucus in partnership with trade unions and non-unions of rural employer representation. It was possible that, through legal reform, the ruling classes in the field is expanding and diversifying its spaces, forms and political action strategies to legitimize their structural interests as the owner class that is the absolute right of private property and the monopoly on their instruments of economic, environmental and social regulation. / Esta tese de doutorado versa sobre as classes dominantes, a propriedade privada sobre a terra e a natureza e a representa??o pol?tica no Brasil republicano. Situada no campo de estudos da quest?o agr?ria, foca a atua??o das elites agr?rias no processo de elabora??o e revis?o dos textos legais sobre a preserva??o ambiental e a apropria??o dos recursos naturais, apontando para os processos e rela??es que permeia e, dialeticamente, estruturam o Estado. Parte do pressuposto que a propriedade privada ? um dos elementos estruturantes da desigualdade entre as classes e que, consequentemente, ? institu?da e instituinte das representa??es pol?ticas que comp?em o Estado em geral, e o brasileiro especialmente. Ao abordar o processo de forma??o das leis, enquanto campo de disputa, visa compreender as rela??es de poder entre as classes tal como vem sendo legitimadas na realidade agr?ria brasileira. Para tal analisa a a??o da Frente Parlamentar da Agropecu?ria (FPA), tamb?m conhecida como bancada ruralista, frente ?s legisla??es ambiental e agr?ria. Mais especificamente resgata os C?digos Florestais brasileiros (Dec. n. 23.793/34/, Lei n. 4.771/65 e Lei n. 12.651/12), com ?nfase no processo recente de reforma do C?digo de 1965, visando identificar como a representa??o pol?tica dos interesses ruralistas se organiza, manifesta e posiciona no processo pol?tico institucional. O presente estudo identifica que, a despeito da domina??o econ?mica e do status privilegiado na hierarquia social representadas pelo poder dos ruralistas em nossa sociedade, as classes patronais rurais e agroindustriais n?o abrem m?o de ocupar e atuar na pol?tica institucional, se fazer presente no jogo democr?tico e interferir em suas regras. Atuar nas esferas estatais e junto ? sociedade civil produzindo consensos e tecendo alian?as s?o a??es complementares e integram as estrat?gias de constru??o de sua hegemonia. Deste modo a pesquisa se debru?ou sobre as narrativas e discursos dos documentos legislativos relativos aos C?digos Florestais, dos discursos parlamentares durante a tramita??o do projeto de reforma do C?digo Florestal Brasileiro de 1965 na C?mara dos Deputados, bem como nas mobiliza??es de rua ? cora??es e mentes ? promovidas pela bancada ruralista em parceria com organiza??es sindicais e n?o sindicais de representa??o patronal rural. Foi poss?vel identificar que, atrav?s da reforma legal, as classes dominantes no campo vem ampliando e diversificando seus espa?os, formas e estrat?gias de a??o pol?tica, para legitimar um de seus interesses estruturantes enquanto classe propriet?ria que ? o direito absoluto da propriedade privada e o monop?lio sobre seus instrumentos de regula??o econ?mica, ambiental e social.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-12-17T15:46:20Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 JosianeRs_DISSERT.pdf: 1462489 bytes, checksum: 327c5eebf8debd320606e3a28455c8f8 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-04-15 / This paper analyzes the political participation of Social Workers at the Social Service Regional Council Region 14th. The theoretical and methodological framework of this investigation has as its perspective the totality of social life and its determining relations within the object of study. To the production, analysis and collecting of data it was used a qualitative approach considering a bibliographical and documental research as well as a series of twelve interviews with 2005-2008 and 2008-2011 managing counselors of CRESS/RN. It was also used the data obtained from other special interviews held with the social workers in the period between 2007 and 2008. The results of this study allow and affirm the political dimension of Caseworkers and the CRESS/RN as a space of political activity with opportunities for effective and collective elaboration of strategies in order to reach the fulfillment of the ethical and professional policy of the Social Work. From a historical viewpoint, the beginning of this process is marked by the struggle for democracy, the end of military dictatorship, the establishment of the State of Human Rights. The Democratization of the so called Federal Council of Social Workers and its Regional Councils of Social Workers, CFAS / CRAS, respectively, area a result of the participation of the category in an effort to fight for democratization in Brazil. The objective of this research, so, is to understand which the socio-historical determinants are, that focus objectively and subjectively in the demobilization of social workers in CRESS Region 14th - in the contemporary and historical context. Among the results obtained we identified the ignorance of some professional workers and also of some advisors, regarding the existence and the role of the Council, as well as the commercialization of Education that compromises the quality of the professional training in its theoretical and methodological, ethical and political dimensions. According to our understanding, this shows a the presence of a non-critical professional profile based on a false reality, on the precariousness of employment contracts which undermine the political organization and submit the worker to various social exploring mechanisms such as double shift and ultimately the fragility of the management of the Regional Council -, as a consequence of the offensive capitalist system that ideologically invests to stop the political organization founded in a critical and democratic perspective. The low participation of some advisors and, in general, the category in CRESS / RN, despite its objective conditions, is a reality and it is presented to us as a challenge to future managements and policy consolidation to society. Inasmuch as the category intends to guarantee the high quality of its social workers, the demands of future counselors, their skills and abilities in dealing with regulatory issues, administrative policies that pervade the everyday life of CRESS / RN are necessary / Este trabalho analisa a participa??o pol?tica dos assistentes sociais no Conselho Regional de Servi?o Social 14? Regi?o. O marco te?ricometodol?gico desta investiga??o tem como perspectiva a totalidade da vida social e suas rela??es de determina??o com o objeto de estudo. Para a coleta, produ??o e an?lise dos dados utilizamos uma abordagem qualitativa atrav?s de pesquisa bibliogr?fica, documental e a realiza??o de doze entrevistas com conselheiras do CRESS/RN das Gest?es 2005-2008 e 2008- 2011 e profissionais da base, al?m da utiliza??o dos dados resultantes das entrevistas do trabalho de fiscaliza??o realizadas com os assistentes sociais no per?odo entre 2007 e 2008. Os resultados deste estudo possibilitam afirmar a dimens?o pol?tica da profiss?o de Servi?o Social e o CRESS/RN como espa?o de atua??o pol?tica dos assistentes sociais com possibilidades efetivas para elabora??o coletiva de estrat?gias de a??o para efetiva??o do projeto ?tico-pol?tico profissional do Servi?o Social. Do ponto de vista hist?rico, o in?cio desse processo ? demarcado pelas lutas democr?ticas pelo fim da ditadura militar, a instaura??o do Estado de direito e a democratiza??o do ent?o Conselho Federal de Assistentes Sociais e Conselhos Regionais de Assistentes Sociais, CFAS/CRAS, respectivamente, a partir da participa??o de segmentos da categoria com as lutas dos movimentos sociais pela redemocratiza??o do Brasil. O objetivo desta pesquisa ? apreender quais os determinantes s?cio-hist?ricos que incidem objetiva e subjetivamente na desmobiliza??o dos assistentes sociais no CRESS-14? Regi?o no contexto s?cio-hist?rico contempor?neo. Entre os resultados obtidos identificamos o desconhecimento de segmentos da categoria profissional e de alguns conselheiros das atribui??es do Conselho, a mercantiliza??o da educa??o que compromete a qualidade da forma??o profissional em suas dimens?es te?rico-metodol?gica e ?tico-pol?tica formatando, assim, um perfil profissional acr?tico ou com cr?ticas baseadas na realidade aparente; a precariza??o dos v?nculos empregat?cios que fragiliza a organiza??o pol?tica e submete o assistente social a diversos mecanismos de sobreviv?ncia como a dupla jornada de trabalho e por fim a fragilidade das gest?es do Conselho Regional, produto da ofensiva do sistema do capital que investe ideologicamente para reter a organiza??o pol?tica fundada em uma perspectiva cr?tica e pela falta de participa??o efetiva de todos os conselheiros. A inexpressiva participa??o da categoria e de alguns conselheiros no CRESS/RN, a despeito das condi??es objetivas, ? uma realidade factual e apresenta-se como um desafio para as futuras gest?es na cont?nua consolida??o pol?tica do CRESS/RN perante a sociedade e a categoria ? medida que visa garantir a qualidade dos servi?os profissionais prestados ? popula??o e ao mesmo tempo oferecer servi?os e respostas de qualidade ? categoria de assistentes sociais o que exige dos futuros conselheiros habilidades no trato das quest?es normativas, pol?ticas e administrativas que perpassam o cotidiano do CRESS/RN

Made available in DSpace on 2014-12-17T15:46:23Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 TassiaRMS_DISSERT.pdf: 1707607 bytes, checksum: b9a6407d1793d314c75840371a435288 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-02-22 / Coordena??o de Aperfei?oamento de Pessoal de N?vel Superior / This paper discusses the dilemmas and challenges of the union of social workers in contemporary Brazil. The study is supported by the theme in a literature search, especially productions that deal with the trade union movement of workers in the brazilian reality, as well as on field research, which consisted of interviews with national trade union leaders of the CUT and CONLUTA as also representatives of national organizations representing the professional category of social workers, notably CFESS, ABEPSS ENESSO and a labor union and the national category, FENAS. The analysis of the object is oriented in the perspective of totality, considering its founding and contradictory aspects of the current socio-historical dynamics. The inflections occurred in the razilian Labor Movement in the early 1990s, during which the offensive of capital, characterized by the fusion of flexible accumulation and the dictates of neoliberal policy is established in the country, caused a profound shock in life and organization of the class working. The major repercussions of this process are evident today in the form of defensive organization of trade union struggles, notably fragile and fragmented. In the case of the category of social workers is symptomatic of the political backlash, experienced the process of reopening their unions and the creation of FENAS. This definition, part of the analysis that considers more strategic perspective of class organization, corporate antiunionism of the mass of the 1980s, built, largely, by category and expressed by the extinction of their union and unification to the broader struggles of workers with transition to unionization by industry. Given this reality, we analyze the performance of the political perspectives of the brazilian labor movement, from the characterization of organizational arrangements for trade union struggles and situate this process, the motion to reopen union of social workers, from the emergence of FENAS. Therefore, we aimed to identify the particular and the ideological and political perspectives that make up the dilemma of the trade union movement from this reopening, as corresponds to a political trend, largely, overcome within the brazilian social work / Este trabalho discute os dilemas e desafios da organiza??o sindical dos assistentes sociais no Brasil contempor?neo. O estudo da tem?tica est? respaldo em uma pesquisa bibliogr?fica, com destaque para as produ??es que tratam sobre o movimento sindical dos trabalhadores na realidade brasileira; bem como, numa pesquisa de campo, que consistiu de entrevistas com dirigentes sindicais nacionais da CUT e CONLUTAS, como tamb?m de representantes nacionais das entidades representativas da categoria profissional de assistentes sociais, notadamente, CFESS, ABEPSS e ENESSO e da entidade sindical nacional da categoria, FENAS. A an?lise do objeto se orienta na perspectiva de totalidade, considerando os seus aspectos fundantes e contradit?rios na din?mica s?cio-hist?rica atual. As inflex?es ocorridas no Movimento Sindical brasileiro, no in?cio da d?cada de 1990, per?odo no qual a ofensiva do capital, caracterizada pela fus?o da acumula??o flex?vel e dos ditames da pol?tica neoliberal se instala no pa?s causou um profundo abalo na vida e organiza??o da classe trabalhadora. Os principais rebatimentos desse processo se evidenciam atualmente, na forma defensiva da organiza??o das lutas sindicais, notadamente fragilizada e fragmentada. No caso da categoria dos assistentes sociais ? sintom?tico o retrocesso pol?tico, vivenciado pelo processo de reabertura dos seus sindicatos e da cria??o da FENAS. Esta defini??o, parte da an?lise que considera mais estrat?gica a perspectiva de organiza??o classista, anticorporativista do sindicalismo de massa dos anos 1980, incorporada, majoritariamente, pela categoria e expressa pela extin??o dos seus sindicatos e unifica??o ?s lutas mais gerais dos trabalhadores com a transi??o para a sindicaliza??o por ramo de atividade. Diante desta realidade, analisamos as perspectivas pol?ticas de atua??o do movimento sindical brasileiro, partindo da caracteriza??o das modalidades de organiza??o das lutas sindicais e situamos nesse processo, o movimento de reabertura dos sindicatos de assistentes sociais, a partir do surgimento da FENAS. Com isso, objetivamos identificar as particularidades e as perspectivas ideo-pol?ticas que conformam o dilema da organiza??o sindical a partir deste movimento de reabertura, j? que corresponde a uma tend?ncia pol?tica, majoritariamente, superada no interior do Servi?o Social brasileiro

Made available in DSpace on 2014-12-17T15:46:23Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 IlenaFB_DISSERT.pdf: 1622910 bytes, checksum: cf7c1572ab1d018e869c09ff0690d377 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2005-10-31 / Coordena??o de Aperfei?oamento de Pessoal de N?vel Superior / The following dissertation studies the insertion of peasant women in the conflict for land since the occupation process, dispossession and construction of the settlement New Horizon II, in the municipal district of Maxaranguape. It analyses their participation in the conflict Valley of the Hope", that resulted in the settlements New Life II and New Horizon II in the municipal district of Maxaranguape. The analysis exposes the reasons which took the peasant women, after the land conquest, to go back into domestic space and/or to assume positions of lesser relevance in the political organizations of the settlement. In the conflict Valley of the Hope, the women had a fundamental role, facing the police violence, being front line of the conflicts against the repression forces, risking their lives and the life of their families. After the conquest of the land, transformed into the New Horizon II Settlement, there are a lot of changes in the participation of the women. We can observe that, despite the protagonism of the families, in special of the women in the Valley of the Hope conflict, these female workers still experiment unequal social, economic, political and cultural conditions in relation to the men, expressing the gender inequalities which are found in the daily life of the settlement: in the community, in the domestic and agricultural task. The conflict for the land in the Valley of the Hope and the conquest of the settlement did not necessarily mean the incorporation of the emancipation of the peasant women. However, the political participation in the development of the conflicts allowed to the women the self discovering and the beginning of an emancipation process as gender. There are signals of continuities and ruptures of the present culture, almost always stimulated by the organization of the agricultural female workers / A presente Disserta??o estuda a inser??o das mulheres trabalhadoras rurais na luta pela terra desde o processo de ocupa??o, desapropria??o e constru??o do Assentamento Novo Horizonte II, no munic?pio de Maxaranguape. Analisa sua participa??o no Conflito Vale da Esperan?a , que resultou nos Assentamentos Nova Vida II e Novo Horizonte II, no munic?pio de Maxaranguape/RN. A an?lise incide sobre o desvelamento dos determinantes que levaram as mulheres trabalhadoras rurais, ap?s a conquista da terra, voltarem-se para o espa?o dom?stico e/ou assumirem cargos de menor relev?ncia nas organiza??es pol?ticas do assentamento. No conflito Vale da Esperan?a, as mulheres tiveram um papel fundamental, enfrentando a viol?ncia policial, sendo linha de frente dos conflitos com as for?as de repress?o, expondo suas vidas e a de suas fam?lias. Ap?s a conquista da terra, transformada no Assentamento Novo Horizonte II, h? mudan?as na participa??o das mulheres. Observou-se que apesar do protagonismo das fam?lias, em especial das mulheres no conflito Vale da Esperan?a, essas trabalhadoras ainda vivenciam condi??es sociais, econ?micas, pol?ticas e culturais desiguais em rela??o aos homens, expressando as desigualdades de g?nero presentes no cotidiano do assentamento: na associa??o, no trabalho dom?stico e agr?cola. A luta pela terra no Vale da Esperan?a e a conquista do assentamento n?o significou necessariamente a incorpora??o da emancipa??o das mulheres trabalhadoras rurais. Contudo, a participa??o pol?tica no desenvolvimento das lutas propicia as mulheres se descobrirem e iniciarem um processo de liberta??o enquanto g?nero. H? sinais de continuidades e rupturas da cultura vigente, quase sempre impulsionada pela organiza??o das mulheres trabalhadoras rurais

Made available in DSpace on 2014-12-17T13:53:20Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 CynthiaKFB.pdf: 259996 bytes, checksum: 72d1768f05307ec9d073fe9a47d87ab5 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-08-08 / The present study aims to understand the process of Participation of the Health Council- CMS in the formularization, implementation and control of the Municipal health plan of Pedras de Fogo, through four criteria of quality of participation considered by Demo (1993): representation, legitimacy, base participation, and self-responsibility. The criteria of representation is related to the quality of politics of the representative over the representings. Legitimacy is related to the politics` quality of the process of participation based on norms and rules that stipulate the participation, the base participation is a necessary political support so that the power authorization directed to the representings can be effective and the self-responsibility refers to the capacity of being responsible when it concerns to the public service or property. Through the descriptive and exploratory study a qualitative method was adopted to consider the conditions of the participation of the twelve council members of the City council of Health of Pedras de Fogo, through a formulated Instrument based on the criteria of DEMO (1993). It was concluded that the quality of the participation of the council members of the CMS of Pedras de Fogo understands essential aspects of the criteria of quality considered by Demo (1993) but it shows fragilities as unfamiliarity with the norms that legitimize the performance of the council; unfamiliarity of its condition of being an agent and the importance of the participation of the base for the reinforcement of its participation, as well as inertia related to the check and rendering of accounts on its performance. This way it makes sense that the participation of the council in the four criteria of quality of politics considered in this paper needs to improve / O presente estudo visa compreender o processo de participa??o do Conselho Municipal de Sa?de - CMS na formula??o, implementa??o e controle do Plano Municipal de Sa?de de Pedras de Fogo, atrav?s dos quatro crit?rios de qualidade pol?tica da participa??o propostos por DEMO (1993): representatividade, legitimidade, participa??o de base e auto-responsabiliza??o. O crit?rio da representatividade relaciona-se ? qualidade pol?tica do representante em rela??o aos representados; a legitimidade se relaciona ? qualidade pol?tica do processo de participa??o fundamentada em normas e regras que condicionam a participa??o; a participa??o de base representa o apoio pol?tico necess?rio para que a delega??o de poder ao representante seja efetiva; e a auto-responsabiliza??o refere-se ? capacidade de responsabilizar-se quanto ao bem ou servi?o p?blico. Atrav?s de um estudo descritivo-explorat?rio, adotou-se uma abordagem qualitativa para avaliar as condi??es de participa??o dos doze conselheiros do Conselho Municipal de Sa?de de Pedras de Fogo, atrav?s de instrumento formulado com base nos crit?rios de DEMO (1993). Concluiu-se que a qualidade da participa??o dos conselheiros do CMS de Pedras de Fogo compreende aspectos essenciais dos crit?rios de qualidade propostos por Demo (1993), mas apresenta fragilidades como desconhecimento das normas que legitimam a atua??o do conselho; desconhecimento de sua condi??o de delegado e da import?ncia da participa??o de base para o fortalecimento de sua participa??o; in?rcia dos representados quanto ? consulta e presta??o de contas sobre a atua??o dos conselheiros, evidenciando que ? fundamental aprimorar a participa??o dos conselheiros nos quatro crit?rios da qualidade pol?tica considerados no estudo

Made available in DSpace on 2014-12-17T13:53:26Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 AyallaCF_DISSERT.pdf: 1302436 bytes, checksum: 735536125bb9104df5aa030d5b08c735 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-09-13 / This dissertation examines the organizational innovation as a nonlinear process, which occurs in a social and political context and, therefore, socially immersed. Examines the case of shrimp in the state of RN, starting from the following problem: although the norteriograndense shrimp occupies the largest producer of farmed shrimp from Brazil, has a series of bottlenecks concerning the generation of industry innovation, concerning the social relationships and policies between the various actors in the network, whether private or public, and its consequences in terms of opportunity and limits generated for the innovative dynamics. The objective of the research is to understand how the social embeddedness of political actors affects norteriograndense shrimp within the context of structural relations, the industry generation of innovation, throughout its technological trajectory . The approach of social embeddedness balances atomised perspectives, undersocialized and oversocialized, of economic action, considering both the human capacity to act as sources of constraint, whose mechanisms are analyzed the structural and political. In methodological terms this is a case study, analyzed from the research literature, documentary and experimental. Primary data were collected through semi-structured interviews and analyzed in depth by the technique of content analysis. Was adopted a longitudinal approach, seeking to understand the phenomenon from the perspective of the subjects, describing it in an inductive process of investigation. After characterizing the sector and defining their technological trajectory, the analysis of the results followed its four stages: (1) Introduction of Technology: 1973-1980, (2) Intensification of Research: 1981-1991, (3) Technological Adaptation, 1992 -2003, (4) Technological Crisis: 2004-2009. A cross-sectional analysis along the evolutionary trajectory revealed the character of structural changes and policies over time, and implications on the generating process of innovation. Note that, the technological limit to which the sector reached requires changes in technology standards, but is more likely that the potiguar shrimp is entering a new phase of his career in technology rather than a new technological paradigm / Esta disserta??o trata da inova??o organizacional como processo n?o-linear, que ocorre em um contexto social e pol?tico, estando, portanto, socialmente imerso. Analisa-se o caso da carcinicultura potiguar, partindo-se da seguinte problem?tica: embora a carcinicultura norteriograndense ocupe a posi??o de maior produtor de camar?o cultivado do Brasil, apresenta uma s?rie de gargalos a respeito da gera??o de inova??o no setor, referentes ?s rela??es sociais e pol?ticas entre os diversos atores na rede, sejam privados ou p?blicos, e suas consequ?ncias em termos de oportunidade e limites gerados para a din?mica inovativa. O objetivo geral da pesquisa ? compreender como a imers?o social pol?tica dos atores da carcinicultura norteriograndense afeta, dentro do contexto de rela??es estruturais, a gera??o de inova??o no setor ao longo de sua trajet?ria tecnol?gica‟. A abordagem da imers?o social permite equilibrar perspectivas atomizadas, subsocializadas e sobresocializadas, da a??o econ?mica, considerando tanto a capacidade de a??o humana quanto fontes de constrangimento, cujos mecanismos analisados s?o o estrutural e o pol?tico. Em termos metodol?gicos trata-se de um estudo de caso, analisado a partir de pesquisa bibliogr?fica, documental e emp?rica. Os dados prim?rios foram coletados atrav?s de entrevistas semi-estruturadas, analisadas em profundidade pela t?cnica de an?lise de conte?do. Foi adotada uma abordagem longitudinal, buscando compreender o fen?meno a partir da perspectiva dos sujeitos, descrevendo-o em um processo indutivo de investiga??o. Ap?s a caracteriza??o do setor e defini??o de sua trajet?ria tecnol?gica, a an?lise dos resultados seguiu suas quatro fases: (1) Introdu??o de Tecnologia: 1973-1980; (2) Intensifica??o de Pesquisas: 1981-1991; (3) Adapta??o Tecnol?gica; 1992-2003; (4) Crise Tecnol?gica: 2004-2009. Uma an?lise transversal ao longo da trajet?ria revelou o car?ter evolucion?rio das mudan?as estruturais e pol?ticas ao longo do tempo, e implica??es sobre o processo de gera??o de inova??o. Nota-se que, o limite tecnol?gico ao qual o setor chegou requer mudan?as nos padr?es tecnol?gicos, no entanto ? mais prov?vel que a carcinicultura potiguar esteja entrando em uma nova fase de sua trajet?ria tecnol?gica do que em um novo paradigma tecnol?gico

Made available in DSpace on 2014-12-17T14:19:42Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 SandraDR.pdf: 546238 bytes, checksum: 9f02c26769ae0f87fded3a2949879993 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007-11-30 / The theme of civil society has resonated significantly in the analysis of social science studies and has long been the center of public opinion, applied to a vast range of contexts, significances and political ideological connotations. Starting with such an unstable theoretical scenario, our research proposal scrutinized two civil society analysis traditions. Embodied by Antonio Gramsci and J?rgen Habermas, these politically conceptual differences are significantly divided into distinct interpretations of the relationship between the state and civil society. On one side, in Gramsci's work, we observe civil society as historically constituted through "molecular expansion of the state", organizing itself during its obligatory constitutive moment. On the other, Habermas shows us a civil society instituted from the structural differentiation process of society developed due to the contradiction existing between the different ways the state administration is organized, the economy and daily social interaction (in which it is found). As a consequence, civil society is no longer seen as a political arena and the hegemonic catalyst of the state, but as a social arrangement destined to increase the viability of the ethical and dialogical reconstruction of social life. It follows that the understanding of the distinctions between both models of civil society become crucial in the measure that they are divided in relation to the delineation of acting agents, fighting strategies, and to the objective of their actions.Despite the existence of analytical dissonance, we intend to outline the common points between both these civil society analysis traditions whose conflicting political action models lead us to a greater understanding of our contemporary political scene. This will be done starting with the systematization of both selected authors' principal categories, and through the introduction of the "contra-hegemonic public sphere" concept / O tema da sociedade civil tem tido bastante resson?ncia nas an?lises dos estudiosos das ci?ncias sociais e tem estado no centro dos debates da opini?o p?blica, aplicado a uma vasta gama de contextos, significados e conota??es pol?tico-ideol?gicas. Partindo de um cen?rio te?rico t?o inst?vel, nossa proposta de pesquisa se dirigiu no sentido de perscrutar duas tradi??es de an?lise do conceito de sociedade civil corporificadas nas obras de Antonio Gramsci e J?rgen Habermas cujas diferen?as pol?tico-conceituais se desdobram, de maneira bastante evidente, em interpreta??es distintas acerca das rela??es entre Estado e sociedade. Se, por um lado, observamos na obra de Gramsci uma sociedade civil constitu?da historicamente a partir de um processo de expans?o molecular do Estado , e se organizando enquanto seu inelimin?vel momento constitutivo; por outro, nos ? apresentada por Habermas uma sociedade civil que, contrariamente, se instituiu a partir do processo de diferencia??o estrutural da sociedade e se desenvolveu como resultado da contradi??o entre as formas administrativas de organiza??o do Estado, da economia e da intera??o social cotidiana (na qual ela se localiza). Como conseq??ncia, transitou-se de uma imagem de sociedade civil como palco de lutas pol?ticas e empenhos hegem?nicos dentro do Estado em sentido amplo, para uma imagem que a converte em um arranjo societal destinado a viabilizar a reconstru??o ?tica e dial?gica da vida social. Neste sentido, o entendimento das distin??es entre os dois modelos de sociedade civil torna-se crucial na medida em que eles se desdobram em projetos pol?ticos d?spares, seja no delineamento de seus atores, nas estrat?gias de lutas ou no alcance de suas a??es. Pretendemos, portanto, a partir da sistematiza??o das principais categorias dos dois autores selecionados, e atrav?s da introdu??o do conceito de esfera p?blica contra-hegem?nica , perceber, al?m das disson?ncias anal?ticas, as possibilidades reais de articula??o entre estas duas tradi??es de an?lise da sociedade civil, cujos modelos de a??o pol?tica t?o conflitantes nos ajudam a entender melhor nosso cen?rio pol?tico contempor?neo.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-12-17T14:19:43Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 SebastiaoFF.pdf: 448629 bytes, checksum: 4ac6abf16ea8a1b338a59557d2bea8df (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006-05-12 / Coordena??o de Aperfei?oamento de Pessoal de N?vel Superior / Contemporary politics have assumed new configurations both in the way they are carried out and in the content publicized. Nevertheless, some practices are unchanged since antiquity. But the advent of the media and its circumstantial molding of current society have forced politics to make some changes to adapt both to mass media and to the new social practices in liberal democracy. Given that fact, this study tried to demonstrate how power has become personalized in Campina Grande, Para?ba, Brazil, by a politician named C?ssio Cunha Lima. Through the communications media and popular manifestations, he has been trying to create a symbiosis between Micarande a Carnival party (not held in the traditional Mardi Gras week) and his own public image, elaborating a process that identifies him with that event. In that way, he hopes to appropriate the festival and project his political image by using the party as na electoral currency in his publicity campaigns / A pol?tica contempor?nea tem assumido novas configura??es tanto nas suas formas de exerc?cio como no conte?do exposto publicamente. No entanto, algumas pr?ticas continuam imut?veis desde a antiguidade. Por?m, o advento dos meios de comunica??o e sua circunstancial moldagem na sociedade atual obrigou ? pol?tica algumas modifica??es necess?rias ? adequa??o tanto dos meios massivos quanto ?s novas pr?ticas de sociabilidade na democr?tica liberal. Diante disso, o estudo aqui apresentado procura demonstrar a personaliza??o do poder, em Campina Grande (PB), pelo agente pol?tico C?ssio Cunha Lima que, atrav?s dos meios de comunica??o e de uma manifesta??o popular, busca uma simbiose entre a festa Micarande, carnaval fora de ?poca e a sua imagem p?blica pol?tica, elaborando um processo de identifica??o pessoal com o evento citado. Objetiva, com tal fato, a apropria??o do festejo e a proje??o da sua imagem pol?tica, usando-a como moeda eleitoral e pol?tica nas suas campanhas publicit?rias

Made available in DSpace on 2014-12-17T14:19:50Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 MichelePM.pdf: 3334266 bytes, checksum: 11b0a1cb56f5a42507a4dbff1520c18e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-03-30 / Coordena??o de Aperfei?oamento de Pessoal de N?vel Superior / The 1980s, at UFRN represented a moment of resumption of student struggles. The major goals of the student movement in this period was the fight against the authoritarian regime and for the democracy within and outside the university. In this context, events, activities, artistic and cultural productions were organized in order to make a critical policy for the procedure, trying to establish a dialogue between the university community and the population. Our work has made a research on cultural practices of the student movement in the 1980s. We did an analysis on the process of democratic transition in Brazil, the political participation of youth, their cultural practices in the country, society and politics in the RN, the student movement at UFRN and its cultural practices. We also discussed the concept of culture and cultural practices, but also pointed each of the the main activities and cultural productions organized by students of UFRN in that period. As methodological resource, were used the oral sources, the academic literature on the subject and newspaper pieces, newsletters and advertisement material of the students / Os anos 1980, na UFRN, representaram um momento de retomada das lutas estudantis. As principais bandeiras do movimento estudantil nesse per?odo era a luta pelo fim do regime autorit?rio e por democracia dentro e fora da universidade. Nesse contexto, foram realizados eventos, atividades e produ??es art?stico-culturais com o prop?sito de fazer uma cr?tica pol?tica ao regime, buscando fazer um di?logo com a comunidade universit?ria e com parte da popula??o. Nosso trabalho fez uma investiga??o sobre as pr?ticas culturais do movimento estudantil nos anos 1980. Fizemos uma an?lise sobre o processo de transi??o democr?tica brasileira, a participa??o pol?tica da juventude, suas pr?ticas culturais no pa?s, a sociedade e a pol?tica no RN, o movimento estudantil da UFRN e suas pr?ticas culturais. Discutimos o conceito de cultura e pr?ticas culturais, como tamb?m mapeamos as principais atividades e produ??es culturais organizadas pelos estudantes da UFRN, nesse per?odo. Utilizamos como recurso metodol?gico a fonte oral, a literatura sobre o assunto e mat?rias em jornais, boletins e panfletos estudantis