Communities of color have been fighting for equal rights in society throughout history, resulting in the development of different social movements. In 2013, the Black Lives Matter movement was founded and protests erupted across America as Black lives were lost at the hands of law enforcement. In the summer of 2020, the protests continued, serving as a catalyst for schools to begin interrogating their practices and curricula, moving towards efforts to be pro-Black and antiracist. Grounded in Critical Social Theory and Critical Race Theory, this autoethnographic study explores the experiences of me, a Latinx teacher in diversity, equity and inclusion (DEI) professional development (PD), intended to train teachers in how to be antiracist educators. This study centers my experience as both an educator of color and teacher, interrogating my experience through critical self-reflection and document analysis. This study explores the ways Black, Indigenous, people of color (BIPOC) teachers experience DEI professional development within this context of Black Lives Matter (BLM) and the racial reckoning of 2020. The purpose of this study is to inform future professional development practices so that the BIPOC educator experience is considered within professional development (PDs), but specifically within DEI and antiracism work.

Conversations regarding racial equity are uncomfortable for many Catholic school leaders. This is due to a lack of clarity between Catholic social teaching (CST) and its implementation regarding racial justice among Catholic schools. This necessitates coherent guidance to address systemic racism in Catholic education which responds to the need for greater equity, inclusion, and antiracism in its Catholic schools. The purpose of this study was to work with Black Catholic school leaders to understand how they operationalize antiracism in their leadership practice. To understand this paradigm, this study addressed two research questions: (1) How do Black leaders experience their role as Catholic school principals? (2) What roadblocks do Black principals encounter in their practice? Through a series of journal entries and semi structured interviews data were collected and interpreted through a critical race methodology. This resulted in two main findings. First, the data indicated intimate school leadership and culturally responsive school leadership as an operationalization of CST in Catholic school. Second, that racism was a key deterrent to CST implementation. The research findings suggested that an authentic commitment to Catholic schools serving the Black community requires intimate school leadership among leaders in positions of governance as modeled by the participating Black Catholic school leaders of the study.

It is vital that feminist theory and critical white studies be combined in order to form what I call critical white feminism. Both critical white studies and feminist studies are often limited in their ability to adequately address the complex interconnectivity of racial and gender privilege and oppression. In general, feminist scholarship produced by white feminists excludes and oppresses women of color and is therefore inadequate. I refer to this problem as white feminist racism and argue that white feminists are ignorant of the ways in which whiteness and privilege facilitate problematic theorizing. Unlike white feminist theories, the emerging field of critical white studies provides a foundation for exploring whiteness in a racist society. However, critical white theories often examine racism and whiteness without attention to gender, and are therefore inadequate, as well. Consequently, another approach is necessary for the development of liberatory theories that sufficiently conceptualize social change. As a solution to the limitations of both feminist studies and critical white studies, I propose critical white feminism, which encourages white feminists to interrogate whiteness and privilege. The purpose of critical white feminism is to a) conceptualize an inclusive and transformative antiracist feminist framework and agenda, b) challenge white feminist racism and white feminist hegemony, c) encourage open and honest communication between feminists across differences, and d) facilitate feminist solidarity and mobilization.

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The aim of this study is to analyze the concept of antiracism and explore what characterizes the kind of antiracism that the empirical examples presented in this study represent. The empirical examples are instances of what I call antiracist actors. They are rooted in civil society, but also have strong connections with the government through government funding. The empirical data has been gathered through both qualitative and quantitative methods, mainly in the form of a survey and interviews. In order to explore the antiracist actors I have focused on three themes: (1) the shapes and forms of racism, (2) antiracism as a phenomenon, and (3) antiracism as a social arena. Through these themes I have gathered information about how the antiracist actors interpret their activities and the context in which they are working. On the subject of the shapes and forms of racism, I establish that racism is a concept that is hard to define. The antiracist actors lack a common language regarding racism, which affects the antiracist rhetoric. Regarding antiracism as a phenomenon, I conclude that the antiracist strategies mainly consist of three components: (1) knowledge is used as a strategic instrument internally to strengthen the volunteers, (2) knowledge is spread externally to increase awareness of racism, and (3) the antiracist actors deconstruct racist beliefs when opposing racist opinions. Finally, I research antiracism as a social arena and study civil society and theories about social movements in order to explore organizational aspects of the antiracist actors. Using Alberto Meluccis’ social movement theories, there is some evidence to support the thesis that the antiracist actors could be defined as part of an antiracist movement. However, overall there are stronger arguments to suggest the opposite, mainly since the antiracist actors are not in opposition to one or more adversaries. Instead they work with target groups, sometimes targeting the general public, sometimes specific groups like children in a certain school. The main conclusion from my study in this respect is that the antiracist actors are part of what I call association-driven antiracism. The associationdriven antiracism is characterized by non-violent methods and the antiracist actors do not focus on racist adversaries, instead they work with target groups trying to influence them in an antiracist way. The association-driven antiracism secures its continuity through networks, since many activities are project-based and only last for a limited period of time. Also, the antiracist actors are not representatives of particular political parties, instead they gather around the question at hand, antiracism. The antiracist actors within the association-driven antiracism are in close collaboration with the government and partly finance their activities with government funding. This collaboration can be explained as a positive steering process, the rulers (the government) and those who are ruled (the antiracist actors) agree on an antiracist ideology and work in the same direction.

<p><em>The aim of this study is to analyze the concept of antiracism and explore what characterizes the kind of antiracism that the empirical examples presented in this study represent.</em> The empirical examples are instances of what I call antiracist actors. They are rooted in civil society, but also have strong connections with the government through government funding. The empirical data has been gathered through both qualitative and quantitative methods, mainly in the form of a survey and interviews. In order to explore the antiracist actors I have focused on three themes: (1) the shapes and forms of racism, (2) antiracism as a phenomenon, and (3) antiracism as a social arena. Through these themes I have gathered information about how the antiracist actors interpret their activities and the context in which they are working.</p><p>On the subject of the shapes and forms of racism, I establish that racism is a concept that is hard to define. The antiracist actors lack a common language regarding racism, which affects the antiracist rhetoric. Regarding antiracism as a phenomenon, I conclude that the antiracist strategies mainly consist of three components: (1) <em>knowledge is used as a strategic instrument</em> internally to strengthen the volunteers, (2) <em>knowledge is spread</em> externally to increase awareness of racism, and (3) the antiracist actors <em>deconstruct racist beliefs</em> when opposing racist opinions. Finally, I research antiracism as a social arena and study civil society and theories about social movements in order to explore organizational aspects of the antiracist actors. Using Alberto Meluccis’ social movement theories, there is some evidence to support the thesis that the antiracist actors could be defined as part of an antiracist movement. However, overall there are stronger arguments to suggest the opposite, mainly since the antiracist actors are not in opposition to one or more adversaries. Instead they work with target groups, sometimes targeting the general public, sometimes specific groups like children in a certain school.</p><p>The main conclusion from my study in this respect is that the antiracist actors are part of what I call <em>association-driven antiracism</em>. The associationdriven antiracism is <em>characterized by non-violent methods</em> and the antiracist actors do not focus on racist adversaries, instead <em>they work with target groups</em> trying to influence them in an antiracist way. The association-driven antiracism secures its continuity through networks, since many activities are project-based and only last for a limited period of time. Also, the antiracist actors are not representatives <em>of particular political parties</em>, instead they <em>gather around the question at hand, antiracism</em>. The antiracist actors within the association-driven antiracism are in close collaboration with the government and partly finance their activities with government funding. This collaboration can be explained as a <em>positive steering process</em>, the rulers (the government) and those who are ruled (the antiracist actors) agree on an antiracist ideology and work in the same direction.</p>

The sense of crisis that marks our times may be seen as a crisis for dominant groups whose once-secure hegemony is being challenged by marginalised others. It is in theorising the reply from the dominant group to the voices of the oppressed that existing Western conceptions of social change fall silent. The dominant Pakeha group in Aotearoa New Zealand has used discourses of benign colonisation and harmonious race relations to resist 165 years of communication from indigenous Māori about their oppression and a dishonoured treaty for settlement. My research documents the appearance of the Treaty of Waitangi into the Pakeha consciousness, and the now 30 year-long response by a Pakeha antiracism movement to educate their own cultural group about its agreements. Targeting government, community and social services organisations, activist educators used Freire's (1975) approach of conscientising dialogue to present a more critical view of colonisation, and to encourage participants to consider the complicity of their organisations in ongoing structural and cultural racism. Based on my membership of local and national networks of activist educators, I was able to organise and facilitate data gathering from three sources to investigate processes of Pakeha change in: (i) unpublished material describing the antiracism and Treaty movement's historical theorising and strategies over 30 years, (ii) a country-wide process of co-theorising among contemporary Treaty educator groups about their work and perceived influence, and (iii) a collection of organisational accounts of Treaty-focused change. The collected records confirmed that a coherent anti-colonial discourse, which I have termed 'Pakeha honouring the Treaty', was in use to construct institutional and constitutional changes in non-government organisations. My interpretation of key elements in a local theory of transforming action included emotional responses to counter-cultural information, collective work for cultural and institutional change and practising a mutually agreed relationship with Māori. I concluded that these emotional, collective and relationship processes in dominant group change were crucial in helping to construct the new conceptual resources of 'affirming Māori authority' and 'striving towards a right relationship with Māori'. These counter-colonial constructions allowed Pakeha a non-resistant and facilitative response to Māori challenge, and enabled a dialogue with Māori about decolonisation. By examining in one research programme the genealogy and interdependencies of a new discourse, my research contributes to theorising about the production of new, counter-hegemonic discourses, and confirms the crucial part played by social movements in developing new, liberatory constructions of the social order. My research calls for further theory-building on (i) emotional and spiritual aspects of transformational learning, (ii) processes involved in consciously-undertaken cultural change by dominant/coloniser groups, and (iii) practising of mutually agreed relationships with indigenous peoples by dominant/coloniser groups. My research has implications for theorising how coloniser and dominant groups generally may participate in liberatory social change and decolonisation work, and the part played by the Western states in the global struggles by indigenous people for recognition of their world-views and aspirations. It remains to be seen whether counter-colonial discourses and organisational changes aimed at 'honouring the Treaty' with indigenous peoples will be sufficiently widely adopted to help transform Western dominating cultures and colonial projects. In the meantime, acknowledging and documenting these counter-colonial discourses and their constructions opens up increasing possibilities for constructing, from a history of colonisation, a different future.

The current trend of global violence and their impact on families and communities as well as the field of university education is scary for a society that is struggling with this false sense of apathy and complacency. How did the ordinary people get seduced to the idea that there is no way out of this global assault? How then do we extricate ourselves from this “tortured consciousness” (Asante, 2007) and this false sense of “nihilism” (West, 1994) and recoup this “incommensurable loss” (Simmons, 2010) to global violence? Even more crucial, where is the place of education in retrieving this incommensurable loss while providing hope and possibility for a better future? Provoked by the desire to have answers to these questions, the dissertation relies on the knowledge and experiences of twenty qualitatively selected university activists and existing literature to critically examine the non-violent praxes of Gandhi and King, Jr. and their pedagogical implications for transformative university education. The dissertation further draws on the knowledge of Frantz Fanon and Malcolm X to bring complex and nuanced readings to violence and non-violence. The dissertation notes that violence and non-violence are not mutually exclusive as already known. The dissertation also notes that while resistive violence may be justified, it does not necessarily guarantee true transformation, reconciliation, and healing. Instead, love, humility, truth, dialogue, non-violent direct action, discipline, and spirituality are salient in achieving true transformation in university activism. The dissertation further observes that educational activism is more than walking on the street with placards to protest against institutional violence. Sometimes, the secret activism that is done strategically within the corridors of power can achieve more far-reaching results than the open protest against power on the street. The dissertation concludes with six key non-violent strategies that can help in social and political mobilization of university students for transformative university education.

The current trend of global violence and their impact on families and communities as well as the field of university education is scary for a society that is struggling with this false sense of apathy and complacency. How did the ordinary people get seduced to the idea that there is no way out of this global assault? How then do we extricate ourselves from this “tortured consciousness” (Asante, 2007) and this false sense of “nihilism” (West, 1994) and recoup this “incommensurable loss” (Simmons, 2010) to global violence? Even more crucial, where is the place of education in retrieving this incommensurable loss while providing hope and possibility for a better future? Provoked by the desire to have answers to these questions, the dissertation relies on the knowledge and experiences of twenty qualitatively selected university activists and existing literature to critically examine the non-violent praxes of Gandhi and King, Jr. and their pedagogical implications for transformative university education. The dissertation further draws on the knowledge of Frantz Fanon and Malcolm X to bring complex and nuanced readings to violence and non-violence. The dissertation notes that violence and non-violence are not mutually exclusive as already known. The dissertation also notes that while resistive violence may be justified, it does not necessarily guarantee true transformation, reconciliation, and healing. Instead, love, humility, truth, dialogue, non-violent direct action, discipline, and spirituality are salient in achieving true transformation in university activism. The dissertation further observes that educational activism is more than walking on the street with placards to protest against institutional violence. Sometimes, the secret activism that is done strategically within the corridors of power can achieve more far-reaching results than the open protest against power on the street. The dissertation concludes with six key non-violent strategies that can help in social and political mobilization of university students for transformative university education.

This thesis analyzes the conceptualization of agency as a form of resistance against dehumanizing slavery discourses present in the narrative The Underground Railroad (2016) by Colson Whitehead. For the historical contextualization and the theoretical background, the scholarly work Stamped from the Beginning by Ibram X. Kendi is used. This serves to better illustrate how Whitehead’s novel, despite being fiction, draws on themes and topics that are real to the experience of millions of black people, particularly in the context of American slavery. The analysis demonstrates how the main black characters, particularly Cora, challenge and invert dehumanizing slavery discourses on brutality and sexual violence, mobility, community and bodily autonomy. They do so by reclaiming agency to humanize themselves and their people, reject captivity by escaping, reject isolation by forming and nurturing relationships with one another, and taking ownership over their bodies and minds with every possible means available. Black female characters such as Cora also reject hegemonic masculinity, which is linked to the system of slavery being understood as patriarchal. Such rejection occurs by defying power dynamics which guarantee the subordination of femaleness and blackness, to maleness and whiteness. Another finding of the thesis is the way in which racism, constructed and used to perpetuate racist policies that benefit the interests of white people, leads to a number of black people in the narrative developing a sense of self shaped by racist notions of inferiority, leading them to sabotage themselves and their people. This could be understood as assimilationism, which ranges from a severe self-sabotage, to fighting for acceptance of white people’s approval, buying into the false notion that something was wrong with blackness in the first place. This thesis is unapologetically antiracist and rejects dehumanizing slavery discourse in its writing. / Denna avhandling analyserar konceptualiseringen av agens som en form av motstånd mot dehumaniserande slaveridiskurser i The Underground Railroad (2016) av Colson Whitehead. För den historiska kontextualiseringen och den teoretiska bakgrunden används Stamped from the Beginning av Ibram X. Kendi. Detta tjänar till att bättre illustrera hur Whiteheads roman, trots att den är fiktion, bygger på teman och ämnen som är centrala i miljontals svarta människors erfarenheter, särskilt i samband med USAs slaverihistoria. Analysen visar hur de svarta huvudkaraktärerna, särskilt Cora, utmanar och inverterar avhumaniserande slaveridiskurser kring brutalitet och sexuellt våld, mobilitet, gemenskap och kroppslig autonomi. De gör det genom att återta friheten att humanisera sig själva och sitt folk, vägra fångenskap genom att fly och, isolering genom att bilda och vårda relationer och hävda äganderätt över kropp och sinne med alla tillbuds stående medel. Svarthet kvinnliga karaktärer som Cora avvisar också hegemonisk maskulinitet, vilket är kopplat till att slaverisystemet förstås som patriarkalt. Sådant förkastande sker genom att trotsa maktdynamik som garanterar underordnandet av kvinnlighet och svarthet, till manlighet och vithet. Uppsatsen visar öckså att det sätt på vilket rasism, konstruerad och använd för att vidmakthålla en politik som gynnar vita människors intressen, leder till att ett antal svarta människor i berättelsen utvecklar en självkänsla som formats av rasistiska föreställningar om underlägsenhet, vilket leder dem att sabotera för sig själva och sitt folk. Detta kan förstås i termer av assimilationism, som sträcker sig från ett allvarligt självsabotage, till att kämpa för vita människors godkännande, att köpa in sig i den falska föreställningen att något är fel med svarhet. Den här uppsatsen är antirasistisk och avvisar avhumaniserande slaveridiskurser.