This thesis concentrates on 1938 radio broadcast Pravda vítězí (The Truth Will Win), broadcasted from Vienna in both Czech and Slovak languages in the two months preceding and following the signing of the Munich agreement. Its theoretical part follows the genesis of the two broadcasts, the personalities involved and also the connection between Pravda vítězí and Vlajka, the infamous Czech fascist movement. In the practical part, Nazi propaganda themes are being analyzed in both broadcasts during October 1938. Main focus is on the campaigns against president Beneš, against freemasonry and bolshevism, pro-German campaign and antisemitism. In the Slovak language broadcast, anti-Czech campaign was a significant part of the Nazi propaganda, along with the support of Slovak separatism. Comparison of the ideological focus and goals of both broadcasts is supported by numerous quotations. In the final part, the thesis offers a brief look at the reactions to the broadcasts. Also, it attempts to evaluate the broadcasts' possible effects on both Czech and Slovak audience in the light of its primary goal - the disintegration of Czechoslovakia.

The Thesis analyses political thought of the contemporary czech national socialism and the methods the subjects considered to be part of this movement use to address cizizens. Among these subjects are the Worker's Party (of Social Justice), National Defiance and Autonomous nationalists. In the first chapter, the Thesis clarifies the specific background of the czech national socialism focusing on facts, figures and the latest development. Second and crucial chapter characterizes political thought of the czech national socialism. The last part of the Thesis focuses on the topics the before mentioned subjects use to address wide public, on their image, their rhetoric and the means of propaganda they turn to.

This thesis examines the progression from relatively peaceful relations between Alexandrians and Jews under the Ptolemies to the Diaspora Revolt under the Romans. A close analysis of the literature evidences that the transition from Ptolemaic to Roman Alexandria had critical effects on Jewish status in the Diaspora. One of the most far reaching consequences of the shift from the Ptolemies to Romans was forcing the Alexandrians to participate in the struggle for imperial patronage. Alexandrian involvement introduced a new element to the ongoing conflict among Egypt’s Jews and native Egyptians. The Alexandrian citizens consciously cut back privileges the Jews previously enjoyed under the Ptolemies and sought to block the Jews from advancing within the Roman system. Soon the Jews were confronted with rhetoric slandering their civility and culture. Faced with a choice, many Jews forsook Judaism and their traditions for more upwardly mobile life. After the outbreak of the First Jewish War Jewish life took a turn for the worse. Many Jews found themselves in a system that classified them according to their heritage and ancestry, limiting advancement even for apostates. With the resulting Jewish tax (fiscus Judaicus) Jews were becoming more economically and socially marginalized. The Alexandrian Jews were a literate society in their own right, and sought to reverse their diminishing prestige with a rhetoric of their own. This thesis analyzes Jewish writings and pagan writings about the Jews, which evidences their changing socio-political position in Greco-Roman society. Increasingly the Jews wrote with an urgent rhetoric in attempts to persuade their fellow Jews to remain loyal to Judaism and to seek their rights within the construct of the Roman system. Meanwhile, tensions between their community and the Alexandrian community grew. In less than 100 years, from 30 CE to 117 CE, the Alexandrians attacked the Jewish community on at least three occasions. Despite the advice of the most Hellenized elites, the Jews did not sit idly by, but instead sought to disrupt Alexandrian meetings, anti-Jewish theater productions, and appealed to Rome. In the year 115 CE, tensions reached a high. Facing three years of violent attacks against their community, Alexandrian Jews responded to Jewish uprisings in Cyrene and Egypt with an uprising of their own. Really a series of revolts, historians have termed these events simply “the Diaspora Revolt.”

O objetivo desta tese é o estudo da vida dos judeus na Alemanha, a partir de msua saída do gueto ao final do século XVIII. Tive a preocupação em contextualizar a história do antijuda-ísmo, desde a chegada dos romanos na antiga Germânia no século II, ressaltando os momentos mais críticos, como a Primeira Cruzada em 1096 e o enforcamento do judeu Süß em 1738, por razões de animosidades políticas. O estudo rastreia o antissemitismo a partir dos acontecimen-tos da primeira metade do século XIX, permitindo compreender a eclosão dos horrores da Shoá, como o auge de um processo que se desenvolveu durante um longo período. Foram observadas tentativas de integração à sociedade alemã, envolvendo progressos curtos, entremeados por re-cuos, pontuados por movimentos dos próprios judeus, evidenciando o paradoxo entre a liber-dade adquirida pela saída do gueto, com a entrada na vida urbana, e os crescentes sentimentos antijudaicos, agora no seio da sociedade alemã, ocasionando o agravamento desses sentimentos, com os quais os judeus tiveram de conviver. O trabalho demonstra como essa integração se tornou estímulo para o recrudescimento de tendências antijudaicas latentes. O antissemitismo foi tomando, progressivamente, forma mais política e serviu de sustentação ao crescimento do na-cional-socialismo, que o tomou como bandeira, para dar sentido ao ódio gerado pelas tensões vigentes na nação germânica. A insatisfação decorrente da humilhação acarretada pela derrota da Primeira Guerra Mundial e pelo Tratado de Versalhes fez com que o movimento crescente em direção à Segunda Guerra Mundial ficasse aí determinado. A imagem dos judeus ficou as-sociada ao que passou a ser visto pelos setores reacionários e nacionalistas, como intimamente ligados à República de Weimar, levando os arianos a declarar guerra a tudo o que fosse oci-dental, judaico, liberal e iluminista. A maldição estava posta. Houve tentativas de reação judai-cas, objeto central deste estudo, a partir da fundação do Central Verein deutscher Staatsbürger jüdischen Glaubens em 1893, que existiu até 1938, e é a reafirmação da identidade alemã dos judeus. A insistência dos judeus em constituir-se como parte integrante da sociedade alemã pôde ser verificada a posteriori. Foi uma tentativa derradeira, condenada ao fracasso, porém corajosa. A abertura dos arquivos de Moscou permitiu conhecer este processo e alimentou de informações preciosas o estudo aqui apresentado. / The purpose of this study was to investigate the life of the German Jews after leaving the ghetto at the end of the 18th Century. There was a concern to put the History of Anti-Judaism in con-text, ever since the Romans entered Ancient Germania, emphasizing critical moments such as the 1st Crusade and the hanging of the Jew Süss in 1738 because of political animosities. The study tracked Anti-Semitism from the events of the first half of the 19th century, allowing an understanding of the outburst of the horrors of the Holocaust as the peak of a long progressing process. Attempts of the Jews to become integrated in the German society were observed, with momentary progresses interspersed with retreats, punctuated by movements of the Jews them-selves in this integration process. There is a paradox between the freedom conquered by exiting the ghetto and entering the urban life and the growing anti-Jewish feelings within the German society with which they had to live. It is shown in this work how this integration became a stimulus for anti-Jewish revivals. Anti-Semitism became more and more political, supporting the growth of National Socialism that adopted it as a flag, in order to give a meaning to the hatred arising from the tensions present in the German population. Then the dissatisfaction re-sulting from the humiliation caused by the defeat in World War I and the Treaty of Versailles determined the increasing movement towards World War II. Reactionary and nationalist sectors associated the image of the Jews with the Weimar Republic and so the Arians declared war against everything considered Western, Jewish, liberal and enlightening. The curse was on. Jewish attempts to react, also featuring a confirmation of their German identity and their insist-ence in belonging to the German society, were the core of this study. In retrospect, the founda-tion of the CV can be considered a last and brave attempt, yet destined to fail. The opening of the Moscow archives allowed getting to know this process, providing valuable information for the present study.

My thesis examines relations among practitioners of various religions, especially Christians and Jews, during the era when Jesus’ project went from being a Galilean sect, to a persecuted minority, to religio licita status, and eventually to imperial favor, all happening between the first century resurrection of Jesus and the fourth century rise of Constantine. There is an abiding image of the Church in wider public consciousness that it is unwittingly and in some cases antagonistically exclusionist. This is not a late-developing image. I trace it to the period that the church developed into a formal organization with the establishment of canons and creeds defined by Church councils. This notion is so pervasive that an historical retrospective of Christianity of any period, from the sect that became a movement, to the Reformation, to the present day’s multiple Christian iterations, is framed by the late Patristic era. The conflicts and solutions reached in that period provided enduring definition to the Church while silencing dissent. I refer here to such actions as the destruction of books and letters and the banishment of bishops. Before there emerged the urgent perceived need for doctrinal uniformity, the presence of Christianity provided a resilient non-militant opponent to and an increasing intellectual critique of all religious traditions, including that of the official gods that were seen to hold the empire together. When glaringly manifest cleavages in the empire persisted, the Emperor Constantine sought to use the church to help bring political unity. He called for church councils, starting with Nicaea in 325 CE that took no account for churches outside the Roman Empire, and many within, even though councils were called “Ecumenical.” The presumption that the church was fully representative without asking for permission from a broader field of constituents is just that: a presumption. This thesis studies the ancient world of Christianity’s growth to explore whether, in that age of new and untested toleration, there was a more advisable way of responding to the invitation to the political table. The answer to this can help us formulate, and perhaps revise, some of our conduct today, especially for Christians who obtain a voice in powerful places. / Christian Spirituality, Church History and Missiology / D. Th. (Church History)

O objetivo desta tese é o estudo da vida dos judeus na Alemanha, a partir de msua saída do gueto ao final do século XVIII. Tive a preocupação em contextualizar a história do antijuda-ísmo, desde a chegada dos romanos na antiga Germânia no século II, ressaltando os momentos mais críticos, como a Primeira Cruzada em 1096 e o enforcamento do judeu Süß em 1738, por razões de animosidades políticas. O estudo rastreia o antissemitismo a partir dos acontecimen-tos da primeira metade do século XIX, permitindo compreender a eclosão dos horrores da Shoá, como o auge de um processo que se desenvolveu durante um longo período. Foram observadas tentativas de integração à sociedade alemã, envolvendo progressos curtos, entremeados por re-cuos, pontuados por movimentos dos próprios judeus, evidenciando o paradoxo entre a liber-dade adquirida pela saída do gueto, com a entrada na vida urbana, e os crescentes sentimentos antijudaicos, agora no seio da sociedade alemã, ocasionando o agravamento desses sentimentos, com os quais os judeus tiveram de conviver. O trabalho demonstra como essa integração se tornou estímulo para o recrudescimento de tendências antijudaicas latentes. O antissemitismo foi tomando, progressivamente, forma mais política e serviu de sustentação ao crescimento do na-cional-socialismo, que o tomou como bandeira, para dar sentido ao ódio gerado pelas tensões vigentes na nação germânica. A insatisfação decorrente da humilhação acarretada pela derrota da Primeira Guerra Mundial e pelo Tratado de Versalhes fez com que o movimento crescente em direção à Segunda Guerra Mundial ficasse aí determinado. A imagem dos judeus ficou as-sociada ao que passou a ser visto pelos setores reacionários e nacionalistas, como intimamente ligados à República de Weimar, levando os arianos a declarar guerra a tudo o que fosse oci-dental, judaico, liberal e iluminista. A maldição estava posta. Houve tentativas de reação judai-cas, objeto central deste estudo, a partir da fundação do Central Verein deutscher Staatsbürger jüdischen Glaubens em 1893, que existiu até 1938, e é a reafirmação da identidade alemã dos judeus. A insistência dos judeus em constituir-se como parte integrante da sociedade alemã pôde ser verificada a posteriori. Foi uma tentativa derradeira, condenada ao fracasso, porém corajosa. A abertura dos arquivos de Moscou permitiu conhecer este processo e alimentou de informações preciosas o estudo aqui apresentado. / The purpose of this study was to investigate the life of the German Jews after leaving the ghetto at the end of the 18th Century. There was a concern to put the History of Anti-Judaism in con-text, ever since the Romans entered Ancient Germania, emphasizing critical moments such as the 1st Crusade and the hanging of the Jew Süss in 1738 because of political animosities. The study tracked Anti-Semitism from the events of the first half of the 19th century, allowing an understanding of the outburst of the horrors of the Holocaust as the peak of a long progressing process. Attempts of the Jews to become integrated in the German society were observed, with momentary progresses interspersed with retreats, punctuated by movements of the Jews them-selves in this integration process. There is a paradox between the freedom conquered by exiting the ghetto and entering the urban life and the growing anti-Jewish feelings within the German society with which they had to live. It is shown in this work how this integration became a stimulus for anti-Jewish revivals. Anti-Semitism became more and more political, supporting the growth of National Socialism that adopted it as a flag, in order to give a meaning to the hatred arising from the tensions present in the German population. Then the dissatisfaction re-sulting from the humiliation caused by the defeat in World War I and the Treaty of Versailles determined the increasing movement towards World War II. Reactionary and nationalist sectors associated the image of the Jews with the Weimar Republic and so the Arians declared war against everything considered Western, Jewish, liberal and enlightening. The curse was on. Jewish attempts to react, also featuring a confirmation of their German identity and their insist-ence in belonging to the German society, were the core of this study. In retrospect, the founda-tion of the CV can be considered a last and brave attempt, yet destined to fail. The opening of the Moscow archives allowed getting to know this process, providing valuable information for the present study.

Laurence Prempain consacre sa thèse de doctorat d’histoire aux Polonais-es et Juif-ve-s polonais-es venu-e-s vivre à Lyon (France) entre 1935 et 1945. Dans une première partie, elle présente le cadre géographique (Lyon) ainsi que sa méthodologie (approche par le genre, choix de la microhistoire, le silence comme source) et sa volonté de donner à entendre leurs voix afin de les placer au coeur de sa démarche. Pour cela, suite au dépouillement de quelque 600 dossiers administratifs constitués par le bureau de contrôle des étrangers (préfecture du Rhône), les lettres qu’ils-elles ont écrites ont été collectées pour ce qu’elles mettent au jour de la lutte de leurs auteur-e-s pour vivre et survivre. L’historienne part du postulat que les Polonais-es et Juif-ve-s polonais-es venu-e-s en France composent une population hétérogène n’ayant en commun qu’un rattachement à une citoyenneté, mais qu’ils-elles n’en demeurent pas moins des réfugié-e-s économiques, politiques ou de guerre. Ainsi, un temps considéré-e-s comme les bienvenu-e-s, les ressortissant-e-s polonais-es sont tous-tes, à un moment de leur parcours de vie, considéré-e-s comme indésirables. Aussi, la deuxième partie est consacrée à l’exploration des procédés auxquels la Troisième République, puis le régime de Vichy ont recours : expulsions, refoulements, exclusions, internements sinon déportation. Par ailleurs, l’auteure s’intéresse aux sorties de guerre et démontre l’existence d’une dimension genrée de l’épuration, comme expression d’une tentative de réappropriation de l’autorité. L’attention est également portée sur l’organisation du rapatriement des étranger-ère-s déporté-e-s raciaux et politiques. Enfin, dans une troisième partie, elle affirme que loin de subir, ces hommes et femmes agissent et développent des stratégies évolutives. Au travers des lettres qu’ils-elles ont écrites, de ce qui est dit mais aussi passé sous silence, elle établit que ces stratégies semblent relever de ce qu’elle choisit de nommer esquive et transgression. L’une s’accommode des limites quand l’autre s’y oppose délibérément. Esquive et transgression se complètent. Il est montré qu’à l’arbitraire sans cesse croissant du régime de Vichy, répondent des stratégies de plus en plus transgressives, dont relèvent notamment le passage de frontière, l’entrée en clandestinité et en résistance. Le passage d’une forme de stratégie à l’autre dépend de l’individu, du contexte, de ses habiti, de son parcours et de son identité. L’historienne conclut qu’en 2016, la crise des réfugié-e-s qui secoue l’Europe résonne des mêmes voix, de celles et ceux qui cherchent à protéger leurs vies et à vivre dans la dignité / Laurence Prempain dedicates her PhD (History) to the study of the Poles and Polish Jews who came to live in Lyon (France) between 1935 and 1945. In the first part, she presents the geographical framework (Lyon), her methodology (Gender approach, microhistory and silence as a source) and her will to understand their voices and place them to the heart of her work. For that purpose, upon the examination of approximately 600 administrative files amassed by the « bureau des étrangers » (préfecture du Rhône), the letters they wrote have been then systematically collected to shed light on their authors’ struggle to live and survive. The historian starts from the postulate that Poles and Polish Jews in France make up a heterogeneous population, only sharing a common citizenship, nonetheless they remain economic, political and war refugees. Thus, once considered welcomed, all Polish nationals are , at their life, considered as unwanted, « indésirables ». Therefore, the second part investigates the processes used by the Third Republic and then the Vichy Regime to get rid of them: expulsions, driving back, exclusions, internments or deportation. Moreover, the author raises the question of the war ends and demonstrates that purges have a gendered dimension, which can be seen as an attempt of reappropriation of the authority. She also focuses on the foreign deportees repatriation’s organisation. Finally, in a third part, she asserts that far from being subjected, these men and women have acted and developped evolutive strategies. Through the letters they wrote, through what is said and what is silenced, she establishes that those strategies are a matter of what she names sidestep and transgression. The first one adapts itself with the limits while the other is deliberately opposed to it. Sidestep and transgression complete each other. It is also showed that to the arbitrary of the richy regime respond strategies more and more transgressive, such as clandestinity, cross borders and resistance. The moving from a strategy to another one, depends on the person, the context, the habits, the life course and the identity. The historian concludes that in 2016, the refugees crisis that shakes Europe resonates of the same voices, of those who are looking for protecting their lives and to living in dignity..

Constructed Reality: A Critical Discourse Analysis of News Texts Surrounding the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict After the United States’ Recognition of Jerusalem as the Capital of Israel. Within hours the American announcement was international news with an almost unanimous UN Security Council condemning the act. The purpose of this study is to examine how the conflict is constructed in news articles from Sweden's two largest daily newspapers as well as two largest evening papers, ranging a week from the US recognition of Jerusalem. The study is conducted with a starting point in theoretical perspectives that deal with the media’s influence of people's perceptions of reality and their world view. The methods applied are first and foremost the overarching model of critical discourse analysis, with a combination of quantitative content analysis and qualitative text analysis. The study concludes that overwhelmingly, the newspapers represented the parties involved (Israelis and Palestinians) in a balanced, neutral fashion. The newspapers were however not as balanced and neutral when it came to which sources were cited.

Albert Einstein published the English translation of Relativity: The Special and General Theory in the midst of two big events in 1920: the confirmation of the two theories of relativity and spacetime in 1919 and the Nobel prize in physics in 1921. The new global celebrity wanted to make the theories intelligible and readable for an international English-speaking audience, an audience that also included antagonistic scientists and even anti-Semites. The aim of this thesis is to do a rhetorical analysis of Einstein’s character, his ethos, in Relativity, with a specific focus on creation of credibility in regard to his historical context: scientific ideals, values and norms as well as the political and cultural tendencies in Europe during the early 20th century. This was done firstly by identifying the implied auditor. Secondly, based on the material, I have identified three stereotypes or characters – the professional idealist, the mentor and the internationalist –  which emphases different features and capacities that are crucial for the credibility of the text. Thirdly, by using these stereotypes and in regard to the specific historical context, I investigated how Einstein developed his primary ethos into a secondary ethos in the text. The rhetorical analysis of Einstein’s Relativity shows that his ethos stands in relation to the social and cultural perception of the virtuous epistemic scientist; to fight prejudices regarding being a Jewish-German theoretical physicist; and, noteworthy, a way to produce a well-needed international space – a crucial alternative to continue the positivistic knowledge production counter to the nationalistic project.

German text / Gegenstand dieser Studie ist die historische Erforschung der deutschen Glaubens- und Gemeinschaftsmissionen, modern ausgedrückt der evangelikalen Missionen in der Zeit des Nationalsozialismus. Die bisherige Forschung hatte diesen Themenkomplex vernachlässigt. Diese Studie beschreibt, wie sich diese Missionsgesellschaften im Umfeld des nationalsozialistischen Unrechtsregimes verhielten. Da die Quellenlage problematisch ist, wird anhand der Missionsblätter aufgezeigt, wie die Glaubens- und Gemeinschaftsmissionen zur Machtergreifung Hitlers standen. Dabei kristallisierte sich heraus, dass man sich überwiegend abseits von Nationalsozialismus, Rassismus und Antisemitismus positionierte. Allerdings blieb man in den Missionsblättern zur Bekennenden Kirche distanziert. Im Hauptteil dieser Studie kommt ein aus dem Quellenmaterial eruiertes Positionenspektrum zum Vorschein, welches von NS-Affinität bis Verfolgung reicht. Dieses ist an acht biographischen Einzelstudien nachgezeichnet. Schließlich hat sich gezeigt, dass die Schuldfrage in der Nachkriegzeit kaum eine Rolle spielte. Als Ergebnis kann konstatiert werden, dass die politische Ethik der Glaubens- und Gemeinschaftsmissionen nur rudimentär vorhanden war und sich lediglich in Obrigkeitsgehorsam und apolitischer Grundhaltung zeigt. / The subject of this study is a historical examination of the German faith-missions (in contemporary terms: evangelical missions) during the period of National Socialism. This topic has been neglected in scholarly research to date. This study describes how these mission agencies acted in the context of the unlawful regime of National Socialism. Due to a problematic source basis, the attitude the faith missions took towards the ursupation of power by Hitler is demonstrated based on their own periodical publications. It emerges that they largely positioned themselves at a distance to National Socialism, racism and anti-semitism. However these publications also demonstrate a distance to the “Confessing Church”. In the main body the examination of eight exemplary biographies based on detailed sources portrays an array of different positions which range from affinity to the NS-system to persecution. Furthermore the study shows that the issue of failure or guilt hardly played any role in the postwar period. This study leads to the conclusion the political ethics of the German faith missions were only rudimentarily developed, and only evinced themselves in an obedience to the powers that be and in a basically apolitical attitude. / Christian Spirituality, Church History & Missiology / D. Th. (Missiology)