This thesis examines the relationship between professional practice and professional training of Christian ministers in post-Communist Central Asia. It responds to the call for study of the phenomenon of Protestant theological education in the post-Soviet bloc. Theological education in Central Asia has been developed without any research-led evaluation and is often found unsatisfactory by the emerging church, which calls for a more relevant, field-driven and contextualised training of its leaders. This study also responds to the gap in the literature on attitude development of ministerial students. This is a qualitative inquiry. Its primary emphasis is on in-depth semi-structured interviews of forty graduates of four major theological colleges in Kyrgyzstan and Kazakhstan, who had spent several years in pastoral ministry after graduation. This research seeks to identify the most common problems they face in professional practice; to identify the attitudes and capabilities underlying their problem-solving processes; and to analyse how their training enabled or failed to enable them to develop those qualities. This thesis argues that theological education can be viewed as a special case of professional training, with a unique cluster of spiritual qualities that are of paramount importance for the success of ministers. It also argues that, despite the graduates’ generally positive appraisal of their training, there was little connection between the training and the capabilities that the graduates needed to succeed in their current practice. It therefore argues that the institutions in Central Asia have inherited the flaws of the "schooling" paradigm of theological education. A more integrated, context-specific and missional model is needed. By developing a model for investigating the practical knowledge of ministers, this study attempts to provide the training institutions in question with a framework of capabilities and attitudes. This will allow those institutions to have a useful starting point in the reformulation of their curricula.

As the diploma's thesis it was chosen the theoretical analysis of the geopolitical position of Russia. The primary objective of this study is the evaluation of current geopolitics of the Russian Federation after the collapse of Soviet Union and outlines its future development. This work tries to answer a few basic questions. What is the current geopolitical situation in Russia, in what direction it develops, and whether we can declare a major shift to any direction. The work is divided into several main parts. Introduction is followed by a theoretical grasp of key concepts and the main actors involved in geopolitics. The other two parts contain an analysis of the relationship of Russia to key actors such as the US and NATO, the EU, China, Ukraine, the near neighborhood in Central Asia and the Transcaucasia and geopolitics of oil and natural gas. The last is practical part, in which the information from the previous sections is applied to specific examples in Russian foreign policy. Keywords: Geopolitics, Russia, eurasianism, foreign policy, the US, the EU, China, Central Asia, Ukraine, NATO, energy policy, oil, natural gas

The following thesis summarizes two years investigation conducted in Sherabad District in South Uzbekistan. The research was focused on systematic field survey in immediate vicinity of tepas, artificial mounds created by centuries of a human inhabitation. Five different areas were examined in order to follow the settlement extant and chronology. The work was conducted by using satellite imageries in combination with topographical maps. The information collected on the fields were marked in PDA running GIS application and evaluated in computer. The results of the field prospection were verified by using complementary methods of the test pits and of the total pickups. Key words: Central Asia, South Uzbekistan, Sherabad District, topographical maps, satellite imagery, systematic field survey, test pits, total pickups, GIS application.

Approved for public release; distribution in unlimited. / Since the collapse of the Communist bloc, Mongolia has pursued the independent foreign policy with balanced relations attached to the two great neighbors - Russia and China. Meanwhile, the search for a "third neighbor" (the United States, Japan and/or the collective community of democracies) has been seen as the alternative approach to the existing "neighbor-oriented" policy. The thesis argues that both approaches are not mutually exclusive schools of foreign policy, but rather constitute the common approach that is described within this research as "bufferism." To present an alternative vision of the nation's foreign policy orientation, the thesis covers the major schools of international relations and identifies the two major causes of policy: identity (based on constructivism) and interest (based on realism). As a nation, Mongolia faces the identity trilemma and the security dilemma, without much preference given to any of these options during the last decade. Hence appears the nation's ambiguity in identity, security and economic development. The thesis puts the argument that without prioritizing one option, Mongolia faces the risk of degrading into a failing state isolated from the global affairs. Thus, the reconciliation of its identity and interest, as well as of its aspirations must lead to a rational choice of a Sino-centric East Asian policy dimension over any other. / Civilian, Mongolian Ministry of Defense

Approved for public release; distribution in unlimited. / Relationships between the United States and its worldwide network of allies has, since the inception of NATO, greatly revolved around the United States' ability and desire to permanently station troops oversees. Since 1941, the United States has entered into these basing agreements for a variety of strategic and sometimes political reasons. From NATO's inception, and as the cornerstone of its defensive structure, the United States has combined the idea of sending troops to different regions of the world with a global basing strategy founded on the concepts of overlapping protection and deployability. At times, to gain access to areas of strategic interest, the United States has offered aid and economic assistance along with a military presence. In other cases, positively affecting the political climate of the country was the stated goal of troop presence. This thesis will examine the effects of basing in Greece and Spain in order to uncover lessons learned which might be applied to the new US global basing plan and current troop positioning activities in Kyrgyzstan. In both cases the United States worked with openly dictatorial governments for the purposes of basing and did not foster the long term political situation initially desired. / Captain, United States Army

L’écroulement de l’URSS à la fin du XX siècle a donné naissance à quinze nouveaux États indépendants sur un large territoire eurasien. Tel est le cas de l’Azerbaïdjan, l’un des pays du Caucase du sud, qui a regagné son indépendance après l’effondrement du système socialiste en 1991. Grâce à sa situation géographique et à ses richesses énergétiques (pétrole et gaz), l’Azerbaïdjan occupe une place stratégique et fait l’objet d’un « jeu » géopolitique, aussi bien à l’échelle régionale que mondiale entre de grandes puissances telles que les États-Unis, l’Union Européenne, la Russie, la Turquie et quelques autres. En retour, il essaie de jouer son atout, en appliquant une politique étrangère multivectorielle. Parmi eux, la Turquie occupe une place privilégiée dans la politique étrangère de l’Azerbaïdjan, grâce à son histoire, sa langue, sa religion et leurs traditions communes. Cette thèse s’est fixée pour objectif d’analyser les relations qui se sont établies entre l’Azerbaïdjan et la Turquie, en se basant sur trois axes qui constituent les pivots principaux des relations bilatérales entre les deux États: politique, économique (commercial) et sécuritaire (stratégique). / The collapse of the USSR at the end of the twentieth century has been followed by the creation of fifteen new independent States in the large Eurasian territory. Such is the case of Azerbaijan, which has declared its independence in 1991. Thanks to its geographical position and energy resources (oil and gas) Azerbaijan occupies a geopolitically strategic position and is subject to a geopolitical « game », which implies both regional (Turkey) and great world powers (such as the US, EU and Russia). Consequently, Azerbaijan has adopted a multi-vector foreign policy with its neighbors. Among its neighbors, Turkey, sharing a common history, language, religion and traditions has an important place in the foreign policy of Azerbaijan. In terms of the geopolitical « game », this thesis analyses the relations between Azerbaijan and Turkey. It is based on three axes, as these are the main pillars of bilateral relations between both states. These are political, institutional (commercial) and strategic (security).

Les inscriptions persanes de Ghazni constituent des témoignages artistiques ainsi que des sources primaires originales sur l’histoire culturelle des Ghaznavides (366-582/977-1186). Leur étude nous informe sur l’apport de cette dynastie à l’affirmation du persan moderne comme langue épigraphique « nouvelle » complémentaire à l’arabe, et sur les spécificités de cette réalisation. Le corpus examiné réunit 228 fragments d’inscriptions poétiques en persan, dont 113 inédits. Ces textes sont sculptés sur des plaques en marbre relevées par la Mission Archéologique Italienne en Afghanistan dans les années 1950-1960 et provenant pour la plupart d’un palais royal fouillé à Ghazni. Forte d’une approche interdisciplinaire, nous poursuivons deux objectifs principaux : le premier est d’offrir une analyse exhaustive de ce corpus épigraphique, qui fasse ressortir toute information historique dont il est porteur. Le second vise à la mise en contexte des inscriptions et se traduit par une étude comparative des sources épigraphiques et littéraires produites à Ghazni et dans l’ensemble du monde iranien aux Ve/XIe et VIe/XIIe siècles. La diffusion de l’épigraphie persane dans la capitale ghaznavide est confirmée par certains documents inédits externes à notre corpus principal, qui posent des jalons pour une chronologie de cette pratique à l’échelle locale et régionale. Nous constatons en outre le rôle central joué par la poésie persane dans la tradition épigraphique des Ghaznavides, qui emprunte le vocabulaire des panégyristes pour célébrer l’idéologie royale et les valeurs de l’Islam. Cet usage trouve des échos dans les autres régions de l’Iran pré-mongol et donne une voix à la politique culturelle des dynasties musulmanes orientales. / Persian inscriptions from Ghazni may be regarded as both artistic testimonies and original primary sources for the cultural history of the Ghaznavid dynasty (366-582/977-1186). They provide evidence of the Ghaznavid contribution to the rise of New Persian as an epigraphic language complementary to Arabic, and of the distinctive features of its use. Our study focuses on a corpus composed of 228 fragments of Persian poetic inscriptions, 113 of which have remained unpublished until now. These texts, carved onto marble dado panels, were mostly retrieved from a royal palace in Ghazni and recorded by the Italian Archaeological Mission in Afghanistan in the 1950s and 1960s. Through an interdisciplinary approach, we pursue two main goals: firstly, to offer a comprehensive analysis of this epigraphic corpus in order to bring to light any historical data it may disclose. Secondly, to place the Persian inscriptions in context by means of a comparative study of epigraphic and literary sources produced in Ghazni and in the Persianate world between the 5th/11th and the 6th/12th centuries. The spread of Persian epigraphy in the Ghaznavid capital city is confirmed by a set of documents that falls beyond our main corpus and until now has remained unknown. This new evidence provides chronological benchmarks for the use of Persian epigraphy at local and regional levels. We also note the central role played by Persian poetry in the Ghaznavid epigraphic tradition, borrowing the vocabulary of court panegyrists to build up a celebration of royal and Islamic ideals. This particular use finds echoes in other regions of pre-Mongol Iran and gives voice to the cultural policy of Eastern Islamic dynasties.

Die vorliegende Arbeit beschäftigt sich mit der Untersuchung der institutionalisierten Beziehungen zwischen der NATO und Russland seit 1997 und konzentriert sich dabei besonders auf die Ergebnisse des „Permanent Council“ (PJC, 1997) und des „NATO-Russia Council“ (NRC, 2002). Das Vermächtnis von Strukturen, die während des kalten Krieges entstanden, beeinflusst weiterhin die Interaktionen zwischen der NATO und Russland. Dies wurde insbesondere während der Kosovo-Krise und nach dem 11. September 2001, welcher die „post-post-Cold War era“ einläutete, sichtbar. Das zentrale Kapitel der Dissertation beinhaltet eine empirische Analyse der Policy-Felder, denen sich der PJC und der NRC widmen. Hier wird vor allem auf die Zusammenarbeit von der NATO und Russland auf dem Balkan und auf den Kampf gegen den Terrorismus eingegangen. Die Fallstudie untersucht NATO-Russland Interaktionen in Zentralasien; besonders im Hinblick auf geopolitische Trends, die für beide Akteure und ihre zukünftigen Beziehungen wichtige Auswirkungen haben werden. Diese Arbeit untersucht die Qualität der Beziehungen zwischen der NATO und Russland anhand von Ereignissen, welche diese Beziehungen geprägt haben und erklärt, warum manche Verhaltensmuster sich kontinuierlich wiederholen. / This dissertation examines the institutionalized relationship between NATO and Russia since 1997; focussing on the outcomes of the 1997 Permanent Joint Council (PJC) and the 2002 NATO-Russia Council (NRC). The legacy of Cold War structures has continued to influence the way NATO and Russia interact; most notably during the Kosovo crisis and in the aftermath of the attacks of September 11 that rang in the “post-post-Cold War era”. The bulk of the research consists of an empirical analysis of policy fields covered by the PJC and the NRC. Particular attention is given to NATO-Russia interaction in the Balkans, as well as to the fight against terrorism. The case study assesses NATO-Russia interaction in Central Asia, taking into consideration geopolitical trends that will shape both actors’ actions in the future. Tracing events that have shaped NATO-Russia relations, this dissertation analyzes the quality of NATO-Russia relations and explains why certain patterns keep reoccurring.

20世紀的80至90年代初期，國際形勢發生劇烈動盪與變化，蘇聯於發生解體、東歐局勢劇變，過去美蘇「兩強對峙」之兩極格局所造成40多年的冷戰終告結束，國際體系由「一超多強」，轉變成多極化方向發展。此時中國在綜合國力發展上也有很大的變化，態勢積極的朝大國關係方向調整，除專注內部發展外，更重視與周邊國家的安全關係。中國知到，一個穩定、和睦的周邊環境，才有利於中國持續性發展，在周邊建立安全與穩定的緩衝帶後，可避免與其他大國發生衝突。因為，有安全的環境，才會有安定的社會，才能全面發展經濟，而維繫這種關係的要件，是安全互需和經濟互利與合作。 「上海合作組織」的前身是建立於1996年的「上海五國」機制，是中蘇兩國關於邊境的雙邊談判，蘇聯崩解後改為「上海五國」雙邊談判，再演變成「上海五國」的多邊會談。不但開啟有關邊境軍事安全的會談協商機制，同時亦開啓了穩定區域安全的多邊關係及區域合作模式。烏茲別克加入後，於2001年6月15日，6國元首共同宣布在「上海五國」機制的基礎上成立「上海合作組織」(Shanghai Cooperation Organization)，並發表「上海合作組織成立宣言」。這是中國第一個促成的多邊組織，也是第一個以中國城市命名的政府間組織，成員國包括中國、俄羅斯、哈薩克、吉爾吉斯、塔吉克及烏茲別克等6個國家。 「上海合作組織」創立的首要任務是確保該組織內的和平、安全與穩定，堅決打擊「三股勢力」、毒品及走私等非法交易。並認知當前的國際安全必須建立在各國平等、互信、互利及合作的基礎上，藉由每年定期舉行的元首峰會、總理會議、外交部長會議及不定期舉行的國家協調員會議、各部門領導人會議形成組織運作機制。而位於北京的秘書處及塔什干的地區反恐機構，這兩個常設機構的設立，使上海合作組織朝向更寬廣的方向邁進。本篇論文試圖瞭解冷戰終止及美國「911」恐怖攻擊事件發生後，「上海合作組織」運作與發展方向，直接或間接影響區域經濟及軍事安全的程度為何?另外，就「上海合作組織」與其他大國或國際組織的關係，對全球戰略所產生的影響為何?尤其是中國、美國、日本與俄羅斯的多方戰略關係的發展，非常值得予以持續觀注。 / 1980 to early 1990s, the international system develops from " one superpower and several powers " into a multi-polar direction due to severe turbulences and changes of the international situation, the disintegration of Soviet Union and the drastic changes of Eastern Europe, and the end of the 40-years Cold War which caused by the "a two-confrontation" bipolar situation between U.S.A and the Soviet Union in the past. At this point, there are also great changes in China’s the overall national development, For instance, a positive trend towards big power relations reorientation. Except to focus on internal development, China places more importance on security relations with neighboring countries. China knows that a stable, harmonious surrounding is conducive to China's sustainable development. To establish security and stability buffer zone in the surrounding can avoid conflict with other powers. Since a secure environment is the key to a stable society and a fully develop economic while interdependence and cooperation of security need and economic benefit is the essential element of maintaining this relationship. "Shanghai Cooperation Organization" develops from the "Shanghai Five" mechanism which established in 1996. It was the Sino-Soviet bilateral talks about border between the two countries, and after the collapse of the Soviet Union, it became the "Shanghai Five" bilateral negotiations which is followed into the "Shanghai Five State "in multilateral talks. This development not only opened consultation mechanism talks on the border military security, also opened a stable regional security, multilateral relations, and regional cooperation. After Uzbekistan joined in June 15, 2001, six heads of state announced the establishment of the "Shanghai Cooperation Organization" which based on the "Shanghai Five" mechanism and issued a "Declaration of Shanghai Cooperation Organization." This is the first multilateral organization which promoted by China and is the first intergovernmental organization in the name of Chinese city. The member States includes China, Russia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan and other six countries. The first and foremost task of "Shanghai Cooperation Organization" is to ensure peace, security and stability of the organization, and resolutely combat the "three forces", drugs, smuggling and other illegal transactions. And to aware that the current international security must be based on national equality, mutual trust, mutual benefit and cooperation. By holding annual heads of states summit meeting, Prime Ministers meeting, Foreign Ministers meeting, and occasional meetings of national coordinators, leaders of various departments to form the operating mechanism of organizations. The establishments of two permanent organizations, the Secretariat in Beijing and the 4 regional anti-terrorism agency in Tashkent, lead the Shanghai Cooperation Organization to move towards a broader direction. This paper attempts to find out the operation and development direction of the "Shanghai Cooperation Organization" after the end of Cold War and "911" terrorist attacks in the United States, and the degree of how does this directly or indirectly affect the regional economic and military security so far? In addition, what is the impact that the relationships of the"Shanghai Cooperation Organization" between other major countries or international organizations affects on global strategic? Especially the development of multi-strategic relations between China, the United States, Japan and Russia, is very worthwhile continuing being concerned. Keywords：Shanghai Cooperation Organization, economic security, military security, Central Asia, relations among major powers

<p>The economic development and industrialization that has taken place in many parts of the world during the past century has brought about a huge increase in economic welfare. During this process, it has repeatedly been debated whether the gains from economic development are shared by everyone or just a few. In the field of economics, vast research has been conducted on this particular subject ever since the 1950’s. The most famous contribution might be said to be Simon Kuznets article, Growth and Income Inequality from 1955 and the ”inverted U”-hypothesis that was formulated on the basis of that article. The essence of the hypothesis is that a country, during its development, moves from agricultural to industrial production. At first, income inequality increases and then, at the end of the process, decreases.</p><p>The aim of this paper has been to investigate the relationship between income distribution and economic development in a particular region, namely the countries of the former Soviet Union, during 1992-2003. Also, we have tested whether Kuznets theory and the “inverted U”-hypothesis hold true for our sample. The investigations method is a survey, which uses secondary data collected from the World Bank’s database of World Development Indicators. Regression-analysis has been employed to conduct cross-sections between 20 countries over 4 periods in Eastern Europe and Central Asia. The number of observations equals to 62. The variables that we use are: the Gini index, GDP per capita and the agricultural sector’s share of GDP.</p><p>The results of the regression do not indicate any resemblance to the pattern of the “inverted U”-hypothesis. The curve we get is that of a “positive U”. Countries with high GDP per capita as well as countries with low GDP per capita have high income inequality. Countries with mediate GDP per capita levels have low income inequality. Our analysis concludes that the countries in our sample might have had a very unique economic development following the fall of the Soviet Union. Only 7 countries partly follow the Kuznets theory if tested individually. Since these seven countries seem to have a reversed development with increasing agricultural sector and the remainder of the countries show increasing income inequality, we reject the “inverted U”-hypothesis and question the ability of Kuznets’ theory to explain income distribution for our sample.</p>