This research project investigates Confucian thinker Dai Zhen (1724-1777) and Jewish thinker Emmanuel Levinas’s (1906-1995) philosophical discourses on desire from a comparative perspective. First, I look at Dai Zhen and Levinas individually each in their own philosophical contexts, while framing my readings with parallel structure that pivots on a hermeneutic strategy to examine their ideas of desire within the larger prospect of the human relation with transcendence. Then, my inquiry leads to a critical analysis of several interesting issues yielded in my interpretive readings of the two thinkers as regards transcendence and immanence and the self-other relationship. Methodologically, my study combines careful textual analysis, philosophical reflection, and historical sensitivity. We might want to say that there is in fact no correlative of the Levinasian desire in Dai Zhen’s philosophy. Dai Zhen’s notion of desire perhaps comes closer to Levinas’s concept of need. However, the disparity of their conceptual formulations does not keep us from discerning their shared ethical concern for the other, the weak, marginalized, and underprivileged group of society, which provides me the very ground for a dialogical comparison between the two thinkers. Henceforth, my writing is hinged on a comprehension of their conception of desire as an articulation of human striving for what is lying beyond themselves, as a redefinition of the being or essence of humankind in relation to the transcendent which in both philosophers’ ethical thinking is translated into a sympathetic understanding of and care for the other, particularly the stranger, the widow, the orphan, the young, the weak and the like. Through the comparative study of the two thinkers’ ideas of desire, I want to argue that “desire,” which is most readily directed to human egoism and instinctive propensity in both Confucian and Western philosophical traditions, can be at once the very driving force to open us to the other beyond ourselves and an actual moral creativity to produce ethical being out of material existence.

戴東原嘗分古今學問之途有三：曰義理、曰考證、曰文章。 本書分上下兩篇。上篇述東原之生平、著作與治學，下篇分論東原之學術。 上篇第一章：東原之生平。以東原年譜為主，並述其家世。 第二章：東原之著作。東原治學之範圍甚廣，舉凡經、哲、小學，以及天文曆算、地 理方志、機械物理等，無所不窺，故其著作，包羅宏富。失所憑依。本章搜集東原著 作，自撰者四六種，纂校者二十種，並附東原遺墨一種，計六七種，視前人所集者為 獨多。乃詳考各書之著作動機、經過、成書年代、以及版本。章末並附「東原著作互 見表」、「東原著作繫年」二表，俾便檢覽。又本書中費篇幅最多者，厥為水經注一 段，其書有關東原人格甚巨，故歷來正反兩面之辯論，極為激烈。 第三章：東原之治學。東原一生論學，可分為三階段。自其早歲持義理第一，考證第 二，文章第三之觀點頗力。唯此所謂義理，乃指程朱之義理而言。 下篇第一章：東原之經學。 第二章：東原之哲學。東原論學之依歸，厥在義理──經過訓詁考證得之六經孔孟之 義理，既已如前述，則義理固為東原學術之最具價值者可知，故近世治戴學者，大多 用心於斯，皆能深知東原學術之大本者也。東原哲學著作，以「原善」與「孟子字義 疏證」為最重要。其整個思想系統，即建立於「生生者化之原，生生而條理者化之流 」之認識上。 第三章：東原之小學。其論文字、聲韻、訓詁三者未始相離，且尤以聲韻為之樞紐， 建立清代小學之系統，而弟子相傳，更造成一代顯學。其論六書，一以許敘為主，謂 其次第名目當為指事、象形、形聲、會意、轉注、假借。又謂指事、象形、形聲、會 意四者，字之體也；轉注、假借二者，字之用也，所謂「聖人復起不易斯言」也，其 論至今猶有從之者。蓋東原以互訓釋轉注，雖嫌於泛濫無歸，而以引申解假借，則正 為許叔重「令長」之原意也。在古音學上，東原初分古韻為七類二十部，繼改為九類 二十五部。其說有下列三特點，第一：二十五部全用喉音字標目。第二：入聲九部之 獨立成部及其與平聲諸部之分配。第三：祭部獨立及脂微諸□去入之分配。 第四章：東原之天文曆算表。天算學在東原治學系統中，亦為基礎學科之一。故欲通 經明道，自不得不措意於此。 第五章：東原之地理方志學。東原之校水經注，乃生平大事業之一。 第六章：東原之文學。義理、考證、文章三者，在東原之心目中，文章始終未能超出 於義理、考證之上，此乃東原一貫之論學態度。 第七章：其他。本章所述，包括東原之校讎學與物理學。東原在校讎學上之成績，大 抵即表現於乾隆三十八癸已入四庫館以後所校成之官書上。 此論東原學術始末，最有見地，而「歸於自得」四字，尤為不易之論。大抵言之，惠 、戴之別，即在一求其古，一求其是，而「古」與「是」之間，高下遂分，戴學之優 於惠學，二百年來，固早有定評矣。然則數乾嘉學者，端以東原為首，可謂確論也。 /

This research project investigates Confucian thinker Dai Zhen (1724-1777) and Jewish thinker Emmanuel Levinas’s (1906-1995) philosophical discourses on desire from a comparative perspective. First, I look at Dai Zhen and Levinas individually each in their own philosophical contexts, while framing my readings with parallel structure that pivots on a hermeneutic strategy to examine their ideas of desire within the larger prospect of the human relation with transcendence. Then, my inquiry leads to a critical analysis of several interesting issues yielded in my interpretive readings of the two thinkers as regards transcendence and immanence and the self-other relationship. Methodologically, my study combines careful textual analysis, philosophical reflection, and historical sensitivity. We might want to say that there is in fact no correlative of the Levinasian desire in Dai Zhen’s philosophy. Dai Zhen’s notion of desire perhaps comes closer to Levinas’s concept of need. However, the disparity of their conceptual formulations does not keep us from discerning their shared ethical concern for the other, the weak, marginalized, and underprivileged group of society, which provides me the very ground for a dialogical comparison between the two thinkers. Henceforth, my writing is hinged on a comprehension of their conception of desire as an articulation of human striving for what is lying beyond themselves, as a redefinition of the being or essence of humankind in relation to the transcendent which in both philosophers’ ethical thinking is translated into a sympathetic understanding of and care for the other, particularly the stranger, the widow, the orphan, the young, the weak and the like. Through the comparative study of the two thinkers’ ideas of desire, I want to argue that “desire,” which is most readily directed to human egoism and instinctive propensity in both Confucian and Western philosophical traditions, can be at once the very driving force to open us to the other beyond ourselves and an actual moral creativity to produce ethical being out of material existence.

No description available.

Petroleum powered vehicles emit volatile organic compounds (VOCs) through combustion that contributes to the pollution of the environment. A technique in the 1970s was developed to decrease these emissions, especially for nitrogen oxides (NOx) and sulphuric oxides (SOx) which is called exhaust gas recirculation (EGR). The technique works by recirculating a portion of the combusted gas back into the engine, this limits the NOx and SOx emissions because of lower temperatures and less available oxygen. The problems that follow these effects is the formation and condensation of acids that corrode the material of the EGR system, which are created by many different reactions. It is of importance to understand how the compounds in the EGR system behaves through analysis of authentic and simulated condensates, which is why a quantitative method for these compounds are of interest. The aim of the project was to develop a simple quantitative analysis method for formic acid, acetic acid, and lactic acid in aqueous solution, which was done at Gränges Sweden AB. The technique used for detection and quantification was gas chromatography (GC) coupled to a flame ionization detector (FID) and a water compatible polyethylene glycol (PEG) column. Fractional factorial design (FFD) was used for determination of adequate operating parameters of the GC method and the sample preparation. Sample preparation only required filtration and pH adjustment prior to direct aqueous injection (DAI) to the chromatographic instrument. Detection of the analytes was very difficult because of non-compatibility with the FID, and quantification of asymmetric peak shapes made this problem worse, omitting lactic acid from further analysis. Limit of detection (LOD) and limit of quantification (LOQ) was 490 and 1640 ppm for formic acid and 120 and 400 ppm for acetic acid, with an injection volume of 0.3 μL and split ratio 10:1. Limits were too high for every EGR sample leaving no peaks detected for the sample preparation used. Further development should be done with complementary techniques and sample reprocessing in order to quantify the compounds.

No description available.

No description available.

No description available.

科学研究費補助金 研究種目:基盤研究(C)(2) 課題番号:17530562 研究代表者:加藤 鉦治 研究期間:2005-2007年度

1948年5月，上海舉辦第七屆全中國運動會，臺灣首次組隊參賽即一鳴驚人，榮獲男子田徑總冠軍，同時更展現守秩序、法紀律、團結合作、服從裁判的運動精神。不論場內的運動實力和場外的運動風範，皆被大會評為「全國第一」。究其因，實肇基於日本統治期間致力發展體育運動所展現的成果。事實上，臺灣在日本統治之前，近代式體育運動僅在西洋勢力所及的範圍內施行，成效自是相當有限，迨至日治時期，乃藉由學校教育與社會體育兩大方向，開始全面性、普遍地提倡體育運動而獲致相當程度的發展成果。值是之故，本論文主旨即在探討日本統治下的臺灣，究竟為何／如何發展體育運動，以及有何成效。 本文係以當時臺灣地區運動員的競賽為主，包含內地人(日本人)、本島人(臺灣人)以及高砂族(原住民)，因為此三種族群皆是當時臺灣運動代表隊的組成份子，以做為主要的論述對象更能得知當時臺灣體育運動的發展情況。在論文內容方面，首先，從近代西洋體育運動的興起與發展談起，隨著歐美列強國力的擴張將其科技文明與生活形態傳至亞洲，再至日本明治維新前後追求改善國民體格而向學習歐美體育運動，而臺灣即在此時代背景之下被納為日本殖民地。其次，探討日治時期各界人士對於體育運動所提出的觀念看法，以說明發展體育運動的動機與目的。再次，討論推行體育運動的主要機構，主要著眼於人事、經費以及如何運作等方面，以瞭解是由哪些人／在什麼樣的時代背景之下／如何從事體育運動的發展。第四、討論臺灣運動選手參加各項運動競賽的成績表現，主要以全島性比賽，以及與鄰近的朝鮮、滿洲、日本、菲律賓等地的比賽成績作較，可大致明瞭臺灣的運動技術水準。第五、分析社會領導階層人士所從事的休閒運動，以考察當時是哪些休閒運動最受是有錢有閒階級的喜愛，並從中討論體育運動的發展概況。 經由本文的討論發現，日治時期體育運動的發展係在官方強力主導、民間配合實施之下進行推廣。其次，臺灣的體育組織是日本帝國體育組織在殖民地的分支機構，臺灣全島性的運動比賽成為日本全國性比賽的地方預選賽，臺灣優秀的運動選手與隊伍在島內勝出者即成為地區性代表隊，順理成章前往日本參加更高層級的比賽。此外，體育是現代教育不可偏廢的項目，不僅能改善個人體格發育，也有助促進健康衛生；同時，體育並非僅是單純的身體運動而已，有時亦被視為國力的象徵，發展體育運動有助陶冶國民性格和促進日臺融合。最後，隨著日本統治的時間漸久以及統治程度的強化，臺灣體育運動呈現日漸普及的趨勢，而另一方面，則漸帶有濃厚的日本色彩，甚至許多日式運動術語發至今仍是使用中的辭彙即是明證。至於日治時期臺灣體育運動的成績表現究竟如何呢？整體而言，不僅與殖民母國日本仍然相去甚遠，即便連同為殖民地的朝鮮、滿洲、菲律賓等地亦有所不及。然而，雖然未見日治時期臺灣運動選手與中國正面交手的紀錄，但從1948年的上海全國運動會成績可推知，日治臺灣體育運動的整體水準，似乎不在同時期的中國之下。 關鍵字：日治時期 臺灣 體育史 體育觀 武德會 體育俱樂部 臺灣體育獎勵會 臺灣體育協會 明治神宮體育大會 甲子園 網球 棒球 田徑 游泳 登山 馬術 高爾夫 / In May 1948, the 7th China Sports Game was held in Shanghai. The athletic performance of male track and field athletes amazed the world by winning the overall championship though it was the debut of Taiwan in this athletic event. These male athletes disciplined themselves, obeyed the rules, cooperated with one another, obeyed the referees’ orders, and exhibited good sportsmanship. Both their athletic performance and sportsmanship on the sports field or beyond sports field were ranked as “national champion” by the sponsor. Their great performance actually was the achievement from the devotion to developing athletic sports during Japanese Occupation Period. In fact, before the colonization of Japan, modern athletic sports in Taiwan were only practiced in few regions where foreigners aggregated and the effect of athletic performance was quite limited. The overall promotion of athletic sports was put into practice through school education and social sports activities until the Japanese Occupation Period and so was the great performance achieved at that time. The main purpose of this study is to investigate why and how the Japanese developed athletic sports in Taiwan and the effects. The research subjects were mainly the athletes at that time in Taiwan, including the Japanese, the Taiwanese, and the aboriginals (indigenous people) since these three groups were all members of sports representatives in Taiwan at that time. These subjects were investigated to find out about the development of athletic sports in Taiwan at that time. Firstly, the study probed into the rise and the development of modern western athletic sports. With the expansion of national powers of European countries and the U.S., their science, technology, and life styles were spread to Asia. Moreover, after Meiji Restoration, the Japanese started to put emphasis on improving their physique and hence learnt the western athletic sports. And Taiwan was colonized by Japan under this background. Secondly, it investigated the concepts and viewpoints on athletic sports proposed from all walks of life during Japanese Occupation Period to demonstrate the motives and purposes of athletic sport development. Thirdly, it investigated the major facilities responsible for promoting athletic sports from the aspects of personnel matters, funds, and the operation methods to understand who were involved, how they developed athletic sports, and under what kind of background were athletic sports developed. Fourthly, it investigated the performance of athletes in each kind of sports games, especially national games. The study also compared the athletic performance of Taiwan with that of nearby countries such as Korea, Manjou, Japan, and Philippine to understand the athletic level of Taiwan. Fifthly, it analyzed the leisure sports that the leaders of the society engaged in to explore the preferences of leisure sports of the rich at that time and further investigate the profile of athletic sports development. This study found that the development of athletic sports in Taiwan during Japanese Occupation Period was dominated by the government with the cooperation of non-government in promotion. The sports organizations in Taiwan were the colonial branches of sports organizations in Japanese Empire and the national sports competitions in Taiwan became local preliminaries of Japanese national competitions. The outstanding athletes in Taiwan and the winners of local preliminaries would become the local sports representatives to participate in competitions of higher level in Japan. In addition, the study found that physical education is indispensable in modern education, which not only improves the physical development of individuals but also improves health. Meanwhile, athletic sports ability not simply teaches a kind of physical movement and it is sometimes viewed as a symbol of national powers. The development of athletic sports helped cultivate the personality of people and improved the integration ethnic integration between Taiwan and Japan. With the increase of colonization time and the reinforcement of governance, the athletic sports in Taiwan gradually became more and more popular. On the other hand, it was found that the sports activities in Taiwan was greatly influenced by Japan and even the Japanese sports vocabularies are still used now in sports activities. As for the athletic performance of Taiwan during Japanese Occupation Period, as a whole, the athletic performance of Taiwan was better than Japan and other colonies of Japan, such as Korea, Manjou, and Philippine. Although the athletes in Taiwan during Japanese Occupation Period did not compete with the athletes of China, it could be inferred from their athletic performance that the overall level of athletic sports in Taiwan during Japanese Occupation Period was equivalent to that of China. Keywords: Japanese Occupation Period, Taiwan, sports history, viewpoint of sports, Dai-Nippon Butokukai, sports club, Taiwan sports sponsorship association, Taiwan sports association, Meigi-jingu Athletic Meet, Koshien, tennis, baseball, track and field, swimming, mountain climbing, equestrian, golf