Au sein des groupements de l’économie sociale, le rapport entre la personne morale et ses membres est un rapport particulier et unique. Cette spécificité tire sa force de l’esprit altruiste et éthique du secteur solidaire. Elle tire sa force aussi des principes humains et financiers qui règnent au sein de ce type de groupement. Par conséquent, on a pu affirmer que le principe phare qui influe le plus sur ce rapport reste celui de double qualité. Ce dernier permet d’associer le membre aux affaires sociales du groupement et de le faire, en plus, participer activement tout au long de son adhésion. Cependant, cette particularité du rapport est menacée par plusieurs facteurs, les uns sont d’ordre interne et liés aux règles de fonctionnement et aux problèmes récurrents du financement des dits groupements et les autres sont externes et plus attachés au libéralisme et la mondialisation des échanges et plus particulièrement la politique européenne axée sur lalibre concurrence au marché face à des sociétés de type capitaliste qui ne cessent d’attaquer les groupements de l’économie sociale pour les banaliser et les faire disparaitre / Within companies of social economy, the relationship between the corporation and its members is a special and unique one. This specificity derives its strength from the altruistic and ethical mind of the solidarity sector. It also draws its strength from human and financial principles that prevail in this kind of companies. Therefore, we could confirm that the guidingprinciple that most affects this relationship is that of a dual quality. This latter allows the association of the member to the social affairs of the company making it, in addition to that, actively participating throughout the process. However, this particular relationship is threatened by several factors. Some are internal and related to operating rules as well as the persistent problems in the financing of the abovementioned companies. The other factors are external and more linked to liberalism and to the globalization of trade and particularly the European policy based on free competition in the market versus capitalist societies that keep on attacking the companies of social economy for the sake of trivializing and getting rid of them

The aim of this essay was to examine the justifications of the swedish government to perform medical age assessments on unaccompanied refugee children seeking asylum in Sweden. These governmental justifications were analyzed through Michel Foucault's theory of disciplinary power as well as through anthropological research on classification of age. The empirical material consisted of a selection of websites from different authorities that process medical age assessments. These were then studied through critical discourse analysis. The essay showed that these justifications can be understood as an expression of disciplinary power, where medical age assessments discipline individuals to docile bodies. Furthermore, the analysis also showed that the governmental justifications were partly founded upon western concepts of how a child is supposed to be and what a child is entitled to.

In this thesis I am concernced with a Foucauldian analysis of neoliberal government and application of this concept in the Petr Nečas's government. The Foucauldian analysis of power is a constant critical process that is supposed to modify according to changing terms. Foucault argues that the core of the art of government is a conflict. He doesn't understand the modern history as a history of law and peace. From the Foucauldian point of view the modern history has always been the history of conflict of two races. The winnig race determines law and rules of the whole society. It means that law and freedom are tools of governance. The basis of Foucault's concept is a relationship between power, knowledge and subject. This relationship constitutes technologies of governance. Foucault talks about three techniques - pastoral power, disciplinary power and bio-power. The bio-power is especially in the modern age. The modern art of government uses knowledge of experts (statistics, analyses, reports) for conduct of conduct. The inidividuals are not only the recepients of effects of power, but also they are distributors of power. The identity of subjects is formed by family, teachers and co- workers and they are also formed by their milieu. The consequence of this process is mentality of a modern person. The...

This paper examines critical perspectives on Body Mass Index (BMI) in ongoing societaldiscussions, focusing on poststructuralism, gender, consumer society, and race. Using fatstudies, intersectionality theory, and poststructuralism, the research integrates Foucault'spower theories. Analyzing six scholarly articles, the study categorizes BMI criticisms,emphasizing Foucault's biopower concepts as key to understanding societal regulation. Theparadox of power is evident as the slim body signifies self-discipline in a consumer-drivenculture valuing control. The paper also highlights BMI's critique for disregarding gender andrace, originating from the white male body, and immerses into historical associations. Thefindings of this paper uncovers how the discourse on BMI is connected to commercialinterests, politics, and economics, influencing power dynamics. In conclusion, the studyunderscores the link between BMI discourse, poststructuralism, and self-discipline, whilerevealing its limitations in a diversity context, with gender and race influencing criticism.Power, commercial interests, and societal politics emerge as crucial within this discourse.

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[pt] A pesquisa busca questionar a naturalização da violência de Estado direcionada contra os corpos negros no Brasil. Para esta urgente tarefa, o trabalho desenvolve um diálogo central entre a filosofia descolonial e a foucaultiana, dividindo-se em quatro capítulos. O primeiro demonstra o enraizamento desta naturalização desde o período colonial, mostrando a objetificação do corpo negro e a sua invibilização tanto na escravização como no movimento abolicionista. O segundo capítulo aborda o período pós-abolição por meio do projeto de embranqueamento e do racismo científico. O terceiro enfrenta o auto de resistência como prática contemporânea do racismo de Estado da sociedade biopolítica brasileira. Por fim, o quarto pretende refletir sobre resistências e possibilidades de transformações descoloniais desta realidade objetificante e violenta. / [en] The investigation aims to question the naturalization of State s violence against black bodies in Brazil. For this urgent task, the work develops a dialogue between decolonial and foucauldian philosophy, and is divided in four chapters. The first one points out that this naturalization has its roots in brazilian history since colonial time, with the objectification of black bodies during slavery and also at the abolitionist movement. The second one approaches the post-abolition period, its whitening project and the scientific racism. The third part faces the auto de resistência as a contemporary practice of State s racism in the brazilian biopolitic society. Finally, the fourth chapter intends to analyze resistances and possibilities of decolonial transformations of this violent and objectifying reality.

[pt] Esta dissertação pleiteia que os efeitos da agenda LGBT normativa favorecem alguns grupos sociais, mas reforçam a marginalização e a expropriação de pessoas e povos queer não-brancos, seja em contextos domésticos, ou na política internacional. Para explicar essa lógica, o trabalho apresenta uma montagem teórica experimental: a perspectiva foucaultiana sobre poder disciplinar e dispositivo de sexualidade (FOUCAULT, 2002; FOUCAULT, 1998) acoplada a uma crítica queer of color (FERGUSON, 2004), que atenta para o disciplinar das formações racializadas não-heteronormativas que surgiram para suprir o mercado de trabalho capitalista nos centros urbanos onde o a burguesia primeiro ascendeu. Com esse primeiro movimento, será mostrada a imbricação entre capital, poder disciplinar e sexualidade, para indicar que tal poder disciplinar atua em favor de uma hegemonia político-sexual branca e burguesa. Posteriormente, para indicar as tendências do período neoliberal recente, o esforço consistirá em refletir sobre as ausências estratégicas do Estado neoliberal e as formas pelas quais a heteronormatividade é reforçada em comunidades racionalizadas, ao passo que a homonormatividade se torna mais acessível a grupos que correspondem a recortes de classe e raça identificados com a branquitude e o alto poder de consumo. Tal montagem teórica permitirá entender, também, como a normatividade sexual, presente na política LGBT e embutida nas noções de atraso e desenvolvimento, reforça as desigualdades internacionais. Por fim, o trabalho indicará como as perspectivas queer contém pontos-chave que permitem a transformação do tecido político, econômico e social nacional, e a desestabilização das hierarquias internacionais de poder. / [en] This Masters thesis claims that the effects of the normative LGBT agenda favor some social groups but reinforce the marginalization and expropriation of nonwhite queer persons and peoples, whether in domestic contexts or in international politics. Following this logic, the work has an experimental set-up: a Foucautian perspective on disciplinary power and the sexuality device (FOUCAULT, 2002; FOUCAULT, 1998) coupled with a queer of color critique (FERGUSON, 2004), which draws attention to the disciplining of the non-heteronormative racial formations that emerged to supply the capitalist labor market in the urban centers where the bourgeoisie first rose. With this first movement, this work will attemp to demonstrate the imbrication between capital, disciplinary power and sexuality, indicating that such disciplinary power acts in favor of white and bourgeois political hegemony. Later on, to indicate the trends of the recent neoliberal period, the argument points to the strategic absencers of the neoliberal State and the ways in which heteronormativity is reinforced in racialized communities, while homonormativity is accessible to groups that correspond to class and racial positions identified with whiteness and high consumption patterns. Such a theoretical set-up willl also allow readers to understand how the sexual normativity present in LGBT politics, and embedded in the notions of backwardness and development, reinforces international inequalities. Finally, the paper will indicate how queer perspectives contain key points that could enable the transfomation of the political, economic and social fabric locally, as well as the destabilization of international hierarchies of power.