Si l’on s’accorde à dire que les droits de la défense sont un principe fondamental du droit processuel sans lequelune procédure ne saurait être dite équitable, le sens technique de cette notion demeure aujourd’hui toujoursobscur. En effet, l’approche traditionnelle consistant à définir les droits de la défense comme un ensemble degaranties dont dispose toute partie à une procédure afin d’y défendre ses intérêts ne parvient pas à lever toutesles incertitudes et, surtout, ne permet pas de comprendre rationnellement l’ensemble des hypothèses danslesquelles on peut constater leur utilisation technique et concrète.En arrière-plan des différentes garanties, les droits de la défense semblent se présenter comme un conceptdistinct de celles-ci. Ils sont en eux-mêmes une véritable norme introduite en droit positif sous la forme d’unprincipe fondamental dont les différentes garanties assurent l’effectivité. Imposant que toute personne soumise àun pouvoir décisionnel soit mise en mesure de se défendre, c’est-à-dire de soutenir ou de contester uneprétention, cette norme irrigue concrètement le droit positif en fondant aussi bien la nullité d’une procédure quel’irresponsabilité pénale de l’auteur d’une infraction. / If it is agreed that defense rights are a fundamental principle of procedural law, without which, no trial could besaid to be fair, the technical sense of this concept still remains obscure today. Traditionally defined as anensemble of guarantees, which each party to the proceedings is entitled to in order to defend its interests, thisplural approach to the concept does not however remove all uncertainties. It especially does not allow us torationally understand all the situations in which we can see its concrete and technical application.Among the different guarantees, defense rights seem to present themselves as a distinct, separate concept. Theyare in themselves a true standard introduced into the substasntive law in the form of a fundamental principlewhere the different guarantees ensure its effectiveness. Stating that any person subject to a decision-makingauthority should be able to defend her or himself, that is to say to support or to deny a claim, this legal standardencompasses, concretely, positive law by basing both the nullity of a procedure and the irresponsibility of anoffender.

La recomposition des politiques de santé publique est, depuis quelques années, recentrée autour de la notion de « territoire pertinent ». Les expériences menées depuis 1991 en matière de planification sanitaire et sociale ont conduit les pouvoirs publics à évoquer différents « territoires de santé », permettant de cerner les périmètres dans lesquels l’État tente de mailler des offres de soins et de santé, en fonction des besoins de la population et des priorités nationales ou régionales. Au-delà du constat sur les inégalités entre les territoires, certaines problématiques relatives à l'accès aux soins et à la santé semblent devoir interférer. La loi de 2009 portant réforme de l’hôpital et relative aux patients, à la santé et aux territoires, dessine, suivant une redéfinition des missions de service public, de nouveaux modèles qui imposent une réflexion sur ces inégalités et sur les inégalités qui en dérivent. Il existe une superposition des lieux et des formes d'inégalité qui invite à repenser les variations discursives entre maintien du service public et développement de services au public. Des propositions sont faites pour améliorer l’égalité d’accès aux soins et à la santé pour tous et partout et pour que les principes de solidarité et de fraternité ne soient plus remis en cause. L’ensemble de ces propositions peut permettre de redonner un service public pour remporter les enjeux des systèmes de santé au XXI ème siècle, comme la réduction des inégalités. Ces travaux relatifs à un territoire de santé publique garant de l’égalité d’accès aux soins et à la santé et mettant au coeur de la problématique les droits des patients, constituent une illustration de la territorialisation des politiques de santé, étant entendu que la dynamique de la territorialisation concerne l'ensemble des politiques publiques. / The recomposition of public health policies has, for some years now, recentred around a notion of « relevant territory ». Experiments conducted since 1991 in the field of health and social planning have led public authorities to suggest a range of « health territories ». This notion allows identification of the perimeters within which the state attempts to knit together care and health offers in line with the needs of the population as well as with national or regional priorities. Beyond the fact of inequalities between territories, certain issues relating to access to care and health seem destined to get in the way. The French law of 2009 on reforming hospitals and concerning patients, health care and territories, sets out new models, in accordance with a redefinition of public service missions, which demand reflection on these inequalities as well as on those inequalities derived therefrom. There is a layering of places and forms of inequality which invites a rethink of the discursive variations between the maintenance of public service and the development of services for every section of the public. Proposals are made to improve equality of access to care and health for everyone, everywhere, so that principles of solidarity and fraternity no longer be called into question. This set of proposals could allow a return to a public service, effectively addressing such 21st century challenges as the reduction of inequalities. With the patient rights issue at its heart, this work on public health territory guarantees equality of access to care and health, illustrating the territorialisation of health policy. This means, of course, that the territorialisation dynamic concerns all public policy.

Quelle nation se cache derrière les nations française et américaine ? Aux prises avec la diversité ethnoculturelle de leurs populations, ces deux entités nationales semblent à la fois fortifiées et fragilisées par cette hétérogénéité intrinsèque. Dans ce cadre, la place du droit, source et objet de gestion, se pose avec acuité, ambitionnant l'articulation entre le développement de la nation en tant qu'unité de référence et le respect de la diversité en tant que reconnaissance des identités différenciées. La France et les Etats-Unis, Etats-nations républicains, sont souvent présentés comme deux archétypes ayant engendré des modèles sociaux, politiques et juridiques antagoniques ou en tout cas différents. Toutefois, on peut considérer que loin d'être opposables, les deux pays ont développé une approche juridique similaire de la diversité ethnoculturelle dans le cadre national. L'histoire de la construction nationale dans les deux cadres de référence montre le développement empirique de ces nations avec et par la diversité. Ainsi, en France comme aux Etats-Unis, l'appréhension des différenciations des origines et des statuts des personnes a induit une prise en considération normative, consacrant un ancrage de la diversité dans le système juridique. L'articulation des principes républicains fondateurs des deux nations couplé à la diversité, a généré un système complexe oscillant entre différentialisme et aveuglement aux différences. Néanmoins, l'analyse des référentiels français et américain questionne la nécessité d'une reconnaissance juridique accrue de la diversité ethnoculturelle en tant que condition de l'unité nationale / On observing France and the USA, a question arises: what kind of nation lies behind each? For both, inherent heterogeneousness leads to ethnic and cultural issues which are sources of strength but also of weakness. Here, the law both as a source and a tool appears to accurately link together the nations' development and the respect of diversity. Therefore, when analyzing the French and American models it is necessary to acknowledge within the extents and constraints of the law the ethnocultural diversity as a condition of national unity. France and the USA, who are both nations and republics, are often presented as examples of two specific nations that have created two opposite or at least different models of societies, politics and legal systems. Nevertheless, they do not appear as different when considering their legal models since they have created similar approaches to ethnocultural diversity within a national system. The French and American legal models referring to ethnic and cultural diversity lead us to consider the development of these two nations with and through diversity. The difference of origins and status has led to setting a standard of diversity in the law system. Even if diversity is not a stated constitutional principle, it had become an implicit canon. As one result, the founding republican principles of these two nations have been integrated over the last decade into a complex legal system vacillating between considering and refusing differences. In this sense, we can argue that taking into account diversity helps the improvement of a nation's unity by redefining the social contract

La gestion d’une entreprise expose l’employeur au risque de discrimination. Dans son acception originelle, la notion de discrimination vise les distinctions reposant sur un critère illicite. La mise en oeuvre effective de la prohibition des discriminations amène le juge à exiger de l’employeur qu’il justifie de façon pertinente ses décisions. L’entreprise est sommée de développer des outils lui permettant d’apprécier de manière objective les compétences de ses salariés. Au-delà de cet objectif initial, la lutte contre les discriminations doit dorénavant faciliter l’intégration d’un public défavorisé. Les notions d’égalité professionnelle, de diversité, d’actions positives et de discriminations indirectes font aujourd’hui parti du vocabulaire des entreprises. Bien qu’elles ne disposent pas toujours de leviers d’action efficaces pour agir, les pouvoirs publics les contraignent à négocier sur certains thèmes pour résorber les inégalités. L’employeur responsable ne peut ignorer cette métamorphose du concept de discrimination. Il doit déterminer les nouvelles frontières de ce risque afin de mettre en oeuvre les dispositifs adéquats pour faire obstacle à sa réalisation. / Managing a company incurs a risk of discrimination for the employer. In its original meaning, the notion of discrimination refers to distinctions based on an illegal criterion. To be effective, the prohibition of discriminations brings the judge to require that the employer give pertinent justifications of his/her decisions. The company is compelled to develop means of assessing in an objective manner employees’ professional skills. Beyond this initial objective, the fight against discriminations must now ease the integration of disadvantaged populations. The notions of equal access to employment, diversity, affirmative action and indirect discrimination are now part of companies’ vocabulary. Though companies do not always have effective leverage for action, public authorities force them to negotiate on certain subjects in order to reduce inequalities. A responsible employer cannot ignore this radical change in the concept of discrimination. He/she must now setthe new boundaries to this risk so as to implement adequate means to prevent its materializing.

Existe-t-il un pluralisme démocratique, une démocratie différente de celle des normes « occidentales » ? C’est la question que nous nous sommes posés dans notre recherche, en partant sur une hypothèse affirmative, dans un contexte spécifique qui est celui de l’alliance communément contestée entre démocratie et religion. Nous avons décidé de nous pencher sur les démocraties du Proche-Orient, sur leurs particularismes liés au rapport étroit qui existe dans ces pays entre politique et religion. Les pays de la région qui sembleraient à nos yeux les plus démocratiques à ce jour sont le Liban, Israël (en incluant une étude des Territoires palestiniens également), et la Turquie. En tenant pour principes démocratiques l’égalité et la liberté, présents dans leurs constitutions respectives, nous avons décidé d’étudier les spécificités de chaque pays ; celui d’être un Etat confessionnel pour le Liban, un Etat Juif pour Israël, un Etat sans Etat pour les Territoires palestiniens, un Etat à la fois laïc, turc, et islamique pour la Turquie. Il existe des failles démocratiques dans chacun de ses Etats, que nous avons mises en évidence, tout comme des évolutions positives. Le nationalisme présent dans chacun de ces pays est particulièrement prononcé, selon les différentes communautés d’appartenances, ce qui fait de l’appartenance ethnique principale une appartenance nationale ; d’où notre choix ambitieux d’appeler ces Etats des démocraties ethniques, se basant sur l’ethnos (l’appartenance communautaire du peuple). C’est aussi en raison de cette condition qu’ils connaissent surtout des lacunes vis-à-vis de la reconnaissance d’autres appartenances, leurs minorités respectives. / Does a democratic pluralism exist, implying a democracy different from the "Western" standards? Based on a positive assumption, this is the question that we attempt to answer to in this research within a specific framework, namely the commonly contested alliance between democracy and religion. We have decided to study Middle-Eastern democracies with their specificities related to the narrow link that exists in those countries between politics and religion. The countries of the area that seemed, as of today, the most democratic to us are Lebanon, Israel (including a study of the Palestinian Territories) and Turkey. Based on the democratic principles of Equality and Liberty, also present in their respective constitutions, we have decided to look into the specificities of each country; such as being a confessional state for Lebanon, a Jewish state for Israel, a state without a state for the Palestinian Territories and a state being at the same time secular, Turkish and Islamic for Turkey. In each of these countries there are democratic flaws that we have highlighted, as well as positive evolutions. The Nationalism present in each of these countries is particularly pronounced according to the different communities to which one belongs, which leads the main ethnic to become a national identification, hence our ambitious choice to name these states ethnic democracies based on the ethnos (people's identification to a community). It is also because of this specificity that they encounter weaknesses towards the recognition of other identifications such as their respective minorities.

La faculté de travailler et les droits qui se rattachent à l’exercice d’une activité professionnelle par les femmes résultent d’une longue évolution juridique en France comme au Cameroun et en dépit de la reconnaissance du droit au travail, diverses entraves subsistent et génèrent des discriminations. Les discriminations sont tantôt de fait, et trouvent alors leur fondement dans des mentalités rétrogrades, tantôt de droit et se traduisent par des insuffisances juridiques. Les outils juridiques de promotion des droits des femmes au travail et de la lutte contre toute forme de discrimination professionnelle ne sont pas totalement identiques en France et au Cameroun. Mais, les acquis d’un pays pourraient parfaitement être transposés dans l’autre pays. / The ability to work and the rights that go with women exercising a professional activity are the result of lengthy legal developments both in France and Cameroon. Despite recognition of this right to work, various constraints persist and give rise to discrimination. Discrimination is sometimes de facto, in which case it is based in retrograde attitudes, and sometimes it is legal, in which case it is manifested in legal shortcomings. The legal tools used to promote women’s rights at work and to fight against all forms of professional discrimination are not completely identical in France and Cameroon. Nevertheless, the gains of one country can be perfectly transposed onto the other.

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Doctorat en sciences sociales, politiques et économiques / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

La thèse prend pour objet d'étude les institutions du droit des contrats dotées d'un effet rétroactif (nullité, résolution pour inexécution, condition suspensive ou résolutoire, ratification, etc.). Bien que menée en droit belge, la recherche s'appuie également sur des éléments de droit comparé empruntés principalement aux droits allemand, français et néerlandais. Elle vise à démontrer deux hypothèses.<p><p>Premièrement, elle tend à montrer que la rétroactivité n'est pas une notion conceptuelle, dont la signification serait donnée a priori en sorte qu'elle pourrait être déduite sur un mode purement logique de sa définition, mais bien une notion fonctionnelle dont la portée dépend du but en vue duquel elle est utilisée. La portée de l'effet rétroactif varie donc toujours selon l'institution examinée.<p><p>Deuxièmement, la thèse vise à établir que le principe constitutionnel d'égalité constitue un instrument efficace permettant de corriger certaines divergences de régime entre les institutions rétroactives, sans pour autant abolir toute différence entre elles. / Doctorat en Sciences juridiques / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

In the first chapter of this thesis, we investigate the impact of human capital and wage structure on the gender pay in a panel of European countries using a newly available and appropriate database for cross-country comparisons and a comparable methodology for each country. <p><p>Our first question is :What role do certain individual characteristics and choices of working men and women play in shaping the cross-country differences in the gender pay gap? What is the exact size of the gender pay gap using the “more appropriate” database available for our purpose? Giving that there are mainly only two harmonized data-sets for comparing gender pay gap throughout Europe: the European Community Household Panel (ECHP) and the European Structure of Earning Survey (ESES). Each database having its shortages: the main weakness of the ECHP is the lack of perfect reliability of the data in general and of wages in particular. However the main advantage of this database is the panel-data dimension and the information on both households and individuals. The data of the ESES is, on the contrary, of a very high standard but it only covers the private sector and has a cross-sectional dimension. Furthermore only few countries are currently available :Denmark, Belgium, Spain, Ireland and Italy. <p>We use the European Structure of Earning Survey (ESES) to analyse international differences in gender pay gaps in the private sector based on a sample of five European economies: Belgium, Denmark, Ireland, Italy and Spain. Using different methods, we examine how wage structures, differences in the distribution of measured characteristics and occupational segregation contribute to and explain the pattern of international differences. Furthermore, we take account of the fact that indirect discrimination may influence female occupational distributions. We find these latter factors to have a significant impact on gender wage differentials. However, the magnitude of their effect varies across countries.<p><p>In the second chapter, we analyse the persistence of the gender pay differentials over time in Europe and better test the productivity hypothesis by taking into account unobserved heterogeneity. <p><p>Our second question is :What is the evolution of the pay differential between men and women over a period of time in Europe? And what is the impact of unobserved heterogeneity? <p>The researcher here provides evidence on the effects of unobserved individual heterogeneity on estimated gender pay differentials. Using the European Community Household Panel (ECHP), we present a cross-country comparison of the evolution of unadjusted and adjusted gender pay gaps using both cross-section and panel-data estimation techniques. The analysed countries differ greatly with respect to labour market legislation, bargaining practices structure of earnings and female employment rates. On adjusting for unobserved heterogeneity, we find a narrowed male-female pay differential, as well as significantly different rates of return on individual characteristics. In particularly, the adjusted wage differential decreases by 7 per cent in Belgium, 14 per cent in Ireland, between 20-30 per cent Germany, Italy, the Netherlands and Spain and of 41 per cent and 54 per cent in the UK and in Denmark respectively. <p><p>In the third chapter, we investigate causes of the gender pay gap beyond the gender differences in observed and unobserved productive characteristics or simply the sex. Explanations of the gender pay gap may be the penalty women face for having children. Obviously, the motherhood wage penalty is relevant to larger issues of gender inequality given that most women are mothers and that childrearing remains a women’s affair. Thus, any penalty associated with motherhood but not with fatherhood affects many women and as such contributes to gender inequalities as the gender pay gap. Furthermore, the motherhood wage effect may be different along the wage distribution as women with different earnings may not be equal in recognising opportunities to reconcile their mother’s and earner’s role. This brings us to our third question. <p><p>Our third question is :What is the wage effect for mothers of young children in the household? And does it vary along the wage distribution of women?<p>This chapter provides more insight into the effect of the presence of young children on women’s wages. We use individual data from the ECHP (1996-2001) and both a generalised linear model (GLM) and quantile regression (QR) techniques to estimate the wage penalty/bonus associated with the presence of children under the age of sixteen for mothers in ten EU Member States. We also correct for potential selection bias using the Heckman (1979) correction term in the GLM (at the mean) and a selectivity correction term in the quantile regressions. To distinguish between mothers according to their age at the time of their first birth, wage estimations are carried out, separately, for mothers who had their first child before the age of 25 (‘young mothers’) and mothers who had their first child after the age of 25 (‘old mothers’). Our results suggest that on average young mothers earn less than non-mothers while old mothers obtain a gross wage bonus in all countries. These wage differentials are mainly due to differences in human capital, occupational segregation and, to a lesser extent, sectoral segregation between mothers and non-mothers. This overall impact of labour market segregation, suggests a “crowding” explanation of the family pay gap – pay differential between mothers and non-mothers. Nevertheless, the fact that we still find significant family pay gaps in some countries after we control for all variables of our model suggests that we cannot reject the “taste-based” explanation of the family gap in these countries. Our analysis of the impact of family policies on the family pay gap across countries has shown that parental leave and childcare policies tend to decrease the pay differential between non-mothers and mothers. Cash and tax benefits, on the contrary, tend to widen this pay differential. Sample selection also affects the level of the mother pay gap at the mean and throughout the wage distribution in most countries. Furthermore, we find that in most countries inter-quantile differences in pay between mothers and non-mothers are mainly due to differences in human-capital. Differences in their occupational and sectoral segregation further shape these wage differentials along the wage distribution in the UK, Germany and Portugal in our sample of young mothers and in Spain in the sample of old mothers.<p><p>In the fourth chapter, we analyse the combined effect of motherhood and the family status on women’s wage.<p> <p>Our fourth question is :Is there a lone motherhood pay gap in Europe? And does it vary along the wage distribution of mothers?<p>Substantial research has been devoted to the analysis of poverty and income gaps between households of different types. The effects of family status on wages have been studied to a lesser extent. In this chapter, we present a selectivity corrected quantile regression model for the lone motherhood pay gap – the differential in hourly wage between lone mothers and those with partners. We used harmonized data from the European Community Household Panel and present results for a panel of European countries. We found evidence of lone motherhood penalties and bonuses. In our analysis, most countries presented higher wage disparities at the top of the wage distribution rather than at the bottom or at the mean. Our results suggest that cross-country differences in the lone motherhood pay gap are mainly due to differences in observed and unobserved characteristics between partnered mothers and lone mothers, differences in sample selection and presence of young children in the household. We also investigated other explanations for these differences such as the availability and level of childcare arrangements, the provision of gender-balanced leave and the level of child benefits and tax incentives. As expected, we have found significant positive relationship between the pay gap between lone and partnered mothers and the childcare, take-up and cash and tax benefits policies. Therefore improving these family policies would reduce the raw pay gap observed. <p> / Doctorat en Sciences économiques et de gestion / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished